

Hi' •«(' H '•(}«') mJ • ») **• 

p«i V |*»•* * 

'jlll «'«IMH> H (>V V l> , ‘’ 





























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































I 


\ 

i 

I 

' 

I 


j 

• 

i 

j 

I 


t 

I 

I 


I 





Z/iVI’. 


N s. iv. ♦ 




W//V< 


JMA.P OT 

CUMBERLAND & FRANKLIN. 

A> refoied to in Kmnseyfc Annuls ol‘ ’lonnossf: 
k’n//t V7/vv/ /o' // firnt on /'hnrir.r/rn . VY 
/•rr/tn/ns/yZr s<fnnn t s r/‘ Trim/‘.r.rrr 




' t H 






































THE 

ANNALS 

• " _ ■ 

l'- 

OF 

TENNESSEE 

TO THE 

END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: 

COMPRISING ITS SETTLEMENT, 

AS 

THE WATAUGA ASSOCIATION, 

FROM 1769 TO 1777; 

A PART OF NORTH-CAROLINA, 

FROM 1777 TO 1784; 

THE STATE OF FRANKLIN, 

FROM 1784 TO 1788; 

A PART OF NORTH-CAROLINA, 

FROM 1788 TO 1790; 


l'HE TERRITORY OF THE U. STATES, SOUTH OF THE OHIO, 

FROM 1790 TO 1796; 


THE STATE OF TENNESSEE, 

FROM 1796 TO 1800. 


/ 

J. G. M. RAMSEY, A.M., M.D. 

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY OP THE EAST TENNESSEE HISTORICAL AND ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY: 
HONOURARY MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA; 
CORRESPONDING MEMBER ©F THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, ETC. 


CHARLESTON: 

JOHN RUSSELL, 256 KING-STREET. 

1853. 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by 
J. G. M. RAMSEY, M.D. 

In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Eastern District of Tennea* 


CHARLESTON: 

STEAM POWER PRESS OF WALKER JAMES, 
No. 3 Broad-Street. 









DEDICATION 


TO THE SURVIVING PIONEERS OF TENNESSEE, 

I 

WHOSE ENTERPRISE SUBDUED HER DOMAIN, AND WHOSE VALOUR DEFENDED IT, 

MOST gratefully; 

TO THEIR IMMEDIATE SUCCESSORS, 

WHOSE PATRIOTISM, WISDOM AND VIRTUE, PROVIDED FOR AND BEQUEATHED TO POSTERITY, THE 
PATRIMONIAL BLESSINGS AND WISE INSTITUTIONS OF LIBERTY, OF LAW, OF LEARNING 

AND RELIGION, 


MOST dutifully; 

TO THE YOUNG MEN OF TENNESSEE, 

INHERITING SO MUCH THAT IS ESTIMABLE, MANLY, VIRTUOUS AND PATRIOTIC, 

AND 

i, 

TO WHOSE GUARDIANSHIP, FILIAL PIETY, ANCESTRAL AND STATE PRIDE, 

ARE COMMITTED 

*HE PRESERVATION OF HER UNSTAINED ESCUTCHEON, HER ANCIENT FAME, HER HEROIC 
EXAMPLE, HER SOVEREIGNTY, IIER CHARACTER AND HER GLORY— 

HER HIGH DESTINY AND FUTURE IMPROVEMENT— 

MOST confidently; 

“Let no mean hope your souls enslave; 

Be independent, generous, brave; 

Your fathers such example gave, 

And such revere!” 

Is tills Volume Dedicated, by their fellow-citizen’. 


THE AUTHOR. 


Charleston, S. C., February 22d, 1853. 





% 




PREFACE. 


The writer is one of the first-born of the sons of the State of Ten¬ 
nessee. If this seniority brings with it none of the rights of primoge¬ 
niture, it certainly has imposed the duty of filial veneration and regard 
for the land of his nativity. With this devotion to his State, and to its 
worthy pioneers, has always been united the deep regret, that their 
early history has been so little known, and is now almost forgotten. 
Oppressed by this feeling, and impelled by the desire to revive and pre¬ 
serve the knowledge of past events in Tennessee, he determined, many 
years since, to collect such incidents of her history as were within his 
reach. At first, his object was merely to occupy, in these researches, 
the leisure hours which could be spared from professional engagements; 
but he soon discovered, that by extending his labours, he might add to 
his own pleasure, the high gratification of contributing something, how¬ 
ever humble, to the historical literature of the day, and thus do a ser¬ 
vice, at least, to the people of his own State. 

For the collection of the materials of such a work, he has had some 
peculiar facilities. His boyhood and his youth were spent with the 
pioneer and the emigrant. Later in life, he has not been without some 
share of intercourse, with the public men and principal actors in the 
early settlement of the country. His opportunity of conferring with 
many of them, has not been infrequent, and has been sedulously im¬ 
proved. He became, whilst yet a young man, the possessor of the 
journal and papers of his deceased father, the late Col. F. A. Ramsey— 
a pioneer of the country, whose life was identified with its interests, at 
every period of its growth, up to the time of his death, in 1820. He 
has, since, become the depositary of the papers of Sevier, of Shelby, 



VI 


PREFACE. 


the Blounts, and other public men. His position as Corresponding Sec¬ 
retary of the East Tennessee Historical and Antiquarian Society, has given 
him the advantage of its collections and correspondence. In addition to 
these sources of valuable information, he has availed himself of others. 
The records of all the old Franklin Counties have been patiently ex¬ 
amined by him. He has also visited the Capitals of Georgia, North- 
Carolina, and Virginia, and, by the courtesy of Governor Towns, Go¬ 
vernor Reed, and Governor Floyd, of these States, has been allowed free 
access to the Public Archives at Milledgeville, Raleigh, and Richmond, 
from which has been procured, all that they contain on the subjects of 
his research. The Archives of Tennessee, preserved in the office of 
the Secretary of State at Nashville, he has also examined. Private 
and public libraries, the offices at Washington, and the periodical jour¬ 
nals of the day—all sources, within the writer’s reach, likely to contri¬ 
bute to his purpose, and add to the perfection of his work, have 
been carefully examined and culled from. 

Haywood’s History of Tennessee is the authority for many events 
detailed herein. In several instances, corrections and additions, impor¬ 
tant and valuable, have been made. 

In the narratives—verbal and written—of the old soldiers and pio¬ 
neers, and in the matter furnished by authors, correspondents, and 
public documents, the language of the original narrator is often re 
tained, though his statements are very much abridged and condensed. 
The usual marks of quotation have not, therefore, been always given. 

On some of the subjects of the volume, the writer may be charged 
with unnecessary prolixity. He has not felt at liberty to withhold the 
minutiae of some of the topics, now published for the first time. The 
perishable condition in which they are found, in old and nearly illegible 
manuscripts, exposes them to an early destruction. 

The biography of General Robertson and General Joseph Martin 
would have been more minutely given, but that their private files had 
been placed in the hands of L. C. Draper, Esq., of Wisconsin. This 
is the less to be regretted, as that competent writer has promised, in 
addition to the lives of these Tennessee pioneers, those of many West¬ 
ern adventurers, which cannot fail to make a valuable contribution to 


PREFACE. 


VII 


the biographical literature of the West. He has been indefatigable in 
the procurement of material for such a work. Its publication may be 
expected within the next year. 

The space devoted in this volume, to that section of Tennessee east 
of Cumberland Mountain, will not be considered disproportionate, when 
it is recollected, that it had a priority of ten years in its settlement; 
that in it .were conducted the more important negotiations and treaties 
with the Indians; and that the scenes of the Revolution—as participated 
in by the Western soldiery—the Franklin Revolt and Administration ; 
the Organization of the Territorial Government, and that of the State 
of Tennessee, all occurred within its limits. 

Thus much as to the plan and materials of the work, and the sources 
from which they have been drawn. As to the manner of it, the writer 
only further adds, that, earlier in life, it had been his ambition and his 
design, to have made it, not only more creditable to himself, but, which 
he desired much more, worthier of Tennessee and her patriotic and 
chivalrous sons. In the vain hope, and under the fond illusion, that 
some future day would allow him the necessary leisure to do so, he has 
postponed the preparation of these sheets several years. The pressure 
of other engagements—some of them in the service of Tennessee— 
some, more private, but not less imperative—has dispelled the youth¬ 
ful illusion, that, after his half century was passed, life would be without 
care or active employment, and has brought with it the conviction, that, 
if his work shall be published at all, it must be done in its present 
shape—written always currente calamo —at intervals of time, snatched 
from the continued succession of professional and public duties, and 
with little opportunity to revise or perfect it. In that condition, and 
under these circumstances, the volume now goes to press. Scarcely 
has a single page been re-written. 

Many of the Sevier papers, and all those of Governor Willie Blount, 
being in the writer’s possession, should the public voice seem to demand 
a continuation of these Annals, to a more recent period, the materials 
being on hand, or within reach, a second volume will be prepared. 
The administration of Governor Blount, covering the period of the 
Creek War, and that of 1812, with England, is an exceedingly interest- 


VIII 


PREFACE. 


ing period in the Annals of the Volunteer State. Since that time, the 
history of Tennessee has continued to he equally important, and is 
now national and fully identified with the history of the United States. 

The writer cannot omit this opportunity of returning his thanks to 
such of his correspondents, in Tennessee and elsewhere, as have not 
been specifically mentioned in the volume, for their assistance in col¬ 
and furnishing material for the work. 

The Hon. Mitchell King, during the publication of the volume, has 
politely opened to the writer’s use his large library and extensive col¬ 
lection of maps. Professor Dickson, of the Medical College of South- 
Carolina, and an honourary member of the East Tennessee Historical 
and Antiquarian Society, has, heretofore, presented to its collections 
several valuable works on the history of his State, and her early wars 
with the Indians of the interior. Both of these gentlemen have, from 
the first conception of this undertaking, given to the writer, under 
many and great discouragements, their friendly advice and countenance. 
To each of them, and to the members and officers of the Charleston 
Library, to whose privileges he was politely introduced, the writer begs 
here to make his acknowledgments. 

The size of this volume has excluded much that had been intended 
for the Appendix. 

Conscious, as he is, of the imperfections of his performance, the 
writer persuades himself, that he has rendered some acceptable service 
to Tennessee, in his attempt, thus, to perpetuate her Annals, and illus¬ 
trate the actions of her people. Consoled with this reflection, he con¬ 
fides it to his countrymen. 

-“Si quid novisti rectius istis 

Candidus imperti; si non, his utere mecum.” 

J. G. M. RAMSEY. 



Mecklenburg, 

Near Knoxville, Tenn., Nov. 16,1852. 



CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER I. 

DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION OF TENNESSEE. 

Cabot sees the coast of North Carolina; invasion of Narvaez; is shipwrecked 
Ferdinand De Soto ; his army ; he invades Florida; defied by Acuera; arrives at 
Ocali; Vitachuco’s village described ; De Soto fortifies Anchayea and goes into 
winter quarters ; resumes march ; passes the mountains near Choualla ; reaches 
Talisse. Battle of Alibamo and of Chisca ; Indian council. De Soto and his 
army approach and cross the Mississippi, near Chickasaw Bluff. French ascend 
the St. Lawrence. Raleigh lands in N. Carolina ; his patent from Queen Eliza¬ 
beth. Jamestown laid off. First representative body in America; self-government 
provided for. Alleghanies first crossed ; Marquette and Joliet descend the Missis¬ 
sippi ; first cabin and fort in Tennessee, built at the present Memphis. Charlestown 
laid off; Culpeper’s rebellion, Albemarle independent; Bacon’s rebellion, Carolina 
divided. First store in Tennessee, established at the present Nashville ; Paducah 
built; Tenassee chief town ; Fort Assumption built; treaty with the Cherokees. 
Fort Prince George, Fort Loudon and Long Island Fort built ; Fort Loudon 
threatened ; Prince George attacked. Col. Montgomery invades the Cherokees ; 
surrender of Fort Loudon ; massacre of its garrison ; escape of Capt. Stuart. Col. 
Grant invades the Cherokees, and conquers them. Tennessee visited by traders ; 
Dr. Walker passes Cumberland Gap ; Daniel Boone’s arrival—his camp ; Walker 
hunts on Clinch ; Smith explores Cumberland ; Findley passes through East 
Tennessee. The king forbids western grants ; most of Tennessee unoccupied by 
Indians ; aboriginal claims; treaty of FortStanwix; first cession of lands in 
Tennessee. The Shawnees, Chickasaws, Uchees, Cherokees ; their mines ; their 
martial spirit; Chota, their city of refuge. Beauty and euphony of Indian names 
of rivers and mountains in Tennessee ; great Indian path described ; tumuli and 
other remains ; traditions. ------- Page 13-91 


CHAPTER II. 

WATAUGA. 

Watau&a ; first permanent settlement in Tennessee. Christian, Anderson and 
Sawyers explore East Tennessee ; station at French Lick. Rains explores 
Cumberland ; discontents in North-Carolina ; landing of the stamps prevented. 
The Regulators defeated at Alamance ; treaty of Lochaber. James Robertson 
arrives on Watauga ; his character ; Lower Cumberland explored. Watanga 
forms articles of association, and a court; character of John Sevier; lease to 
Watauga from Cherokees ; Brown’s lease and settlement of Nollichucky ; wis¬ 
dom and intrepidity of Robertson. Boone attacked in a defile ; great nautical 
adventure ; expedition to Kenhawa. Capt. Shelby’s volunteers ; desperate 
battle; heroic charge of Sawyers. Purchase by Henderson & Co.,of Transyl- 



X 


CONTENTS. 


vania ; eloquent speeoh of Oconostota ; purchase of Watauga; its land office ; 
names of first patentees ; Brown’s principality. Parliamentary taxation ; colonies 
oppose it; martial spirit of the people ; Hooper foretells independence ; provin 
cial congress meets at Newbern ; end of royal government in North-Carolina. 
Mecklenberg declares independence ; Dr. Brevard; a whig congress controls 
South-Carolina, and recommends independence ; currency ol North-Carolina. 
Watauga association petitions to be annexed to North-Carolina ; the petitioners 
names ; is represented in the provincial congress, at Halifax, by Sevier, Carter, 
Haile and Robertson. Residences of the pioneers of Watauga ; first mills erected* 
in Tennessee; commencement of Cherokee hostility. Another Pocahontas, 
Nancy Ward ; test oath administered to tories; description of a station. Stuart’s 
letter to the frontier people; Williams’disclosures of a threatened invasion; 
express carries Sevier’s letter ; plan of Cherokee invasion. Volunteers assemble 
at Heaton’s ; battle of the island flats ; official report ; Lieut. Moore’s conflict 
with a brave ; Watauga Fort attacked ; Indians repulsed ; Mrs Bean’s captivity; 
Sevier attempts the rescue of Moore ; the Raven : Rev. Cummins attacked ; 
Creswell killed ; a frontier congregation. Invasion of Cherokees by Me Bury. 
Jack Williamson, Rutherford and Christian ; army of the latter rendezvous at 
Long Island—marches—wades the French Broad ; crosses Tennessee; peace, 
New flood of emigrants ; treaty of Long Island ; Chickamaugas refuse to sign 
the treaty; Watauga dynasty terminates, and the rule of North-Carolina begins. 

Page 92-174 


CHAPTER III. 

TENNESSEE AS A PART OF NORTH-CAROLINA. 

Tennessee, as a part of North Carolina, and the participation of her pioneers in 
the revolutionary war ; character of the pioneers ; reinlorcem nts from Ilolston, 
to Boonsborough. Warm springs discovered. Summary punishment of tones ; 
their property confiscated. Fi'st records of Washington county ; first Christian 
ministers. Captain Robertson’s agency to the Indians ; description of the passage 
of the Tennessee river through the Cumberland mountains, and of the cave of 
Nickajack, and of the Narrows ; these resorted to by banditti ; the Algiers of the 
West; Col. Shelby’s rapid descent upon these miscreants ; their defeat. Chick" 
amauga expedition ; the return of the adventurers by land. Jonesborourgh the 
oldest town in Tennessee; Sullivan county laid off'; Cumberland further explored. 
Arrival of Captain De Mumbrune ; first plantation on Cumberland. Robertson’s 
first colony at the Lick ; his second colony ; forts and block houses there. 
Journal of “ the Adventure passes the Narrows; is fired upon by Indians ; 
intrepidity of Mrs. Jennings ; attack on the fleet, below the “Muscle Shoals ;” 
happy meeting of the voyagers with the colonists at the Lick. Extreme dearth 
on the frontier; their exposed condition; permanent settlement at the Bluff'; 
ancient remains on Cumberland. The revolutionary war ; capitulation of 
Charleston ; Clarke gallantly attacks the enemy ; Gen. Rutherford calls for the 
western riflemen ; meeting of Col. Sevier and his commissioned officers. Col. 
Shelby and his riflemen ; capture of Col. Moore ; measures to embody the 
loyalists ; Col. Ferguson secures the allegiance of the inhabitants of Shelby and 
Clarke; Cedar Spring defeat; battle at Musgrove’s Mill; death of Capt. Inman ; 
Americans retire across the mountain; depressed condition of the American cause. 


C0NTENT8. 


XI 


Cornwallis advances to Charlotte; Ferguson takes post at Rutherfordton. Sevier 
and Shelby appeal to the western volunteers ; patriotism of Mrs. Sevier, and of 
Squire Adair ; co-operation of Col. Campbell. The rendezvous of the riflemen 
at Watauga , Campbell, Shelby, Sevier and M’Dowell; their mien and deport¬ 
ment ; divine protection implored. Army marches ; ascends and crosses the 
Alleghany by Bright’s trace, joined by Cleveland. Ferguson retreats from 
Gilberttown and retires before the riflemen, who approach the enemy’s camp, on 
King’s Mountain, and surround it and attack Ferguson’s camp ; desperate courage 
of Ferguson and his death ; plan of the battle; Col. Williams’ heroic charge; 
monument at King’s Mountain . minor details of the battle ; Col. Cruger’s letter 
in cypher. Return of the riflemen ; official report; the expedition was patriotic 
and eminently successful; hunting shirt of the volunteers; results of Ferguson’s 
defeat. Cornwallis’ rapid retreat; swords presented to Shelby and Sevier ; they 
are again called into the field. Gen. Greene’s descent into South-Carolina; 
Sevier again crosses the mountain, and with Shelby joins Marion, and captures a 
British post. Return to Marion’s camp; Shelby attends as a member of the 
legislature at Salem, N. C. Gov. Rutledge convenes the legislature of South- 
Carolina. Vindication of the western riflemen; civil government restored. Sevier 
despatches Capt. Russell to the frontier; Sevier’s Cherokee expedition ; battle of 
Boyd’s creek ; combat between Sevier and an Indian brave ; Col. Campbell 
reinforces Sevier, and with him penetrates the Cherokee country. Hiwassee 
evacuated; negotiation at Chota. Sevier reaches Tuckasejah ; Major Martin 
scours Clinch ; Governor Martin’s order to Sevier ; Talk of the Old Tassel. 
Sevier again invades the Cherokees; Jack and Rankin go to Coiatee. Captain 
White promotes peace ; boundary fixed; Greene county established. Colonel 
Ramsey and others explore the country ; Armstrong’s land office opened; treaty. 
Progress of improvement; new court house at Jonesboro. - Page 175-281 


CHAPTER IV. 

THE STATE OF FRANKLIN. 

Independence of the United States acknowledged ; the debt incurred by the revo¬ 
lutionary war ; States endeavour to relieve the indebtedness, by cessions to 
congress of their unappropriated lands ; North-Carolina cedes the country now 
known as Tennessee. Complaints of the western counties ; are reduced to a 
state of political orphanage ; a convention is chosen ; meets at Jonesboro ; 
committee reports and proposes separation from North-Carolina ; yeas and nays; 
report concurred in ; new convention breaks up in confusion. Gen. Sevier 
dissuades from separation; his letter. Deputies chosen to another convention; 
meets at Jonesboro ; Gen. Sevier chosen president, and F. A. Ramsey secretary; 
opened with prayer. Legislature of Franklin chosen ; meets and passes laws 
for the new commonwealth ; its judiciary ; list of acts passed ; new counties 
established ; Sevier chosen governor ; council of state ; other officers of Franklin; 
its currency; it negotiates treaty with the Cherokees ; condition of new state. 
Death of Untoola ; killed by Hubbard. Gov. Martin sends Major Henderson 
to the disaffected counties; his mission to Cherokees; his instructions. Gov. 
Sevier announces the separation and independence of Franklin. Gov. Martin 
issues his manifesto ; explains the cession act and the cause of its repeal; imputes 


XII 


C O NTENTS. 


sinister designs to the insurgents ; threatens the revolters; effects of the mani¬ 
festo in Franklin. Gov. Sevier issues a counter manifesto in explanation of the 
revolt ; Gov. Caswell’s reply, which draws from Sevier further vindication. 
Major Martin writes to Caswell, inclosing talks from Chota ; disaffection reaches 
Virginia. Gov. Henry’s message; boundaries ol Frankland; constitution pre¬ 
pared by Mr. Houston; offered in convention and rejected; that constitution; 
declaration of rights; qualification for membership ; election of officers given 
to the people ; duties of governor and council ; freemen to elect registers, magis¬ 
trates ; provision made for a university; disputes to be settled by arbitration. 
Gen. Cocke as commissioner to congress from Franklin ; Greeneville the seat of 
government. Treaty of Hopewell ; Cherokee boundary. Elections held in 
Franklin, of members to North-Carolina legislature ; civil and military officers 
of Franklin. War with the Cherokees ; valley towns destroyed. Col. Martin’s 
letter; commissioners form the Coyatee treaty ; negotiation at Chota Ford trans¬ 
ferred to Coyatee. The treaty; mission of Judge Campbell and Gen. Cocke; 
Gov. Sevier to Gov. Caswell, accrediting his commissioners ; Judge Campbell’s 
written argument. Gen. Cocke’s address to North-Carolina assembly ; patheti¬ 
cally recounts the trials and makes vindication of the Franks. Removal of old 
officers draws from Judge Campbell a further remonstrance ; conflicts between 
the old and new states. Gen. Shelby confers with Gov. Sevier ; terms of the 
compromise ; a temporary quiet restored. Col. Martin to Gov. Caswell ; Cas¬ 
well to Sevier ; Sevier’s reply ; conciliatory letter from Caswell ; Gen. Shelby 
advises energetic measures. Letters from Cols. Hutchings and Bledsoe ; Gov. 
Caswell dissuades from violence, and addresses the malcontents ; popular dis¬ 
content appeased. Progress of settlement south of French Broad: stations in 
Sevier and Blount. Heroism of Mrs. M’Ewen ; Gillaim’s station erected at 
the present Mecklenburgh ; Mrs. Gillespie’s wonderful presence of mind. White 
and Conner settle the future Knoxville ; the rural beauty of its environs. Camp¬ 
bell’s station. Foreign affairs of Franklin ; law of the State of Franklin ; the 
manner of promulgating its laws. Projected invasion of the Creek country. 
Elholm’s embassy to Georgia ; daring feat of Elholm. Franklin negotiates with 
Georgia to march against Creeks ; action of the Georgia authorities. Sevier 
elected member of the Cincinnati; letters encouraging Sevier from Col. Clarke, 
Col. Downs and Doctor Franklin. Proceedings in Washington county assume 
a serious aspect; Sevier invites the mediation of Georgia, and writes to its 
assembly. Gov. Sevier to Gov. Matthews; Cols. Robertson and Bledsoe to 
Sevier. Major Elholm’s project; Col. F. A. Ramsey commissioner from Frank¬ 
lin to North-Carolina. Elholm’s further embassy to Georgia ; its success; 
rejoicings in Franklin at the alliance with Georgia. Sevier’s circular to the 
Franklin militia. Western prejudice against Spain. Decline of the Franklin 
government; last Franklin legislature; its increasing debility; civil disturb¬ 
ances. Sevier and Tipton ; Sevier marches against Tipton, and besieges him 
in his own house ; rally of the clans ; besieging forces retire from Tipton’s ; 
Pugh is killed ; Tipton releases his prisoners. Sevier’s demeanor during the 
siege ; both parties indisposed to bloodshed ; date of the siege. Sevier writes to 
governor of Georgia, and repairs to the frontier; Gen. Martin pursues concilia¬ 
tory measures with Sevier. Bishop Asbury’s opportune arrival on Watauga. 
Gov. Johnson directs the apprehension and arrest of Sevier; John Sevier to the 
inhabitants ; is again at the head of volunteers; invades and punishes the 


CONTENTS. 


XIII 


Cherokees ; Sitico defeat ; other Indian battles. Judge Spencer issues a bench 
warrant against Sevier, who is arrested and taken prisoner to Morganton ; is 
pursued and rescued by his friends ; his romantic rescue ; escapes without pursuit. 
Convention to form constitution of United States. Sevier’s disabilities removed ; 
is elected senator from Greene, and member of congress from counties west of 
the mountain. People south of French Broad, and west of Pigeon, form articles 
of association ; the original paper containing them ; self-government exercised. 
Vindication of Franklin ; inhabitants pursue a pacific and conservative policy ; 
no tendency to radicalism. General public sentiment sustained the revolters. 
Get). Cocke, Gen. White, Col. Ramsey and others. - - - Page 282-444 

CHAPTER V. 

CUMBERLAND AND THE FRANKLIN COUNTIES. 

Ominous words of a young brave to Daniel Boone ; Cherokees and Creeks invade 
Cumberland ; Mansco’s station broken up ; Buchanan pursues the Indians to 
Duck River ; Robertson makes peace with the Chickasaws. Attack upon 
Donelson’s boats ; night attack on Freeland’s station. Mrs. Dunham rescues 
her daughter; the Bluff vigorously attacked, and as bravely defended. Buchanan 
brings off Swanson ; remarkable recovery of David Hood. First mills erected; 
Kilgore’s station abandoned ; Robertson dissuades the inhabitants from breaking 
up their stations ; obtains a cession from the Chickasaws. Capt. Pruett pursues 
the Indians ; gallantry of Mason and Trammel; courageous defence of Aspie 
and others ; Chickasaw boundary. Bledsoe proposes to attack the Chickamau- 
gas ; Robertson marches to the Tennessee river ; attacks and defeats them at 
Coldwater. Indians and French traders routed ; army recrosses the Tennessee; 
capture of French traders. Robertson’s official report; disaster to Hay’s boat¬ 
men ; Robertson’s explanation of his campaign ; Shannon’s expedition. Capt. 
John Rains—his several campaigns. Indian aggression continues; mission of 
Hoggart and Ewing ; Robertson temporises and negotiates skilfully. Davidson 
county militia guard the emigrants. Brown’s station attacked ; Henry Ramsey 
shot; Robertson’s station attacked. Arrival of Col. Pillow ; signal valour. 
Intrepidity and suffering of the Cumberland people ; civil government at the 
Bluff; first child born in Nashville ; bounty lands to soldiers. Character of 
Isaac Shelby and Gen. Davidson. Nashville established ; records of Davidson 
county court; first officers ; superior court established. Adventurous spirit of 
the pioneers—a characteristic still of the young men of Tennessee. A father’s 
lament for an expatriated and deceased son ; a victim of western adventure ; 
treaty stipulations. Road laid off to Cumberland, by Crab Orchard and Flat 
Rock ; Sumner county established. Petition to assembly ; currency of Cumber¬ 
land ; manufacture of salt encouraged ; Adair’s provision house. Mero district 
established ; remarkable adventure aud tragical disaster and death of Col. Brown, 
and the pillage of his boat ; captivity of his family ; his son is denuded, and 
his ears bored ; affecting meeting of the captives ; are exchanged and restored ; 
noble conduct of M’Gillevray. Gen. Martin’s campaign ; Gillespie’s station 
taken. Records of Hawkins county ; inhabitants of Franklin return to their 
allegiance ; discontents of the people revived. North-Carolina cedes her western 
territory to congress..Page 445-522 


XIT 


C 0 NTENT8. 


CHAPTER VI. 

NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN. 

Spain claims all of Tennessee, west of Hiwassee river ; proposal of Mr. Jay to 
forbear the navigation of the Mississippi excites indignation in the west. The 
western people project a hostile invasion of Louisiana ; Gen. Wilkinson’s mission 
to New Orleans. Mr. Jay’s advice to congress ; resolutions of congress ; Mero’s 
policy partly successful; diplomacy and intrigue of Spain and her colonial 
authorities. Baron De Carondelet succeeds Mero ; M. Genet issues commissions ; 
Carondelet renews the intrigue to separate the west from the Atlantic states ; 
treaty made, and boundary run. Integrity of the western settlers ; the west 
remained unreduced. -------- Page 523-540 


CHAPTER VII. 

TERRITORY OF THE UNITED STATES, SOUTH OF OHIO RIVER. 

William Blount appointed governor ; his character ; arrives in the territory, and 
assumes its government. Mission of Major King to the Cherokees ; Blount’s 
familiarity with Indian affairs; is appointed superintendent of the four southern 
tribes ; his duties were laborious, delicate and responsible. Expedition of Zac- 
chariah Cox to Muscle Shoals ; mouth of French Broad appointed as the place 
of rendezvous ; descends the river to Muscle Shoals; the Glass requires him to 
abandon his fortifications ; Cox indicted and acquitted ; repulse of the Indians 
at Houston’s station. Levies are sent to reinforce Gen. St. Clair ; heroism of the 
Tiptons; the treaty of Holston ; boundary. First printing press in Tennessee. 
Knoxville established ; its first inhabitants and their houses. Scalp dance in 
Cherokee towns ; Mrs. Campbell’s intrepidity. Zeigler’s station attacked ; militia 
called out; inadequate force in the stations. Blount’s report of attack on 
Buchanan’s station. Knox and Jefferson counties laid off; Knox county records. 
Scouts on French Broad ; Blount’s letters ; Capt. Handley’s defeat; his captivity 
and restoration ; his letter during his captivity. The people incensed ; hostilities 
continue. Jefferson county records; Beard’s attack on the Hanging Maw. 
Andrew Creswell’s station. Doherty invades the Cherokees; army of 1,000 
Cherokees march against Knoxville ; massacre at Cavet’s station ; Col. White 
takes measures of defence. Volunteers concentrate at Ish’s ; army marches under 
Sevier and encounters aud defeats the enemy, at Etowah ; decisive victory. 
Sevier’s report; campaign closes ; terminates Sevier’s military life; his character. 
Funeral procession attacked by Indians ; Spencer killed. Dreadful massacre at 
Casteel’s ; of his whole family but one survived. Scott’s boat captured, and his 
crew killed. McClelland’s repulse by the Creeks ; murder of Valentine Sevier’s 
family. Gen. Robertson wounded; Indian hostilities; conference with them, at 
Nashville. Defence of Buchanan’s station; heroic repulse at Greenfield ; Gen. 
Hall’s gallantry. Major Beard’s route ; Capts. Gordon and Rains overtake 
and defeat the Indians. Robertson conceives the design of invading the five 
lower towns; route to them discovered. Rendezvous of the volunteers near 
Nashville ; order from Gen. Robertson to Major Ore. Army crosses the Teh- 
nessee ; battle of Nickajack ; Indians reinforced from Running Water Town. 
The heroine of Nickajack ; surprise ot the Indians ; Col. Whitley’s new mode 


CONTENTS. 


XV 

of warfare; Major Ore’3 official report. Nickajack expedition; Robertson 
vindicates the invasion. Original letter of Valentine Sevier. Results of the 
Etowah and Nickajack expeditions. Territorial legislature meets ; forward 
memorial to congress ; legislative council; parliamentary rules, bills ; Knox 
county members absent on a scout. Dr. White elected the territorial delegate ; 
one shilling fine assessed on absent members ; primitive times in Knoxville. 
H. L. White appointed private secretary of Gov. Blount ; wages of members. 
First public printer appointed ; difficulty in adjusting taxes. Resolution prepa¬ 
ratory to a stat*, v,.ganization ; assembly prorogued. Sevier county ; its extensive 
jurisdiction. Knoxville the ancient capital of Tennessee. Heroism of Mrs. 
Mann. Blount’s message; flattering state of the finances; Blount county 
established. Gov.Vanderhorst suggests the opening of roads from South-Carolina 
to Tennessee. Territorial government teiminates ; court of Gov. Blount. 

Page 541-646 

CHAPTER VIII. 

THE STATE OF TENNESSEE. 

Census oi' the territory ; Blount’s proclamation ; convention of Tennessee meets at 
Knoxville ; Blount elected president ; form a constitution ; debates of the con¬ 
vention ; decision on several questions. Andrew Jackson suggests the name 
Tennessee to new state ; constitution forwarded to Secretary Pickering. First, 
legislature of Tennessee; John Sevier inaugurated first governor. Senators to 
congress elected ; legislative address to each senator ; his reply ; judges and 
other officers elected ; instructions to :-enators. Robertson and Montgomery 
counties laid off; Carter and Grainger counties ; finances. Action of congress 
concerning the admission of Tennessee into the union ; Washington’s message ; 
reports of congressional committees. Gov. Sevier convenes the legislature ; 
his message ; reply of the legislature ; act providing for election of electors oi 
president and vice-president. Andrew Jackson elected first representative to 
congress ; supports the claims of the volunteers ; his speech in their behalf.— 
Bear bai bacued on the ice. Federal troops at Knoxville; vindication of state 
rights. “ Campbell” enlarges upon the argument; subject continued. Action 
of congress on the land claims of Tennessee. Louis Philippe in Knoxville. 
Mail facilities in Tennessee; legislatuie meets. Cocke county established.— 
Coxe’s expedition prevented by Col. Butler. U. S. commissioners hold a treaty 
at Tellico. Sevier appoints agents to represent Tennessee ; they attend the 
treaty ; Cherokee boundary. Original letter of Gen. Washington ; list of senators 
and representatives from Tennessee, in congress. Blount’s impeachment ; is 
acquitted; vindication of Blount; his decease. Legislature meets; governor’s 
message. Smith, Wilson and Williamson counties laid off; sons of Tennessee 
in other states. Governor Sevier’s court; his country residence ; his character 
Decease of Sevier and Robertson ; they deserve a cenotaph. Appeal to the pub¬ 
lic spirit of Tennessee ; characteristics of the pioneers ; frontier life ; manners, 
society and education ; their costume, amusements and pursuits ; dwelling-houses 
and homes of the frontier people ; great adaptation of the soil to the production 
of Indian corn ; its various uses. The sports of the backwoodsman ; barring 
out “ the master.” A Christmas on the frontier ; rural frolics. Stamina of early 


XVI 


CONTENTS-ERRATA. 


Tennessee character ; dearth of the means of moral and intellectual education. 
Nashville a great source of improvement to the country; her merchants skilful, 
enlightened and public-spirited. Patriotism of the people a principle deep, strong, 
active, full of vitality and vigour. Great religious revival ; first camp meeting. 
Frontier education ; the illiterate not necessarily ignorant ; general intelligence 
of the frontier people. Power of vigorous thought; moral training of the fire¬ 
side ; home influence; the pleasant charities of life. Lofty state pride of the 
Tenuessean. Appendix ; county boundaries. - Page 647-744 


E R R A T A . 

Thk William Trousdale mentioned on page 611 was not William Trousdale, late 
Governor of Tennessee. 

In the fifth line, on page 509, erase “ the late.” 

On the eighteenth line of page 241, add ers to Sawy, so as to read Sawyers. 


INTRODUCTION.* 


When Columbus, in the name of their Catholic majesties, 
took formal possession of San Salvador, the natives of that 
island stood around and gazed upon the strange ceremony in 
silent admiration. A feeling, somewhat dissimilar, but scarcely 
less intense, would be excited in the bosom of an aboriginal 
inhabitant of Tennessee, could he now revisit this theatre of 
his nation’s existence. Could he stand upon an eminence, 
near the ancient capital of the state, and survey the scenes 
now presented to his view, he would notice with surprise the 
magic changes effected in this land of his fathers. The soli¬ 
tude of his native forest has given place to the industry and 
enterprise of a strange people ; its silence is dissipated by the 
hum of business, and its quiet disturbed by the incessant toil 
and the active pursuits of civilized life. The ancient woods 
have been felled, and the wilderness converted to the purposes 
of agriculture. A town has risen up, as if by enchantment, 
presenting to his astonished view the evidences which sur¬ 
round him, of wealth, of commerce, of learning and the arts. 
Associating the awakened recollections of his boyhood with 
the transmutation before him, he would withdraw from the 
unwelcome contrast, and, chagrined and sorrowful, seek else¬ 
where some solace to his wounded spirit. Repairing to the 
place where once stood the wigwam of his father, he finds 
erected over it the stately mansion of the white man. He 
recollects to have seen his chieftain recording his victories 
upon a tree, or perpetuating the annals of his tribe in rude 
hieroglyphics upon the mountain granite. These vestiges, 

* Much of this Introduction is taken from the “ Address” delivered by this writer 
at the organization of the “ East Tennessee Historical and Antiquarian Society.” 



2 


INTRODUCTION. 


too, have disappeared. The war-paths of his ancestors have 
been converted into the channels of a gainful commerce; in 
the place of their extinguished council fires, are seen the 
courts of justice ; and amidst the ruins of their Pagan tem¬ 
ples, churches, consecrated to the worship of the true God, 
elevate their spires in the direction of the Christian’s hope— 
to heaven. 

This sudden transition from barbarism and rudeness to 
civilization and refinement, it is the business of history to ex¬ 
amine, investigate and record. Labouring in this extended 
field, the curious student will be carried back to that period 
when the “ great West ” was 

“ A solitude of vast extent, untouched 

By hand of art; where nature sow’d herself, 

And reap’d her crops 

when, as yet, no Anglo-American had penetrated the dark 
recesses of the Alleghany, or explored the unknown wilds 
now embraced within the limits of Tennessee. He will be 
led to analyze the first promptings of that spirit of adventure 
which incited the pioneers of the country to leave their homes 
of peace, safety and comfort, to endure the toils and priva¬ 
tions of a mountain desert, to brave the dangers of an un¬ 
known wilderness, and to disregard the perils attending the 
formation of a remote and feeble settlement upon the bor¬ 
ders of numerous and warlike tribes, jealous of their ap¬ 
proach, and determined to resist it. Extending his researches, 
he will find that no section of the United States has fur¬ 
nished more of interesting and attractive incident, than is 
presented from a review of the first exploration and settle¬ 
ment of Tennessee. The tales of romance are scarcely equal 
to the patient perseverance, enterprise and hardihood, the 
daring heroism and chivalrous adventure, of its inhabitants. 
Savage barbarity drenched the frontier with the blood of the 
first emigrants, and the hardy soldier, alike with the helpless 
female and the child, became victims to the scalping knife 
and the tomahawk of the Indian. The industrious husband¬ 
man derived no immunity from the common danger, in his 
peaceful pursuits, but found a grave where he hoped to gather 
a harvest: and the secluded and quiet cabin, lighted by 


INTRODUCTION. 


3 


savage incendiaries, became the funeral pile of its occupants. 
Every valley became the avenue of Indian aggression, and 
every mountain a lurking place for the merciless Cherokee, 
Nothing intimidated by these circumstances, the constant 
attendants of the pioneers of the wilderness, they became, in 
their turn, the invaders ; and on the rugged banks of the Ken- 
hawa, in the wilds of Cumberland and on the plains of Coosa, 
we hear of their daring adventure, their prowess and their 
triumph. 

But the proudest recollections are awakened, when we re¬ 
cur to the part taken by the infant settlements on Holston, 
Watauga, and Nollichuckee, in that “ perilous conflict that 
tried men’s souls,” and at its darkest period, when the confi¬ 
dence of the firmest friends of independence was shaken, 
when British valour and the treachery of the disaffected in the 
South had given an ascendency to the royal army, and 
threatened an easy conquest of other sections of the Confede¬ 
racy. South-Carolina was scarcely longer considered an 
American state, but a subdued British colony;—her lion- 
hearted and invincible whigs, indignant but not dispirited, 
retiring before the invading enemy, had sought an asylum 
in the frontier of the West. It was at this crisis the pioneers 
of Tennessee—though by their remote and insulated position 
secure from foreign invasion, and exposed at home to the 
cruelties of a savage foe—evinced their devotion to the cause 
of their country and of freedom. At this crisis, western patri¬ 
otism projected the most daring expedition, and western va¬ 
lour achieved the brightest victory, which adorn the page of 
our revolutionary history. Free as the air of their mountains, 
and indignant that the land of freemen should be polluted by 
the footsteps of an invader, the patriots of the West flew, 
uninvited, to the rescue of their bleeding country—ascending 
the Alleghany, and precipitating themselves from its summit, 
they overwhelmed the enemy with discomfiture and death. 

The early civil and political history of Tennessee presents, 
also, a fruitful and interesting subject of investigation. A 
feeble and remote settlement of hunters, herdsmen and small 
farmers—dissociated from Virginia and North-Carolina by 
the intervention of a desert mountain, not embraced within 


4 


INTRODUCTION. 


the ascertained boundaries, and beyond the reach of the ju¬ 
risdiction of either province, without its laws, its courts and 
its protection—this primitive, simple and virtuous commu¬ 
nity, formed a civil and military organization adapted to 
their peculiar condition, and, under the unpretending name 
of the Watauga Association, laid the foundation of the future 
Tennessee. Assuming for themselves the name of Washing¬ 
ton District—the first thus entitled to the credit of doing this 
honour to the father of his country—at the dawn of Ameri¬ 
can independence these pioneers of the West applied to the 
Council of North-Carolina to be annexed to that province. 
They give as reasons, in support of their application, that 
“ they had already organized their militia, and were willing 
to become a party in the existing war, acknowledging 
themselves indebted to the American colonies their full pro¬ 
portion of the Continental expense, and pledging their deter¬ 
mination to adhere “ to the glorious cause in which we are 
now struggling, and to contribute to the welfare of our own 
or of ages yet to come.” This pledge was most nobly 
redeemed,—the revolution was effected, and independence 
achieved. 

Become thus a colonial appendage of North-Carolina, 
consisting of intrepid adventurers from every section of the 
country, and bound together by no principles of union but a 
sense of common danger, they were ceded by the mother state, 
soon after, to the Congress of the Confederacy, and thus 
reduced to a condition of political orphanage. Struggling 
with the difficulties attendant on such a state, its onward 
march may be traced, with much interest and curiosity, 
through the period of its existence as the State of Franklin. 
This incipient effort of the western people to exercise the 
“ divine right ” of self-government—this first combination of 
the discordant materials, of which the trans-montane com¬ 
munity then consisted—their crude and immature legislation, 
the disorder and tumult which resulted, their return to 
their former allegiance, and the overthrow of the new com¬ 
monwealth,—are all fruitful themes of research and enquiry. 
From the investigation of these, the philosophic historian will 
be furnished with irrefragable proofs of the adequacy of the 


INTRODUCTION. 


5 


4 

people, under the most unfavourable circumstances, to gov¬ 
ern themselves, and will be enabled to trace the important 
bearing these unhappy commotions had upon great national 
interests, till then not perceived in their true light. 

Peace, order and law, succeeding to tumult, and chaos, 
and violence, the character of the partizan became merged 
in that of the citizen and patriot; and throughout the subse¬ 
quent stages of political organization, whether as a territory 
of the United States, or as one of the independent sovereign¬ 
ties constituting the American Union, we are proud to find 
the impress of the valour, virtue and patriotism of the first 
emigrants, stamped upon their descendants, who, obeying the 
injunction, 

“ Let no mean hope your souls enslave; 

Be independent, generous, brave ; 

Your fathers such example gave, 

And such revere!” 

have, in all after times, emulated the heroism exhibited by 
their ancestors in their own wilderness and on the heights of 
King’s Mountain ; and animated by the same lofty spirit of 
freedom and independence, and glowing with the holiest im¬ 
pulses of patriotism, have displayed at Tohopeka and 
Emuckfaw, in the fastnesses of Florida, on the plains of the 
Mississippi, at the Alamo and St. Jacinto, under the walls of 
Monterey, at Cerro Gordo, Contreras, Cherubusco and Cha- 
pultepec, the same fearless disregard of danger, the same in¬ 
extinguishable love of freedom, the same pure devotion to 
liberty, the same undying thirst for glory. 

The soldiery of Tennessee have, under the lead of her own 
Jackson, hallowed the plains of Chalmette with a renown as 
extensive and immortal as the channel and the sources of 
the Mississippi. The lustre of the escutcheon of Tennessee 
has grown brighter wherever they were present, whether 
serving in the*ranks, or leading the battalions and columns 
of the Volunteer State to the assault of a fortress or against 
the bristling bayonets of an enemy. On the fields of battle 
where the riflemen of Tennessee have fought, new laurels 
have been won, fresh victories have been achieved, and un- 


6 


INTRODUCTION. 


dying glory acquired, worthy of her ancient fame and her 
deathless renown. 

Virginia has been called the mother of statesmen. Ten¬ 
nessee, with equal truth, has been called the mother of states. 
From her prolific bosom, more than from any other state in 
the Union, have been sent forth annually, for half a century, 
numerous colonies for the peopling of the great valley of the 
Mississippi. Her emigrants are found everywhere in Ala¬ 
bama, Florida, Northern Georgia and Mississippi. The early 
population of Missouri, Arkansas and Texas, went from her 
boundaries ; while the entire Northwest of the United States, 
and the Pacific possessions, have been enriched from year to 
year by swarms of her enterprising and adventurous people 
from the parent hive. 

Tennessee has alreacty assumed an elevated rank among 
her sister republics. Her future must be prouder and even 
magnificent. From the amount of her population, now num¬ 
bering more than a million,* from the extent of her territory, 

* Tennessee Statistics of 1850, in population, agriculture, manufactures, d'C. 

The relative rank of Tennessee, as compared with other states of the Union, is: 

In area of square miles, Tennessee is the seventeenth, containing 45,600 square 
miles. 

In population, the fifth, and the second of the Western States—being exceeded 
only by New-York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Ohio. 

In number of inhabitants to the square mile, the sixteenth. 

In ratio of deaths to the number of living in 1850, the fifth—being exceeded 
even in a cholera year only by Wisconsin, Vermont, Iowa and Michigan. 

In number of acres of improved land, the eighth. 

In value of agriculture, implements, &c., the eleventh. 

In value of live stock, the seventh. 

In number of bushels of Indian corn, the fifth—being exceeded only by Ohio, 
Kentucky, Illinois and Indiana—the product of Tennessee, in 1850, being 
52,137,863 bushels. In the census of 1840, Tennessee was the first in the pro¬ 
duct of this grain. 

In tobacco, the fourth—being exceeded only by Virginia, Kentucky and Mary¬ 
land—the crop of 1850 being 20,144,480 pounds. 

In number of bales of cotton, the fifth—the amount of the year’s crop being 
172,625 bales; being exceeded only by Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia and South- 
Carolina. 

In the production of wool, the eleventh* 

In the value of home made manufactures, the first state in the Union, amount¬ 
ing, in 1850, to $3,168,116. 


INTRODUCTION. 


7 


and from her peculiar geographical location, touching upon 
eight members of the Union, and in close propinquity to three 
others, she will in all future time exert a weighty influence 
upon coterminous states, as well as upon the country at large. 
She has already furnished two Presidents of the U. States— 
Jackson and Polk—whose iron will and energy, whose ability 
and virtue, have stamped their administrations as worthy 
of the state, honourable and glorious to themselves, and 
eminently useful to the country and to the world. White 
and Grundy have added dignity and effulgence to the United 
States Senate ; and a long list of statesmen, and jurists, and 
patriots, and heroes, have adorned the public councils, the 
bar, the bench, and in peace and war given eclat and celebrity 
to Tennessee. This relative consequence will become still 
more considerable when a concentration of the intelligence, 
and public spirit, and enterprise of her citizens, shall have 
more fully developed her physical and commercial resources. 
Her history is becoming, therefore, every day more inter¬ 
esting and more important. What visions of the future 
greatness and glory of their country, would have burst upon 
the view of Boone and his associates, could they have con¬ 
ceived, that their lonely and toilsome passage through the 
Apalachian mountain should open up a communication to 
the West, for that flood of emigration, which, restrained for 
a time within narrower limits, at length broke over every im¬ 
pediment, and extending further, and wider, and onward, has 
overspread the vast valley of the Mississippi, and crossed, in 
its mighty sweep of adventurous enterprise, the mountain de¬ 
sert and the arid plain, to the shores of the distant Pacific ? 
How must the heart of Robertson have thrilled with honest 
exultation, when he saw his feeble settlement on Watauga 
expand and grow to its present dimensions ; and what rays of 
comfort would have cheered the evening of his life, could he 
have realized that Tennessee, in eighteen hundred and fifty, 

In the value of cotton manufactures, the eleventh. 

In the value of woollen goods, the tenth. 

In the value of pig iron, the fourth. 

In the value of wrought iron, the sixth. 

[Extracted from, Nashville American ; 


8 


INTRODUCTION. 


had become in population the fifth state in the Union, and 
the second of its western division ? With what zeal should 
we of the present day cherish a grateful and hallowed re¬ 
membrance of the wisdom, patriotism and enterprise, which 
have bequeathed to us such a country, and endowed it with 
the “ patrimonial blessings of wise institutions, of liberty and 
of religion ?” How keen should be our regret that we know 
so little of those who have done so much for us ? With one 
brilliant exception, no one has attempted to perpetuate the 
achievements of the pioneers of Tennessee. An adopted son 
is the only one who has recorded her annals. In his history 
the late Judge ITaywood has left a monument of industry, of 
research and of talents, scarcely less imperishable or honour¬ 
able to himself, than the distinction acquired in another de¬ 
partment of science—of being designated, by a competent 
authority, the Mansfield of America. But it is no qualifica¬ 
tion of this just and sincere tribute to his memory to add, that 
he has left much of the field before us unoccupied, unexplored 
and unknown. Some of the most brilliant incidents in our 
early history are unrecorded, which, if not soon rescued from 
oblivion, will be lost to the present generation, posterity and 
th^ world. We design, by this remark, no imputation of in¬ 
difference or neglect on the part of those who have gone 
before us. The omission may be traced to a more obvious 
cause. The condition of the countrv at its first settlement, 
created a continued demand for exertion in the active pur¬ 
suits of life. Cut off by their local situation from all foreign 
sources of supply, the first adventurers depended upon their 
own labour in their own country, for the procurement of sub¬ 
sistence. A wilderness was to be reclaimed to the use of the 
husbandman, a border warfare was to be kept up, defences 
were to be erected, and the foundations of government were to 
be laid. From the pressure of these varied demands upon 
their time, no leisure was allowed to record their achieve¬ 
ments, to perpetuate the tales of their privations and suffer¬ 
ings, to narrate the deliberations of their sages, or the prowess 
of their heroes. This duty has devolved upon their grate¬ 
ful posterity. The task, however, is not without its difficul¬ 
ties. Much is already forgotten, and has faded from the 


INTRODUCTION. 


9 


minds of the oldest inhabitant; much is indistinctly remem¬ 
bered, or handed down by vague and uncertain tradition. 
But difficult as it is, the duty has been attempted. To have 
shrunk from its performance, were a parricidal ingratitude. 
Its omission would have been criminal. 

In the investigations which have been made of ffie history 
of Tennessee, and the result of which is given in these pages, 
the usual assistance has not been derived from the archives 
of state and the portfolios of ministers. Sources more hum¬ 
ble, but not less authentic, have supplied this defect. The 
writer has procured the narratives of the older citizens, who 
have, “ ab urbe condita,” resided in the country and partici¬ 
pated in its settlement and defence, and each of whom may 
truthfully say of the events he narrates, “ quorum magna 
pars fui” He has examined the papers of their deceased 
contemporaries, which have survived the ravages of time and 
accident. He has, with untiring perseverance, searched for 
and obtained “ the private files of the leaders of the day.” 
In the loft of a humble cabin, in a secluded neighbourhood, 
he was so fortunate as to find many of the official papers of 
the State of Franklin ; in another, the lost constitution of 
the inchoate or proposed State of Frankland. In the garret 
of an old uninhabited mansion, in Knoxville, was found an 
antique trunk, containing the Sevier papers. From like 
sources, much of the matter in this volume has been pro¬ 
cured. But these manuscripts, valuable and interesting as 
they are, furnished an inadequate supply of material neces¬ 
sary to form the Annals of Tennessee. The deficit has 
been made up by oral communications to this writer from 
the aged pioneer, whom he has visited in health and watched 
over in sickness, and from whose dying couch he has received, 
as a rich legacy, an account of the services of his youth and 
the exploits of his manhood. He has seen the eye of the 
aged narrator sparkle with unwonted brilliancy during the 
recital, the heart of the infirm pulsate with unnatural vigour, 
and the spirit of the decrepid warrior animated with the fire 
of youthful heroism. 

Narratives, thus obtained, are the authority for many of 
the incidents which will be hereafter detailed. Their fre- 


10 


INTRODUCTION. 


quency and minuteness will, to some readers, be tedious and 
uninteresting. When known to be authentic, the writer con¬ 
ceives them to be worthy of preservation in the annals of his 
countrymen. 

Intimately blended with the general history of Tennessee, 
is the biography of the prominent actors in the interesting 
scenes it records. We are proud to mention, among the 
patriot sages of the country, the names of Carter, Cocke, 
Campbell, the Blounts, Jackson, White, Claiborne, Roane^ 
Scott, McNairy and Trimble ; among the apostles of religion 
and learning, Doak, Barton, Houston, Craighead, Carrick, 
Brooks and Stone. Our state pride is justly excited when, 
among American worthies, we enumerate Boone, Christian, 
the Seviers, the Robertsons, the Shelbys, the Tiptons—names 
dear to the country and known to fame. Yet, where will 
be found a detailed account of their services, their exploits, 
or their sufferings ? Where will be read the affecting story 
of the patriotic and brave Tipton, who, when peace was 
restored to his own frontier, gallantly led his soldiers to the 
standard of his country under St. Clair, and fell fighting in 
the unequal conflict, refusing to leave the field while an 
enemy survived him ? Who has heard the last injunction to 
his family, given apparently under the presentiment of cer¬ 
tain death ? Who has read the biography of Shelby, whose 
youthful patriotism first glowed under the genial influence of 
a Carolina sky, but retained its ardour undiminished by the 
cold and chilling temperature of a Canadian winter? And 
who has been the biographer of our own Sevier, that noble 
chieftain that led the pioneers of Tennessee to battle and to 
victory ? Who has recited his civic deeds ? or who, when a 
grateful Tennessean, wandering over the plains of Alabama, 
enquires in his lonely exile for the grave of the first general 
and the first governor in the West, can point to the place of 
his entombment ? On what field of victory has Tennessee 
gratitude erected his cenotaph ? 

“ How died that hero ? In the field, with banners o’er him thrown ? 

With trumpets in his falling ear by charging squadrons blown ? 

With scattered foemen flying fast and fearfully before him ? 

With shouts of triumph swelling round, and brave men bending o’er him ? 

He died not thus ; no war note round him rang ; 


INTRODUCTION. 


11 


No warriors underneath his eyes in harness’d squadrons sprang; 

Alone he perished in the land he sav’d, 

And where in war the victor stood, in peace he found a grave. 

Ah, let the tear flow freely now, it will not awake the sleeper, 

And higher as ye pile his tomb, his slumber shall be deeper. 

Freemen may sound the solemn dirge—the funeral chant be spoken; 

The quiet of the dead is not by idle mockeries broken 1 
Yet, let Tennessee’s banner droop above the fallen chief, 

And let the mountaineer’s dark eye be dim with earnest grief; 

For who will stand as he has stood, with willing heart and hand, 

To wrestle well with freedom’s foes,—defender of his land 1” 

To remedy and supply, in some small degree, the defects 
and omissions thus alluded to, is the object and design of the 
succeeding pages. In the execution of this purpose, the writer 
proposes to give— 

1st. The discovery and exploration of the country now 
known as the State of Tennessee, the first approaches of 
civilization to it, and some account of the contiguous Indian 
tribes. 

2d. Its settlement and government under the Watauga 
Association. 

3d. As a part of North-Carolina, embracing the participa¬ 
tion of the pioneers of Tennessee in the war of the Ameri¬ 
can Revolution. 

4th. The history of the revolt of the three western coun¬ 
ties, and of the insurrectionary State of Franklin. 

5th. The history of the Cumberland settlements, and of the 
Franklin counties, after they returned to their allegiance to 
the mother state. 

6th. The subject of the relations with Spain, and the ne¬ 
gotiation with that Power, relating to boundaries and the 
navigation of the Mississippi river. S 

7th. The territory of the United States south of the River 
Ohio. 

8th. The State of Tennessee to the end of the last century. 









































, 























iU • 














1 





















ANNALS OF TENNESSEE. 


f 

CHAPTER I. 

% 

DISCOVERY OF TENNESSEE. 

As has been already remarked, Tennessee is, in popula¬ 
tion, the fifth state in the Union. Her geographical position 
is peculiar, and before the annexation of Texas, and the 
acquisition of New Mexico and California, entitled her to 
the name of the Central State. She is one of the rapidly 
increasing family of daughters which have sprung from the 
good old thirteen; and though not a separate and distinct 
political organization at the eventful period of separation 
from the crown of Great Britain, it is a proud reflection 
that Tennessee is closely connected and directly identified 
with the cause of freedom and independence, and with the 
American Revolution, by a mournful but glorious consan¬ 
guinity. 

The adventures and perils of Tennessee pioneers, their 
hearty sacrifices for the general good, their character for 
conduct and courage in war, their uniform devotion to the 
honour and greatness of the country, their rapid advance¬ 
ments in the arts of peace, in population and political influ¬ 
ence, and the impress of their wisdom, valour and patriot¬ 
ism which they have stamped upon their descendants, invite 
to the early history of their state the attention of every 
American, and secures the deepest regard of every Tennes¬ 
sean. 

To examine these various topics satisfactorily, it will be 
necessary to look a little into the original condition of tha 
country, its first discovery and exploration, its aboriginal 
inhabitants, and the approaches of civilized man to it; since, 



14 


CABOT SEES THE COAST OF NORTH-CAROLINA. 


without this examination, feeble and inadequate indeed will 
be our conceptions of the adventure displayed, the hardships 
suffered, the dangers encountered, the services rendered, the 
conquests achieved, the glory won, by those who have effected 
the transmutation from rudeness to refinement, from barbar¬ 
ism to civilization, and from heathenism to Christianity. 

Postponing to another place any remarks upon the bounda¬ 
ries, the physical history, and the aboriginal population of 
Tennessee, it is proposed here to trace the approaches of 
civilization to its several boundaries in the exact order of 
their occurrence; in doing which, its first discovery, explo¬ 
ration and settlement, will be the more clearly delineated 
and the more easily understood. 

Of the country included within the limits of the present 
State of Tennessee, little was known for more than two 
hundred and thirty years after the discovery of America. 
Until that time, with perhaps a single exception, the foot of 
no European adventurer had touched her soil. The vast 
interior of North America was a terra incognita, till long 
after the skill, and science, and cupidity, and arms of Spain, 
had crossed the continent further south, and reached the 
shores of the Pacific ocean. 

After the conquest of Mexico, achieved by Cortes with a 
handful of soldiers, vastly disproportioned to the population 
and resources of that immense empire, and after the capture 
and execution of the Inca and the subjugation of Peru by 
Pizarro, with a force still smaller, the fame of their victo¬ 
ries, the rapidity and ease with which they had been ob¬ 
tained, their sudden acquirement of incalculable treasure, 
and the imperishable renown of these skilful and indomita¬ 
ble leaders, excited afresh the spirit of exploration, adventure 
and acquisition. 

While Spanish discoveries and Spanish conquests had 
reached across the American continent, and extended along 
the Pacific coast from Chili to California, little was known 
of that immense country north of the Gulf of Mexico. As 
early as 1497, the coast of our parent state, North-Carolina, 
had been seen by Gaboto,* a Venetian adventurer, who. 

* Anglice—Cabot. 


narvaez’s invasion. 


15 


✓ 


under the auspices of Henry VII. of England, and the pa¬ 
tronage of Bristol merchants, undertook to prosecute further 
discoveries in the New World. He returned, however, with¬ 
out attempting the conquest of the natives or the formation 
of a settlement. In 1512, Juan Ponce De Leon visited the 
continent, in north latitude 30°, 8', and discovered a country 
of vast and unknown extent, to which, from the abundance 
of flowers, and from its being first seen on Palm Sunday, 
(Pascha Florida,) he gave the name of Florida.* Being 
afterwards invested by the King of Spain with the govern¬ 
ment of the country he had discovered, he attempted the 
erection of a town and fortress, but was assailed with such 
vigour by the natives, as to compel him to abandon the 
country. The Indians used poisoned arrows. De Leon died 
from the wounds received in the encounter, and lost most of 
his men. Similar disasters seem to have overtaken the ad¬ 
venturous leaders who, after De Leon, attempted the subju¬ 
gation of Florida.f 

In 1524, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon effected a landing fur¬ 
ther east, upon the coast of what is now Georgia or South- 
Carolina. Two hundred of his soldiers penetrated a few 
leagues in the interior, while he remained with the rest of 
his force to guard his ships. The Indians attacked unexpect¬ 
edly the detachment he had sent out, and massacred the 
whole ; then falling suddenly upon the guard near the ships, 
succeeded in driving them from the coast. The few survi¬ 
vors returned to San Domingo. 

In 1528, Pamphilo de Narvaez sailed from Cuba, having 
on board four hundred foot and twenty horse, for the con¬ 
quest “ of all the lands lying frora the River of Palms to the 
Cape of Florida,” for which he had obtained a grant from 
Charles V. He anchored on the eastern coast, landed his 
troops, and took possession of the country without opposi¬ 
tion. But, marching into the interior, he at length reached 
Apalachee, where he encamped several days. The village 
had offered no resistance to the Spaniards, but this inoffen- 

* From this discovery by De Leon, Spain claimed Florida, as England did from 
that made, in 1497, by Cabot. 

\ For a long time, all the country south of Newfoundland was called Florida. 


16 


NARVAEZ SHIPWRECKED. 


sive spirit did not continue long. The natives were warlike 
and intrepid, harassed the camp of Narvaez by day and 
night, and compelled him to leave it. His march was beset 
by hordes of savages “of gigantic height; they had bows of 
enormous size, from which they discharged arrows with such 
force as to penetrate armour at the distance of two hundred 
yards.”* After the loss of many of his soldiers and horses, 
and the endurance of incredible hardships, “ the hopes of 
wealth and conquest were at an end,” and, coming to an arm 
of the sea, Narvaez, despairing of reaching his ships by land, 
determined to construct small barques, and save the remnant 
of his little army from the ruin that menaced it. His frail 
barques were shipwrecked, and nearly all of his followers, 
with himself, found a watery grave. Five only survived the 
disasters by land and sea. 

We have thus seen the unfortunate termination of several 
well arranged enterprises, undertaken by able and experi¬ 
enced leaders, and promising, under Castilian courage and 
discipline, a certain, if not an easy conquest, of the original 
inhabitants of the country. The spirit of the native Ameri¬ 
can population seems no where to have been so energetically 
and so successfully exerted against the invaders of their coun¬ 
try. A very different result had followed the standard of 
the conqueror of Mexico. He, under circumstances scarcely 
more favourable, had met and discomfited numerous armies 
of native warriors, fighting for their homes, their monarch 
and their religion, at Tobasco and Tlascala, and-, with a 
courage bordering upon temerity, had pushed his conquest 
to the palace of Montezuma. Had the countries south of 
Tennessee been inhabited by the spiritless and imbecile 
natives of Mexico, which it was the good fortune of Cortes 
to meet and conquer, it is not difficult to conceive that some 
intrepid Castilian would have anticipated the laurels won by 
Anglo-American prowess on the hardly contested battle¬ 
grounds of Tamotlee, Etowah, Nickajack, Emuckfaw and 
Tohopeka, and erected the standard of the Cross upon the 
demolished council houses and ruined temples of the ances¬ 
tors of Oceola, To-mo-chi-chi and Oconostota. Different, 

* IrviDg. 


FERDINAND DE SOTO. 


17 


indeed, was the character of the aborigines north of the 
Gulf of Mexico, at the period of which we are treating. A 
manly firmness of purpose, a wise union in counsel, and a 
determined bravery in action, enabled them to repel every 
hostile, invasion of their country, and to maintain nearly un¬ 
disturbed possession of it for two centuries after the dismem¬ 
berment of the Mexican confederacy, and after the Children 
of the Sun had been driven into exile or reduced to an igno¬ 
ble vassalage. The latter are humbled and nearly extinct, 
while the former retain even yet something of their original 
character ; though restrained, they are not subjugated— 
though curbed, their spirit is yet independent and free. 

Baffled and defeated as were the Spaniards, in the several 
attempts of invasion and conquest which have been thus 
slightly sketched, they projected further enterprises, upon a 
still larger theatre, under more imposing and magnificent 
appointments, and, if possible, under more distinguished and 
chivalrous leaders. The passion of the age was war and 
conquest; the vice of the times was wealth and the pre¬ 
cious metals. In all these lay the path to preferment and 
distinction, and the cavaliers of Spain thrust themselves once 
more into it. Allured by the hope of finding gold and silver 
in the interior country, or incited by the thirst for glory, 
which had crowned their successes elsewhere—perhaps cha» 
grined at the failure which had marked all previous efforts 
to achieve the conquest of Florida—they determined to in¬ 
vade the continent with such a force as would ensure its 
accomplishment. Ferdinand De Soto projected the expedi¬ 
tion, and received from the Emperor Charles V. permis- 
„. n ( sion to undertake the conquest. He was invested 
( with ample power, civil and military ; and from the 
official relation he bore to the Island of Cuba, was enabled 
to command all the means necessary for the meditated inva¬ 
sion. A companion in arms of Pizarro, he had assisted that 
renowned leader in the conquest of Peru, and commanded in 
person the squadron of horse that captured the unfortunate 
Inca, Atahualpa, and put his army to flight. Having thus 
added to his fame for courage and adroitness as a soldier, the 
weight of experience and success as a commander; having 
2 


18 


FERDINAND DE SOTO-HIS ARMY. 


received the most signal marks of his monarch’s confidence 
and favour ; and having, in addition to the control of the 
resources of Cuba, the avails of his Peruvian conquests, 
Ferdinand De Soto, in less than a year from the date of his 
first proclamation, found himself at the head of nine hun¬ 
dred and fifty Spaniards, anxious to serve under him in his 
adventurous expedition. The chivalry, rank and wealth of 
Spain entered into his army. “Never had a more gallant 
and brilliant body of men offered themselves for the New 
World.”* 

In addition to the forces brought from Spain, the arma¬ 
ment of De Soto, by recruits and volunteers in Cuba, was 
increased to a thousand men, besides the marines. There 
were also three hundred and fifty horses. 

The account here given of the outfit and composition of 
the army of De Soto, and the details which follow of his 
marches, his disasters, and the melancholy fate of himself 
and his men, will not be considered foreign to the purpose of 
these annals, when it is remembered that the country they 
invaded, and through which they marched, has since been 
invaded successfully by Tennessee enterprise, and won by 
Tennessee valour, and hallowed by Tennessee blood ; and 
that the Indian tribes, who attacked them soon after they 
landed at Tampa Bay, who harassed them on their march, 
obstructed their passage, broke in upon their bivouac, an¬ 
noyed their camp, resisted them in battle, and finally forced 
them to leave their country uncolonized and unsubdued, have 
long since yielded to the prowess and arms of American 
pioneers. The minutiae of the track pursued by the invaders 
will be excused for the further reason, that it has been con¬ 
jectured, with much plausibility, that De Soto was the first 
European or civilized adventurer whose foot touched the 
soil, whose eye surveyed the vast wilderness, whose heart 
expanded with the contemplation of the magnificent scenery, 
and whose senses were regaled by the influences of the 
delightful climate of Tennessee. It may be added, in sorrow, 
that though not the first to see and cross her great mediter- 


DE SOTO AT TAMPA BAY. 


19 


ranean boundary—the Mississippi—he was the first to find 
an inhospitable grave beneath its turbid waters. 

Sailing from Havana on the 12th of May, 1539, the 
( squadron, containing the army of De Soto, arrived in 
j fifteen days at Espiritu Santo Bay, about half way 
down the western side of the peninsula of Florida. A de¬ 
tachment of three hundred men were landed, and, finding no 
Indians, they remained on shore all night in a state of care¬ 
less security. Towards morning they were vigorously at¬ 
tacked by a great number of savages, and forced to retreat 
to the edge of the sea in confusion. A reinforcement was 
soon landed, and put the natives to flight after a slight 
resistance. 

From his encampment near Espiritu Santo Bay, De Soto 
marched two leagues to a village, which was found deserted 
by the inhabitants. By the aid of some straggling Indians 
whom he had captured, he endeavoured to appease the ca¬ 
cique of the village, Hirrihigua, and invited him from his re¬ 
treat to a friendly interview. To this message, brought by 
his subjects, he replied, “ I want none of their speeches nor 
promises ; bring me their heads, and I will receive them joy¬ 
fully. ”* 

A neighbouring cacique, Mucozo, was more placable. At 
the invitation of the envoys sent to him by De Soto, he visit¬ 
ed his camp, accompanied by his warriors. “ He kissed the 
hands of the governor with great veneration, saluted each 
one of his officers, and made a slight obeisance to the pri¬ 
vates. ”f 

As far as Mucozo, their march had been impeded by mo¬ 
rasses, which disappeared, however, as they advanced into 
the interior. It occupied them four days to go from Mucozo 
to Urribarracaxi (seventeen leagues). Here they were in¬ 
formed, in answer to inquiries about gold and silver, that 
there was a country to the westward, called Ocali, where 
the spring was perpetual and gold abundant. 

De Soto had received intelligence, that at the village of 
Urribarracaxi, a cacique of great influence, to whom Hirri- 

fldem. 


♦Irving. 


20 


ACUERA DEFIES DE SOTO. 


/ 


higua and Mucozo paid tribute, be would find provisions for 
his army. He took up the line of march always to the north¬ 
east, and on the morning of the third day came to the village of 
Mucozo (thirteen leagues). After marching seventeen leagues 
further to Urribarracaxi, and passing beyond it, they encoun¬ 
tered, at three leagues distance from the village, “ a great mo¬ 
rass, a league in width, two-thirds mire and one-third water, 
and very deep at the borders. After several days’ search, 
a pass was found, by which the army crossed it with ease. 

Their route soon became obstructed with impassable 
swamps and bogs, made by the streams of the morass they 
had just passed. It was, therefore, recrossed by De Soto and 
his^army. In their march from this place they encountered, 
again, the greatest difficulties from deep swamps and nu¬ 
merous bogs that everywhere intersected the country. In 
addition to these, they were often annoyed by the Indians, 
who hung upon their rear and shouted, in words of threat and 
defiance: “Keep on, robbers and traitors; in Acuera and 
Apalachee, we will treat you as you deserve. Every cap¬ 
tive will we quarter and hang upon the highest trees along 
the road !”f 

At the end of sixty miles from Urribarracaxi, they encamp¬ 
ed in “a beautiful valley, where were large fields of Indian 
corn, of such luxuriant growth as to bear three and four ears 
upon a stalk. ” This fertile province was ruled by a ca¬ 
cique named Acuera. De Soto invited him to a friendly 
conference. The haughty chief replied : “ others of your ac¬ 
cursed race have in years past poisoned our peaceful shores. 
They have taught me what you are. What is your employ¬ 
ment? To wander about like vagabonds from land to land ; 
to rob the poor—to betray the confiding—to murder in cold 
blood the defenceless. No ! with such a people I want no 
peace, no friendship. War—never-ending, exterminating 
war—is all the boon I ask. You boast yourselves valiant, 
and so you may be, but my faithful warriors are not 
less brave ; and this, too, you shall one day prove, for I have 
sworn to maintain an unsparing conflict while one white 


* Irving. 


t Idem, pp. 104 and 105. 


DE SOTO ARRIVES AT OCALI. 


21 


man remains in my borders. Not openly in the battle field, 
though even thus we fear not to meet you; but by strata¬ 
gem, and ambush, and midnight surprisal. ” * 

In reply to the demand that he should yield obedience to 
the emperor, he said : “ I am king in my own land, and will 
never become the vassal of a mortal like myself. Vile and 
pusillanimous is he who will submit to the yoke of another, 
when he may be free ! As for me and my people, we choose 
death, yes, a hundred deaths, before the loss of our liberty 
and the subjugation of our country !” 

As the event proved, these were no idle threats or un¬ 
meaning bravadoes of Acuera and his warriors. Stratagem, 
and ambush, and midnight surprisal, cut off many a brave 
Spaniard ; and while a white man remained in this province, 
the natives, with most unyielding spirit, continued to oppose 
and annoy the invaders. 

Unable to appease Acuera by pacific overtures or gentle 
treatment, De Soto broke up his encampment after a few days’ 
rest, and passed over a desert tract twelve leagues broad, in 
a north-eastern direction, and then traversing an inhabited 
country, seven leagues more, arrived at the principal village 
of the province, called Ocali. It contained six hundred 
houses and vast quantities of provisions. “ Hard by the vil¬ 
lage ran a wide and deep river, with most precipitous 
banks. ”f Crossing this stream by a temporary bridge, the 
army of De Soto continued its march three days to the fron¬ 
tiers of Vitachuco—“ a province of great extent, being fifty 
leagues across. ” It was governed by three brothers. Two 
of these, after a protracted negotiation, entered into terms 
of peace with De Soto, and agreed to use their influence 
with Vitachuco, the other cacique, to accept the offers of 
peace from the Spaniards. This chieftain was the most pow¬ 
erful of the three, and disapproved the terms made by the 
others with De Soto. He detained the envoys charged with 
the embassy ; imputed the pacific conduct of his brothers to 
cowardice, or to a spirit of inglorious submission ; and rep¬ 
resented the Spaniards as vagabonds and robbers, and warn¬ 
ed them not to enter into his dominions, vowing that “ Va¬ 
rying. fldem. 


22 


VITACHUCO’S VILLAGE DESCRIBED. 


liant as they may be, if they dare to put foot upon my soil, 
they shall never go out of my land alive—the whole race 
will I exterminate !” With similar messages he continued 
to threaten De Soto. At length, however, his two brothers 
visited Yitachuco, and he affected to be “ won by their per¬ 
suasions, and agreed to enter into a friendly intercourse with 
the strangers.” * 

After this deceitful alliance, the Spaniards marched to the 
village of Yitachuco, and were received with great kindness 
and hospitality. The Indian interpreters, however, in a few 
days, disclosed to De Soto that a perfidious plot was devised 
to destroy him and his army. Apprised by this disclosure of 
the details of the plot, De Soto, at a preconcerted signal, fell 
unexpectedly upon the cacique and his warriors, made Yita¬ 
chuco a prisoner, killed several hundred of his followers, and 
nine hundred more whom he had captured, he distributed as 
menials to his soldiers. But the fierce spirit of the cacique 
was yet unsubdued. Though a prisoner, and in the power of 
his conqueror, he laid another plot to put into effect the me¬ 
naces he had made against the invaders of his country. In 
this, too, he was unsuccessful. He fell, thrust through with 
a dozen swords and lances, and lost in these two engage¬ 
ments and “ the subsequent massacres, thirteen hundred of 
his warriors, the flower of his nation.”f 

The village of Yitachuco, where these battles were fought, 
is thus described, and may possibly yet be identified by the 
physical features of the country around it. “ Near the village 
was a large plain. It had on one side a lofty and dense for¬ 
est, on the other, two lakes ; the one about a league in cir¬ 
cumference, clear of trees, but so deep that three or four feet 
from the bank no footing could be found. The second, which 
was at greater distance from the village, was more than half 
a league in width, and appeared like a vast river, extending 
as far as the eye could reach.” J The village is called by the 
Portuguese narrator, Napatuca. The province was likely 
very fertile, certainly very populous, as the chosen warriors 
in the first battle amounted to ten thousand. 

De Soto, resuming his march, went four leagues the first 

* Irving. t Idem. J Idem. 


DE SOTO REACHES OSACHILI AND APALACHEE. 


23 


day, and “ encamped on the bank of a large and deep river,” 
a boundary of the province. Crossing the river on a bridge 
constructed by his army, the march was continued two 
leagues through a country free from woods ; here were found 
“ large fields of maize, beans and pumpkins, with scattered 
habitations.” * At the distance of four leagues further, the 
Spaniards arrived at Osachili, a village of two hundred 
houses. Hearing at this place of the fertility and extent of 
the province of Apalachee, they continued their march, and 
“ were three days traversing an uninhabited desert, twelve 
leagues in extent, which lay between the two provinces, and 
about noon of the fourth day arrived at a great morass. It 
was bordered by forests of huge and lofty trees, with a dense 
underwood of thorns and brambles. In the centre of the mo¬ 
rass was a sheet of water half a league in width, and as far 
as the eye could reach in extent. “ The opposite side of the 
morass was bordered by the same kind of impervious forest 
as the other; the distance across it was about a league and 
a half.” f Near this place, ten or eleven years before, the un¬ 
fortunate Pamphilo de Narvaez had met with his signal de¬ 
feat ; and the Indians, encouraged by their successes over him, 
made a desperate effort to gain a similar victory over the 
present invaders ; and the result seemed doubtful while the 
conflict was carried on in the morass. So soon, however, as 
the horsemen of De Soto gained the open woods, the contest 
was decided, and the natives were forced to fly. Apalachee, 
the province to which De Soto had been directing his course, 
was found to be not only fertile and well supplied with pro¬ 
visions, but, as he had been frequently forewarned, was in¬ 
habited by a brave and ferocious population, who, by strata¬ 
gem and cunning, not less than by open assaults, attempted 
to repel the invading Spaniards. 

The first night after they had crossed the morass, they en¬ 
camped near a small village in an open plain. The march 
was resumed next day, and they passed two leagues through 
fields of corn, and “ came to a deep stream bordered by deep 
forests.” Here the Indians had made palisades and bar¬ 
riers, determining that at this place their utmost opposition 

* Irving. t Idem. 


24 


DE SOTO RESUMES HIS MARCH. 


should be made. But these efforts were insufficient. Seve¬ 
ral Spaniards were killed, others were wounded, yet they 
passed the stream with ease, and continued the march two 
leagues further, without opposition, and encamped. The next 
day they reached Anchayea, a village of two hundred and 
fifty large and commodious houses. Capafi was the name of 
the cacique of Apalachee. 

The winter was now approaching, and De Soto determin¬ 
ed to remain at Anchayea till the next spring. Fortifying 
the village, and building additional houses for barracks, and 
collecting from the adjoining neighbourhoods a supply of pro¬ 
visions, he went into winter quarters. Here he remained five 
months, during which time he had received such information 
of the countries in the interior, as to point out his future 
course in quest of gold and silver, which seems to have been 
the primary object of himself and his followers. 

The march was resumed in the spring of 1540, in a north¬ 
east direction. On the third day the army reached Capa- 
chique, a village “ situated on high ground, on a kind of 
peninsula, being nearly surrounded by a miry marsh, more 
than a hundred paces broad.”* Two days further march 
brought them to the boundary between Apalachee and Ata- 
paha, into which latter province they now entered. On the 
third day, De Soto reached the village of Achese, and meet¬ 
ing with no hostile feelings from the natives, rested there 
several days. “ He then resumed his march northeast, 
ascending for ten days along the banks of a river, skirted by 
groves of mulberry trees, and winding through luxuriantly 
fertile valleys.” On the eleventh day he entered the province 
of Cofa, (alias Ocute,) which was fertile and plentiful, and 
inhabited by a kind and hospitable people, who entertained 
De Soto and his army five days. The march was continued 
“ through a pleasant and luxuriant country, fertilized by 
many rivers,” to the confines of Cofaqui. The cacique re¬ 
ceived the Spaniards with great pomp and kindness, and 
“ imparted to De Soto every information about his own terri¬ 
tory, and spoke of a plentiful and populous province to the 
northwest, called Cosa. ’ j* DeSoto, however, determined 

* Irving. t Idem. 


PASSES THE MOUNTAINS NEAR CIIOUALLA. 


25 


first to visit Cofachiqui, a province separated from Cofaqui 
by an uninhabited tract of great extent. In passing through 
this, the army crossed two rivers, “ a cross-bow shot broad,” 
which were with difficulty forded. On the seventh da) their 
march was suddenly arrested by “a wide, deep and unford- 
able river.” At length, after travelling along its banks 
several days, they reached a small village called Aymay, well 
furnished with provisions and surrounded with corn-fields. 
Here they rested seven days, and then continued their march 
along the bank of the river, till the third day they halted “in 
a verdant region, covered with mulberry and other fruit 
trees.” Two leagues further they reached the village of the 
princess of Cofachiqui, situated on the opposite bank of the 
river, and were hospitably received. 

From Cofachiqui De Soto started, May 3, 1540, towards 
the north or northwest, in the direction of Cosa, which was 
represented to him to be distant twelve days journey. “He 
passed through the province of Achalaque—the most wretch¬ 
ed country, says the Portuguese narrator, in all Florida.”* 
Progressing forward, he reached the province of Choualla, or 
Xualla, and encpmped in its principal village of the same 
name, where he remained several days. “This village was 
situated on the skirts of a mountain, with a small but rapid 
river flowing by it.” Unlike Chelaque, this province abound¬ 
ed with maize and other provisions. 

At this place DeSoto changed his route westward, aiming 
for the province of Quaxale. “ The first day’s march was 
through a country covered with fields of maize of luxuriant 
growth.” j* “During the next five days they traversed a 
chain of easy mountains, covered with oak and mulberry 
trees, with intervening valleys, rich in pasturage and irri¬ 
gated by clear and rapid streams. These mountains were 
twenty leagues across, and quite uninhabited.” These waste 
mountains being passed, the Spaniards entered the province 
of Guaxule. The cacique received them with great parade 
and courtesy, and conducted them to his village, which con¬ 
sisted of three hundred houses. “ It stood in a pleasant spot, 
bordered by small streams, that took their rise in the adjacent 

* Irving. t Idem. 


26 


PASSES THE MOUNTAINS NEAR CHOUALLA. 


mountains.”* “ The several streams that traversed this pro¬ 
vince, soon mingled their waters and formed a grand and 
powerful river, along which the army resumed their journey.’ 

“ On the second day of their march, they entered the small 
town of Canasauga. Continuing forward for five days through 
a desert country, on the 25th of June they came in sight of 
Ichiaha, thirty leagues from Guaxule. This village stood 
on one end of an island, more than five leagues in length, ’f 
They crossed the river in many canoes, and on rafts prepared 
for the purpose, and were quartered in and around the vil¬ 
lage, and “their worn-out horses enjoyed rich and abundant 
pasturage in the neighbouring meadows.” (Query. What 
island did Ichiaha stand upon ?) While at this village the 
Indians showed the Spaniards how they obtained pearls from 
the oysters taken in the river.J 

* Irving; f Idem. 

% The width of some of the streams, the number and extent of their islands, 
and the names of some of the villages and other localities mentioned in the ac¬ 
counts given of De Soto’s marches, have led to the belief that he may have visited 
the southern part of what is now East Tennessee, and that then turning west he 
crossed and recrossed the Tennessee river. McCullough, in the map accompany¬ 
ing his learned work,(*) lays down the route of De Soto’s army as penetrating at 
its extreme northern point to Choualla, near to the thirty-fifth degree of north lati¬ 
tude, and amongst the sources of the Coosa river. Choualla was situated on the 
skirts of a mountain, with a small but rapid river flowing by it. Could that have 
been the modern Cherokee Chilhowee ? The route had previously led the inva¬ 
ders to and through the province of Achalaque. It is known that the Cherokees 
do not pronounce the letter r, and that they call themselves Chelakees. The nar¬ 
rator also describes the country as mountainous, and as answering well to the fea¬ 
tures of the country near Chilhowee. The Portuguese Gentleman says the moun¬ 
tains were very bad. Herrera says that though they were not disagreeable, the 
mountains Avere twenty leagues across, and the army was five days in passing 
over them. After leaving Choualla, the route lay westward. Mention is made of 
Canasaqua. May this have been the present Canasauga ? Talisse and Sequa- 
chee—'names familiar to Tennessee readers—are also mentioned, and suggest the 
theory of Martin,(t) that De Soto may have passed through Tennessee and into 
Kentucky. 

Col. Pettival, who had been in the service of Napoleon during the peninsular 
war, and was, therefore, familiar with Spanish fortifications, visited, in 1834, “two 
forts or camps on the west bank of the Tennessee river, one mile above Brown’s 

(*) Researches, Philosophical and Antiquarian, concerning the aboriginal his¬ 
tory of America. 

(t) Martin’s Louisiana. 


REACHES TALISSE AND MAUVILA. 


27 


On the 2d day of July, DeSoto left Ichiaha, and travelled 
the length of the island to Acoste, a village on its extreme 
point, where they encamped. Next day they crossed the 
river in rafts and canoes, and afterwards continued their 
march through a fertile and populous province called Cosa. 
It was more than one hundred leagues in extent. The vil¬ 
lage of the same name “ was situated on the banks of a river, 
amidst green and beautiful meadows, irrigated by numerous 
small streams.” * 

On the 20th of August, De Soto left Cosa, and passing 
Ullabali, continued the march to Talise. It was a well for¬ 
tified post, “ and situated on the bank of a very rapid river, 
which nearly surrounded it.” During his stay at Talise, De 
Soto received an embassy from Tuscaluza, the cacique of the 
immense province which the Spaniards now approached, 
inviting him to his residence, which was about thirteen 
leagues distant. The army accordingly crossing the river, 
in a few days reached Tuscaloosa (alias Piache). “ It was 
a strong place, situated like Talise, upon a peninsula formed 
by the windings of the same river, which had here grown 
wider and more powerful.”f The next day was spent in 
making rafts and crossing the river; and continuing the 
march on the third day, October 18, they arrived before the vil¬ 
lage of Mauvila. “It was strongly fortified, and stood in a fine 
plain, and was surrounded by a high wall made of logs.” J 
The pacific conduct of the several tribes with which the 
Spaniards had met during the last few months, and espe¬ 
cially the friendly overtures of the powerful chieftain in 
whose capital they now were, had thrown them off their 
guard. But while reposing in the village and around its 

Ferry, below the Muscle Shoals, and opposite the mouth of Cedar Creek, (the county 
not mentioned,) which certainly belongs to the expedition of Alplionso De Soto.” 
Hepromises, in the letter from which this extract is made, a plan and description of 
these fortifications. He died soon after, and this writer is without further infor¬ 
mation on the subject. It is certainly worthy of the further attention of the curious. 

The information concerning the exact route pursued by De Soto, is so obscure 
and scanty, that it is difficult to make even an approximation to the truth. After 
all the speculations and conjectures which several authors have made about it, 
little progress has been attained in the solution of the enquiry. 

* Irving. f Idem. t Idem. 


28 


BATTLE OF ALIBAMO. 


walls in imagined security, they were suddenly assailed by 
the natives. They had concentrated all their own warriors 
at this place, and many from neighbouring provinces had 
joined them. For nine hours the battle raged, often with 
doubtful success to the Spaniards. At the setting sun, how¬ 
ever, victory was obained over the Indians. They fought 
with desperation, as was evident by the numbers slain— 
twenty-five hundred. The loss of De Soto was eighty-two. 

After so severe a battle, the army of De Soto needed repose. 
They rested, therefore, several days at Mauvila, to take care 
of his wounded followers. On the eighteenth of November 
he turned his course northward, and after marching five days 
through an uninhabited country, entered the province of 
Chicaza. “The first village at which they arrived, was 
called Cabusto. It was situated on a river, wide and deep, 
with high banks.” # To the proffers of peace made by De 
Soto, the inhabitants replied, “War is what we want—a war 
of fire and blood.” Eight thousand warriors collected to¬ 
gether to oppose his crossing, but were soon put to flight by 
the cavalry, and dispersed to the fastnesses of the adjoining 
country. Without further opposition the march was con¬ 
tinued to Chicaza. “It stood upon a gentle hill, stretching 
from north to south, watered on each side by a small stream, 
bordered by groves of walnut and oak trees.” It was the 
18th of December when the army arrived at Chicaza, and 
the weather being cold, with snow and ice, De Soto deter¬ 
mined to winter here. At Chicaza, as at Mauvila, the Span¬ 
iards were surprised by a well arranged night attack from 
the Indians. As in the former case, the Spaniards were vic¬ 
torious ; their loss, however, was severe. Forty soldiers were 
killed, and fifty horses. 

After a few days his encampment was broken up, and the 
army marched to Chiacilla, about a league distant; here they 
spent the remainder of the winter, and till the end of March. 
“The cold was rigorous in the extreme.” 

From this place the army marched, the 1st April, four 
leagues, and encamped in a plain beyond the Chicaza boun¬ 
dary. At a fortress of great strength, called Alibamo, was 

* Irving. 


BATTLE AND PILLAGE OF CHISCA. 


29 


the next battle fought. It was “upon a narrow and deep 
river, that flowed in its rear.” The loss of the Spaniards was 
fifteen; that of the natives, great. Continuing the march 
towards the north, “ for seven days they traversed an unin¬ 
habited country, full of forests and swamps. At length they 
came in sight of a village, called Chisca, seated near a wide 
river.” # This was the largest stream they had discovered 
in their expedition, and the Spaniards called it the Rio Grande. 
It is evidently the Mississippi. Juan Coles, one of the fol¬ 
lowers of De Soto, says that the Indian name of the river was 
Chucagua. The Portuguese narrator says, that in one place 
it was called Tomaliseu; in another, Tupata; in another, 
Mico ; and at that part where it enters the sea, Ri. It is 
probable it had different names among the different Indian 
tribes. The village of Chisca, near its banks, was called by 
the Portuguese narrator, Quizquiz. 

It is generally conjectured that Chisca, the village near 
which De Soto was encamped, and which bore the name of 
the chieftain of the province through whose territories the 
Spaniards were passing, occupied the site of the present 
thriving city of Memphis, and that the point where they 
crossed the Mississippi was near the Chickasaw Bluff. A 
mournful interest will be excited in the mind of the Ten¬ 
nessee reader to know every incident that occurred during 
the sojourn of the cavaliers near our boundaries or within 
our state. We copy from Irving. 

“ The Indians of this province, owing to their unceasing warfare with 
the natives of Chicaza, and the country lying between them being un¬ 
peopled, knew nothing of the approach of the strangers. The moment 
the Spaniards descried the village, they rushed into it in a disorderly 
manner, took many Indian prisoners, of both sexes and of all ages, and 
pillaged the houses. 

“ On a high artificial mound, on one side of the village, stood the 
dwelling of the cacique, which served as a fortress. The only ascent to 
it was by two ladders. Many of the Indians took refuge there, while 
others fled to a dense wood, that arose between the village and the 
river. Chisca, the chieftain of the province, was very old and lying ill 
in his bed. Hearing the tumult and shouts, however, he raised himself 
and w r ent forth; and as he beheld the sacking of his village, and the 
capture of his vassals, he seized a tomahawk, and began to descend in a 
furious rage, threatening vengeance and extermination to all who had 

* Irving. 


30 


INDIAN COUNCIL. 


dared to enter his domains without permission. With all these brava¬ 
does, the cacique, besides being infirm and very old, was pitiful in his 
dimensions ; the most miserable little Indian that the Spaniards had 
seen in all their marchings. He was animated, however, by the deeds 
and exploits of his youth, for he had been a doughty warrior and ruled 
over a vast province. 

“ The women and attendants of the cacique surrounded him, and, 
with tears and entreaties, prevailed upon him not to descend ; at the 
same time, those who came up from the village informed him that the 
enemy were men such as they had never before beheld or heard of, and 
that they came upon strange animals of great size and wonderful agility. 
If you desire to battle with them, said they, to avenge this injury, it 
will be better to summon together the warriors of the neighbourhood, 
and await a more fitting opportunity. In the meantime, let us put on 
the semblance of friendship, and not, by any inconsiderate rashness, 
provoke our destruction. With these and similar arguments, the women 
and attendants of the cacique prevented his sallying forth to battle. 
He continued, however, in great wrath, and when the governor sent 
him a message, offering peace, he returned an answer, refusing all amity, 
and breathing fiery vengeance. 

“ He Soto and his followers, wearied out with the harassing warfare 
of the past winter, were very desirous of peace. Having pillaged the 
village and offended the cacique, they were in something of a dilemma; 
accordingly, they sent him many gentle and most soothing messages. 
Added to their disinclination for war, they observed, that during the 
three hours they had halted in the village, nearly four thousand well 
armed warriors had rallied around the cacique, and they feared that if 
such a multitude could assemble in such a short time, there must be 
large reinforcements in reserve. They perceived, moreover, that the 
situation of the village was very advantageous for the Indians, and very 
unfavourable to them; for the plains around were covered with trees 
and intersected by numerous streams, which would impede the move¬ 
ments of the cavalry. But more than all this, they had learned from 
sad experience, that these incessant conflicts did not in the least profit 
them ; day after day, man and horse were slain, and, in the midst of a 
hostile country, and far from home and hope of succour, their number 
was gradually dwindling away. 

“ The Indians held a council, to discuss the messages of the strangers. 
Many were for war ; they were enraged with the imprisonment of their 
wives and children, and the pillage of their property—to recover which, 
according to their fierce notions, the only recourse was arms. Others, 
who had not lost any thing, yet desired hostilities, from a natural incli¬ 
nation for fighting. They wished to exhibit their valour and prowess, 
and to try what kind of men these were, who carried such strange arms. 
The more pacific savages, however, advised that the proffered peace 
should be accepted, as the surest means of recovering their wives, and 
children, and effects. They added, that the enemy might burn their vil¬ 
lages and lay waste their fields, at a time when their grain was almost 
ripening, ancl thus add to their calamities. The valour of these stran- 


DE SOTO AND HIS ARMY CROSS THE MISSISSIPPI. 


31 


gers, said they, is sufficiently evident; for men who have passed through 
so many enemies, cannot be otherwise than brave. 

“ This latter counsel prevailed. The cacique, dissembling his anger, 
replied to the envoy, that since the Spaniards entreated for peace, he 
would grant it, and allow them to halt in the village, and give them 
food, on condition that they would immediately free his subjects and 
restore their effects, not keeping a single article. He also stipulated 
that they should not mount to see him. If these terms were accepted, 
he said he would be friendly; if not, he defied them to the combat. 

“ The Spaniards readily agreed to these conditions; the prisoners and 
plunder were restored, and the Indians departed from the village, leaving 
food in the dwellings for the Spaniards, who sojourned here six days to 
tend the sick. On the last day, with the permission of the cacique, De 
Soto visited him, and thanked him for his friendship and hospitality, 
and, on the subsequent day, they resumed their march. Departing 
from Chisca, the army travelled by slow journeys of three leagues a day, 
on account of the wounded and sick. They followed up the windings 
of the river until the fourth day, when they came to an opening in the 
thickets. Heretofore, they had been threading a vast and dense forest, 
bordering the stream, whose banks were so high, on both sides, that 
they could neither descend nor clamber up them. De Soto found it 
necessary to halt in this place twenty days, to build boats or piraquas to 
cross the river; for, on the opposite bank, a great multitude of Indian 
warriors were assembled, well armed, and with a fleet of canoes to 
defend the passage. 

“ The morning after the governor had encamped, some of the natives 
visited him. Advancing without speaking a word, and turning their 
faces to the east, they made a profound genuflexion to the sun; then 
facing to the west, they made the same obeisance to the moon, and con¬ 
cluded with a similar, but less humble, reverence to De Soto. They 
said that they came in the name of the cacique of the province, and in 
the name of all his subjects, to bid them welcome, and to offer their 
friendship and services; and added, that they were desirous of seeing 
what kind of men these strangers were, as there was a tradition handed 
down from their ancestors, that a white people would come and conquer 
their country. The adelantado said many kind things in reply, and 
dismissed them well pleased with their courteous reception.” 

At the end of twenty days, four piraquas were built and 
launched. About three hours before the dawn of day, De 
Soto ordered them to be manned, and four troopers of tried 
courage to go in each. The rowers pulled strongly, and 
when they were within a stone’s throw of the shore, the 
troopers dashed into the water, and, meeting with no opposi¬ 
tion from the enemy, they easily effected a landing and 
made themselves masters of the pass. Two hours before 
the sun went down, the whole army had passed over the 


32 THE FRENCH ASCEND THE ST. LAWRENCE. 

I 

( Mississippi. The river in this place, says the Por- 
( tuguese historian, was a half league from one shore 
to the other, so that a man standing still could scarce be 
discerned from the opposite bank. The stream was of great 
depth, very muddy, and was filled with trees and timber 
carried along by the rapidity of the current. 

It is deemed not necessary to the purpose of these annals, 
to follow the route of De Soto further. The object of his 
expedition had been conquest and colonization. He had 
thus far succeeded in neither. The generous mind sympa¬ 
thizes in his reverses of fortune. The captor of Atahualp'a 
entreated a peace with the superannuated cacique of Chisca; 
a leader at the storming of Cusco, asked leave to bivouac 
in the wigwam of his subjects ; and the Governor of Cuba 
begs for the hospitalities of the chieftain of an interior pro¬ 
vince on the banks of the Mississippi. It is painful to wan¬ 
der with him a year longer in the wild and boundless soli¬ 
tudes west of that stream, or to trace his return to it, to die 
( in the secluded forest upon its shore. It will be suffi- 
i C’ent to remark, that the death of the enterprising 
commander of the expedition, the vast amount of money 
(100,000 ducats) expended, the loss of more than two-thirds 
of his army, his failure to find gold or to achieve any of the 
objects of the undertaking, discouraged further attempts by 
Europeans to penetrate this part of the country ; and it was 
not till J673 that another adventurer from the Old World 
again visited what is now known as Tennessee. 

Maritime discoveries were, however, still prosecuted; 
and at the very time De Soto was carrying on his abortive 
invasion by land, the interior of North America was sought 
in another direction, and under the auspices of another 
nation. In 1542, Cartier and Roberval had sailed up the St. 
Lawrence, built a fort, and made a feeble effort to explore 
and settle Canada. The colony was soon abandoned, and 
for half a century the French took no measures to establish 
settlements there. England, also, partook of the spirit of 
exploration and adventure that was still active and engross¬ 
ing. That power, in consequence of the discoveries by the 
Cabots, had taken formal possession, under Sir Humphrey 


RALEIGH LANDS IN NORTH-CAROLINA. 


33 


Gilbert, in 1583, of Newfoundland. The next year, Queen 
Elizabeth, by royal patent, authorized Sir Walter Raleigh 
to discover and occupy such remote, heathen and barbarous 
lands, not possessed or inhabited by Christian people, as to 
him should seem good.* Under this patent, Raleigh sent 
two experienced commanders, Amadas and Barlow, to ex¬ 
plore the country then called Florida. They arrived on the 
American coast, July 4, 1584, and sailed along the shore one 
hundred and twenty miles, before they could find an entrance, 
by any river, issuing into the sea. Coming to one at length, 
they entered it, and having manned their boats and viewed 
the adjoining lands, they took formal possession of the coun¬ 
try for the Queen of England.*]* They had landed upon the 
Island of Wocoken, the southernmost of the islands forming 
Ocracock Inlet, upon the coast of our parent state, North- 
Carolina. The adventurers explored Roanoke Island and 
Albemarle Sound, and, after a short stay, returned to Eng¬ 
land, “accompanied by Manteo and Wanchese, two natives 
of the wilderness ; and the returning voyagers gave such 
glowing descriptions of their discoveries as might be ex¬ 
pected from men who had done no more than sail over the 
smooth waters of a summer’s sea, among ‘ the hundred is¬ 
lands’ of North-Carolina. Elizabeth, as she heard their 
reports, esteemed her reign signalized by the discovery of the 
enchanting regions, and, as a memorial of her state of life, 
named them Virginia.”J Raleigh, determined to carry into 
effect his scheme of colonization, found little difficulty in 
collecting together a large company of emigrants, and, in 
April of 1585, fitted out a new expedition of seven vessels 
and one hundred and eight colonists, with which to form the 
first settlement upon the soil of Carolina. The fleet reached 
Wocoken the 2Gth of June, and having left the colony 
under the direction of Ralf Lane as its governor, Sir Richard 

* Thus Queen Elizabeth executed the first patent from an English sovereign, 
for any lands within the territory of the United States, to Sir Walter Raleigh. 
Its date is March 25, 1584. The present State of Tennessee is within its boun¬ 
daries, but nearly two centuries elapsed before that part of the queen’s grant wa» 
settled. 

f Holmes. % Bancroft. 

3 


/ 


34 


JAMES TOWN LAID OFF. 


Grenville, in command of the ships, returned to Plymouth. 
The colony, however, was destined to be short-lived. Its 
members became discontented, their supplies were exhausted, 
they sighed “for the luxuries of the cities of their native 
land,” and an opportune arrival of Sir Francis Drake fur¬ 
nished the means of their return to England. 

Sir Walter Raleigh, not to be driven from his purpose of 
( colonization by past failures, collected another body 
( of emigrants, with wives and families and implements 
of husbandry ; intending to form an agricultural community, 
in which the endearments of home and the means of pro¬ 
curing a certain subsistence, might ensure stability and per¬ 
manence. This new and more promising colony, with John 
White for its governor, was sent out in April, and arrived 
July 23, at Roanoke, where the foundations of the “ citie of 
Raleigh” were laid. 

Eleanor Dare, wife of one of the assistants, and the daugh¬ 
ter of Governor White, gave birth to a female child, the first 
offspring of English parents on the soil of the United States.* 
It was called, from the place of its birth, Virginia Dare. 

But the wise policy and liberal provision of Raleigh were 
lost upon this his last colony. In 1590 not a vestige of its 
existence could be found. 

In 1607, a more successful effort secured the formation of 
a permanent English colony in America. Captain Newport 
commanded a fleet of three ships, with one hundred emi¬ 
grants, to Virginia. He had intended to land at Roanoke, 
and make further attempts to form a settlement there ; but 
being driven by a storm to the northward of that place, the 
fleet entered Chesapeake Bay, and, on the 13th of May, the 
adventurers took possession of a peninsula upon the north 
side of the river Powhatan. Plere they laid off a town, 
which, in honour of the king, they called James Town. The 
charter under which this first English colony in America was 
planted, reserved supreme legislative authority to the king ; 
and while a general superintendence of the colony was con¬ 
fided to a council in England, appointed by him, its local ad¬ 
ministration was entrusted to a council residing within its 

* Bancroft. 


FIRST REPRESENTATIVE BODY IN AMERICA. 


35 


limits. “To the emigrants themselves it conceded not one 
elective franchise ; not one of the rights of self-government.”* 

A second charter, in 1609, invested the company with the 
election of the council and the exercise of legislative power, 
independent of the crown. 

In 1612, a third patent gave to the company a more demo¬ 
cratic form; power was transferred from the council to the 
stockholders, and “ their sessions became the theatre of bold 
and independent discussions.” In 1619, the colonists them¬ 
selves were allowed to share in legislation ; and in June of 
that year, the governor, the council, and two representatives 
from each of the boroughs, constituted the first popular repre¬ 
sentative body of the western hemisphere.! In 1621, a writ¬ 
ten constitution was brought out by Sir Francis Wyat, gov¬ 
ernor of the colony, extending still further the representative 
principle. Under its provisions two burgesses were to be 
chosen for the assembly by every town, hundred or particu¬ 
lar plantation. All matters were to be decided by a majority 
in the assembly, reserving to the governor the veto power, 
and requiring the sanction of the general court of the com¬ 
pany in England. On the other hand, no order of the gene¬ 
ral court was to bind the colony until assented to by the as¬ 
sembly ; each colonist thus became a freeman and a citizen, 
and ceased to be a servant of a commercial company, and 
dependent on the will and orders of his superior. J The colony 
flourished, and its frontier extended to the Potomac in the 
interior, and coastwise expanded to Albemarle Sound, upon 
which the first permanent settlers in North-Carolina pitched 
their tent, having been attracted by the report of an adven¬ 
turer from Virginia, who, on his return from it, “ celebrated 
the kindness of the native people, the fertility of the country, 
and the happy climate, that yielded two harvests in each 
year.” § These representations of the advantages of the 
country, and the prosperous condition of its pioneer emigrants, 
awakened the cupidity and excited the ambition of English 
courtiers. On the 24th of March, 1663, Charles II. granted 
to Edward, Earl of Clarendon, Monk, Lord Craven, Lord 
Ashley Cooper, Sir John Colleton, Lord John Berkeley, Sir 

* Bancroft. f Holmes. ^ Idem. § Smith’s Virginia. 


36 


SELF-GOVERNMENT PROVIDED FOR. 


William Berkeley, and Sir George Carteret, all the country 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, included between the 
thirty-first and thirty-sixth parallels of latitude, and consti¬ 
tuted them its proprietors and immediate sovereigns. Exten¬ 
sive as was this grant, the proprietaries in June, 1665, secured 
by a second patent, an enlargement of their powers, and 
such further extent of their boundaries, as to include all the 
country between the parallels of thirty-six degrees thirty 
minutes and twenty-nine degrees north latitude, embracing 
all the territory of North and South-Carolina, Georgia, Ten¬ 
nessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, a part of 
Florida and Missouri, and much of Texas, New Mexico and 
California. That part of its northern boundary extending from 
the top of the Alleghany mountain to the eastern bank of 
the Tennessee river, is the line of separation between Vir¬ 
ginia and Tennessee, and Kentueky and Tennessee. 

“Among other powers conferred upon the lord proprietors 
was that of enacting laws and constitutions for the people of 
that province, by and with the advice, assent and approbation 
of the freemen thereof, or of the greattr part of them, or of their 
delegates or deputies, who were to be assembled from time to 
time for that purpose. 11 * So early and so deeply was the 
germ of self-government planted in Carolina. In 1667, the 
first constitution was given bj r the proprietary government. 
It directed that the governor should act with the advice of a 
council of twelve, one half to be appointed by himself, the 
other half by the assembly, and this was to be composed of 
the governor, the council, and twelve delegates chosen by the 
freeholders.* 

Historians do not agree as to the precise year in which the 
first legislative body in North-Carolina convened. It was 
certainly, however, in 1666 or 1667. This legislature was 
called the “ Grand Assembly of the County of Albemarle.” 
Its principal acts were such as were believed to be required 
by the peculiar situation of the country, and were prompted 
by an anxious desire to increase its population.f 

While the colonists of Virginia and Carolina were slowly 
extending their settlements in the direction of Tennessee, 
* Preface of Revised Statutes of North-Carolina. t Idem. 


ALLEGHANIES FIRST CROSSED. 


37 


they remained entirely ignorant of the great interior of the 
continent. It was the policy of the proprietors to know some¬ 
thing more of the vast domains within the limits of their 
grants, and explorations were projected to ascertain and oc¬ 
cupy them. In their hunting excursions, the highlands of 
Virginia had been seen, but adventure had not discovered 
the distant sources of its rivers, and the country beyond the 
Blue Ridge was yet unknown. Its original inhabitants still 
roamed through the ancient woods, free, independent and 
secure, in happy ignorance of the approaches of civilized man. 
Its flora, scattered in magnificent profusion over hill and dale, 
mountain and prairie, still “ wasted its fragrance on the desert 
air.” La Belle Reviere, in quietude and silence, winded 
along its placid current through the “dark and bloody land” 
to the Father of Rivers, which itself, in turbid violence, rolled 
its angry floods in solitary grandeur to the sea. It was not 
till 1655, that “Colonel Woods, who dwelt at the falls of 
James river, sent suitable persons on a journey of discovery 
to the westward; they crossed the Alleghany mountains, and 
reached the banks of the Ohio and other rivers emptying 
into the Mississippi.” # The route pursued is not distinctly 
known. It is scarcely probable that, ascending the James 
river, Colonel Woods fell into the beautiful valley of Vir¬ 
ginia, and, following its course, passed through the upper 
part of East Tennessee and Cumberland Gap to the Ohio. 
With the limited knowledge then had of the geography of the 
West, the Holston would be considered as an immediate tri¬ 
butary of the Mississippi. If such was indeed the route pur¬ 
sued, Colonel Woods was the pioneer in that great channel 

of emigration that more than a century afterwards began to 

• 

pour its immense flood of emigrants from the Atlantic to the 
West. 

In the meantime, religious enthusiasm and French loyalty 
were extending discoveries to the westward in another chan¬ 
nel. The feeble settlements of the French planted upon the 
1665 $ St. Lawrence, were strengthened and extended along 
l the great lakes. In 1665, Father Claude Allotiez em¬ 
barked on a mission to the Far West by way of the Ottawa. 

* Martin’s North-Carolina, vol. 1, p. 115. 


38 


CHICKASAW BLUFF. 


During his voyages along the lakes, and his sojourn in the 
immense wilds around them, “ he lighted the torch of faith 
for more than twenty different nations.” His curiosity was 
roused by hearing from the Illinois “ the tale of the noble 
river on which they dwelt, and which flowed towards the 
ssouth.” Alloiiez reported its name to be Messipi. 

In 1673, Marquette, another missionary, and Joliet, pene¬ 
trated beyond the lakes. Talon, the intendant of New 
France, wished to signalize his administration by “ ascertain¬ 
ing if the French, descending the great river of the central 
west, could bear the banner of France to the Pacific, or plant 
it, side by side with that of Spain, on the Gulf of Mexico.”* 
Under his patronage, Marquette and Joliet, with five French 
companions and two Algonquins as guides, entered upon the 
enterprise. Their canoes were carried across the narrow 
portage between the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, and on the 
10th of June, in the beautiful language of Bancroft, France 
( and Christianity stood in the valley of the Mississippi. 
I Descending the Wisconsin in seven days, they entered 
the great river. They were peaceably received by the Illi¬ 
nois and other Indian tribes along its banks. The Missouri 
was then known by its Algonquin name, Pekitanoni. The 
Ohio was then, and long after, called the Wabash. In the 
map published with Marquette’s Journal, in 1681, numerous 
villages are laid down upon its banks as inhabited by the 
(Chauvanon) Shawnees, and east of them, in the interior, are 
represented dense Indian settlements or villages of different 
tribes, and all situated between the thirty-fifth and thirty- 
sixth degrees. Highlands corresponding to the first, second 
and third Chickasaw Bluffs, as now known, are delineated 
with considerable accuracy ; as is also a large island in the 
Mississippi nearly opposite to the lower bluff, now known as 
President’s Island. The Ohio has a tributary running into it 
from the south-east, and the Shawnee villages occupy a 
place upon the map between that tributary and the Missis¬ 
sippi. The latter stream is spelled Mitchisipi. In the land 
of the Chickasaws, the Indians had guns, obtained probably 
by traffic or warfare with the Spaniards. Lower down the 

* Bancroft. 

A 


FIRST CABIN AND FORT IN TENNESSEE. 


39 


river axes were also seen, acquired probably in the same 
way. 

The adventurers descended as low as the mouth of the 
Arkansas, and on the 17th of July ascended the Mississippi 
on their return. The account of their voyage and discove¬ 
ries excited among their countrymen brilliant schemes of 
colonization in the south-west,—a spirit of territorial aggran¬ 
dizement for the crown of France, and of commerce between 
Europe and the Mississippi—and La Salle was commissioned 
to perfect the discovery of the great river. In 1682, he de¬ 
scended that stream to the sea, planted the arms of France 
near the Gulf of Mexico, claimed the territory for that power, 
and in honour of his monarch, Louis XIV., gave it the name 
of Louisiana. As he passed down the river lie framed a 
cabin and built a fort,* called Prud’homme, on the first 
Chickasaw Bluff. The first work, except probably the pira- 
quas of De Soto, ever executed by the hand of civilization 
within the boundaries of Tennessee. A cabin and a fort ! 
Fit emblem and presage of the future in Tennessee. The axe 
and the rifle, occupancy and defence, settlement and con¬ 
quest ! 

While at the Bluff, La Salle entered into amicable arrange¬ 
ments for opening a trade with the Chickasaws, and esta¬ 
blished there a trading post that should be a point of ren¬ 
dezvous for traders passing from the Illinois country to the 
posts that should be established below. The commercial 
acumen of La Salle in founding a trading post at this point, 
is now made most manifest. Near the same ground has 
since arisen a city, whose commerce already exceeds that of 
any other in Tennessee, and whose facilities for trade, foreign 
and domestic, by land or water, portend a commercial destiny 
scarcely inferior to that of the ancient Memphis ; and, after 
the accomplishment of the public improvements contemplated 
and projected, not surpassed by any point upon the Missis¬ 
sippi above New-Orleans. 

Thus one hundred and eighty years after the discovery of 
America, and one hundred and thirty years after DeSoto had 
crossed our western limit, did Marquette and Joliet coast 
* Martin’s North-Carolina, vol. 1, p. 176. 


40 


CHARLES TOWN LAID OUT. 


along and discover the western boundary of Tennessee. And 
thus, one hundred years after Queen Elizabeth had signed 
the patent to Sir Walter Raleigh, did La Salle claim for his 
monarch, Louis XIV., the rich domain, with the illimitable 
and magnificent resources of the great Mississippi valley. 
In proof of the uncertain tenure of all earthly monarchs, it 
may be remarked, that the claims of both these rival king¬ 
doms have long since passed into the hands of others, and 
that American sovereignties and American freemen now 
possess and control the rich heritage which, in its lust for 
territorial acquisition, European royalty had, with munificent 
prodigality, appropriated for trans-atlantic subjects. 

After this rapid survey of French exploration and dis¬ 
covery in the West, we return to notice further the growth 
and extension of Virginia and Carolina, as through them, at 
later periods, were the principal avenues of emigration to 
Tennessee. 

In the former colony, temporary difficulties resulted from 
civil commotion and occasional aggressions of the nati ves ; 
still the government had been conducted with such wise 
moderation that tranquillity was restored, and a rapid in¬ 
crease of population and the extension of the settlements 
followed. In 1671, Virginia contained forty thousand souls. 

Albemarle, as North-Carolina was then called, contained, 
in 1670, about fourteen hundred inhabitants. Other settle¬ 
ments had begun to expand along the coast south of it. 
“The command of Sir John Yeamans, who ruled the planta¬ 
tion around Cape Fear, was extended over that which lay 
southward of Cape Carteret. The planters from Clarendon 
and Port Royal resorted to the banks of Ashley river.” * In 
1671, “old Charlestown” was laid out. In 1674, “ all the 
freemen of Carolina, meeting by summons, there elected 
representatives to make laws for the government of the 
colony. There were now a colonial governor, an upper and 
a lower house of assembly, and these three branches took 
the name of parliament. This was the first parliament that 
passed acts which were ratified by the proprietaries, and pre¬ 
served in the records of the colony.” f In 1680, Charlestown 

* Holmes. t Idem. 


Culpeper’s rebellion. 


41 


was removed to the point formed by the confluence of the 
Ashley and Cooper rivers, and was declared to be the capital 
for the general administration of government in Carolina. 

In December, 1G77, Miller, a collector of the royal customs, 
in attempting to reform some abuses in Albemarle, became 
obnoxious to the people, and an insurrection followed. The 
insurgents, conducted chiefly by Culpeper, imprisoned the 
president and seven proprietary deputies, seized the royal 
revenue, established courts of justice, appointed officers, 
called a parliament, and for two years exercised all the 
authority of an independent state. This insurrection, rather 
this bold attempt at revolution and self-government by the 
fourteen hundred colonists of Albemarle, deserves a further 
notice. We copy from Marshall: 

“ The proprietors of Carolina, dissatisfied with their own system, 
applied to the celebrated Mr. Locke for the plan of a constitution. They 
supposed that this profound and accurate reasoner must be deeply 
skilled in the science of government. In compliance with their request, 
he framed a body of fundamental laws, which were approved and 
adopted. A palatine for life was to be chosen from among the proprie¬ 
tors, who was to act as president of the palatine court, which was to be 
composed of all those who were entrusted with the execution of the 
1669 i powers granted by the charter. A body of hereditary nobility 
( was created, to be denominated landgraves and caciques, the 
former to be invested with four baronies, consisting each of four thou¬ 
sand acres, and the latter to have two, containing each two thousand 
acres of land. These estates were to descend with the dignities forever. 
The provincial legislature, denominated a parliament, was to consist of 
the proprietors, in the absence of any one of whom his place was to be 
supplied by a deputy appointed by himself, of the nobility, and of the 
representatives of the freeholders, who were elected by districts. These 
discordant materials were to compose a single body, which could initiate 
nothing. The bills to be laid before it were to be prepared in a grand 
council, composed of the governor, the nobility, and the deputies of the 
proprietors, who were invested also with the executive powers. At the 
end of every century, the laws were to become void without the formality 
of a repeal. Various judicatories were erected, and numerous minute 
perplexing regulations were made.” 

The Duke of Albemarle was chosen the first palatine, and 
16 Y 0 ( the philosophic Locke himself was created a land- 
l grave. When Governor Stephens attempted to intro¬ 
duce, as he was ordered to do, this constitution in Albemarle, 
the innovation was strenuously opposed ; and the discontent. 


42 


ALBEMARLE INDEPENDENT. 

* 

it produced was increased by a rumour that the proprietors 
designed to dismember the province. At length these discon¬ 
tents broke out into open insurrection, and resulted, as has 
been narrated, in the establishment, under Culpeper, of an 
independent government. Thus furnishing, in the language 
of the same writer, additional evidence to the many afforded 
by history, of the great but neglected truth, that experience 
is the only safe school in which the science of government is 
to be acquired, and that the theories of the closet must have 
the stamp of practice, before they can be received with im¬ 
plicit confidence. The truth is, the people of Albemarle were, 
perhaps of all communities, the least favourable for a fair 
experiment of the philosophic system of Mr. Locke. It con¬ 
tained scarcely a single feature suited to the wants of a 
primitive people. Most of its provisions were in conflict with 
their interests. They needed little legislation and less gov¬ 
ernment, and heretofore they had legislated for and governed 
themselves. “ The representative principle, indeed the right 
of self-government, seems to have been, if not an inheritance 
to the Carolina colonists, certainly cognate and inborn. They 
were the ‘ freest of the free.’ Self-government was epidemic 
to them. It was inherited from them. It has descended 
without alloy or adulteration to their descendants beyond the 
mountain. Its contagion has affected the original territorial 
boundaries of Carolina, has crossed the Mississippi, pervades 
all Texas, approaches Mexico and California, and can have 
its ardour quenched only by the waves of the Pacific. From 
the germ at Albemarle sprang, remotely, our independence ; 
and the seed sown in 1677, although it required the culture 
of ninety-eight years to bring it to maturity, continued to 
vegetate, till it produced the rich harvest of American inde¬ 
pendence.” * 

The proprietors, discovering the growing dissatisfaction of 
l688 ) the colonists with the constitution of Mr. Locke, abol- 
) ished it, and wisely substituted the ancient form of 
government. 

While the grievances in Carolina were being redressed, 


* Written before the war with Mexico. 


bacon’s rebellion. 


43 


1677 


1714 


discontents in Virginia assumed a serious aspect; and about 
the same time that Culpeper was revolutionizing Albemarle, 
a rebellion appeared at Jamestown, and was headed by 
Bacon, a member of the council. It was so far successful as 
to produce the flight of Governor Berkeley from the capital, 
a convention of the people, a new election of burgesses, and 
a new government. A civil war followed ; the insurgents 
burned Jamestown, and would probably have entirely sub¬ 
verted the authority of the governor, but for the sudden death 
of their daring leader. 

The pacification which followed the death of Bacon, was 
accompanied with increased emigration and an exten¬ 
sion of the settlements into the valley of Virginia. In 
1690, they reached to the Blue Ridge, and explorations of the 
distant West were soon after undertaken. “ Early in his ad¬ 
ministration, Colonel Alexander Spotswood, Lieu¬ 
tenant-Governor of Virginia, was the first who passed 
the Apalachian mountains, or Great Blue Hills, and the gen¬ 
tlemen, his attendants, were called Knights of the Horseshoe, 
having discovered a horse pass.” * “ Some rivers have been 

discovered on the west side of the Apalachian mountains, 
which fall into the River Ohio, which falls into the River 
Mississippi below the River Illinois.” f It is said that Gov¬ 
ernor Spotswood passed Cumberland Gap during his tour of 
exploration, and gave the name to that celebrated pass, the 
mountain and the river, which they have ever since borne. 

Intestine wars prevailed among the numerous Indian tribes 
in Carolina, and the colonists, as the means of their own 
security, had fomented these disputes between the natives. 
As early as 1693, twenty chiefs of the Cherokee nation waited 
upon Governor Smith, and solicited the protection ol his gov¬ 
ernment against the Esaw and Congaree (Coosaw) J Indians, 
who had lately invaded their country and taken prisoners. 
The governor expressing a disposition to cultivate their 
friendship, promised to do what he could for their defence. 
In 1711, the Tuscaroras, Corees, and other tribes, attempted 
the extermination of the settlers upon Roanoke. One hundred 


* Summary, historical and political, of British Settlements. Vol 2, p. 362 

t Idem. \ Martin. 


44 


CAROLINA DIVIDED. 


and thirty-seven were massacred. The news of the disaster 
reaching Charleston, Governor Craven sent Colonel Barnwell, 
with six hundred militia and nearly four hundred Indians, to 
their relief. These allies consisted, in part, of the Cherokees 
and Creeks. The Tuscaroras were subdued, and the hostile 
part of the tribe emigrated to the vicinity of Oneida Lake, 
and became the sixth nation of the Iroquois confederacy. 
“Thus the power of the natives was broken, and the interior 
forests became safe places of resort to the emigrant. 5 ’ # 

The alliance between the colonists of Carolina and the 
aboriginal inhabitants, perhaps never cordial, was certainly 
of short duration. In less than five years after Colonel Barn¬ 
well’s expedition against the Tuscaroras, every Indian tribe, 
from Florida to Cape Fear, had united in a confederacy for 
the destruction of the settlements in Carolina. The Con- 
garees, Catawbas, Cherokees and Creeks, had joined the 
Yamassees in this conspiracy. They had recently received 
presents, and guns and ammunition from the Spaniards at 
St. Augustine; and it has been supposed that the defection of 
the Indians may be traced to their authority and seductive 
influence. The confederates, after spreading slaughter and 
desolation through the unsuspecting settlements, were met by 
1715 S Governor Craven at Salkehachie, and defeated and 
l driven across the Savannah. 

In 1719, a domestic revolution took place in the southern 
part of Carolina. The proprietary government had, from the 
operation of several causes, become unpopular with the 
people. An association was therefore formed for uniting the 
whole province against the government of the proprietors, 
and “ to stand by their rights and privileges.” The members 
elected to the assembly “ voted themselves a convention dele¬ 
gated by the people, and resolved on having a governor of 
their own choosing.” The new form of government went 
into operation without the least confusion or struggle.f 
In 1732, the province was divided into two distinct govern¬ 
ments, called North-Carolina and South-Carolina. 

In the meantime the French had extended their settlements, 
laid out Kaskaskias and other towns, and built several forts 

* Bancroft. f Martin. 


FIRST STORE IN TENNESSEE. 


45 


in the valley of the Mississippi, and established New-Orleans 
upon its bank. It had become evident that their intention 
was, not only to monopolize the Indian traffic in the West, 
but by a chain of forts on the great passes from Canada to 
the Gulf of Mexico, to confine the English colonies to narrow 
limits along the coast of the Atlantic, and, by their influence 
with the natives, to retard their growth and check their ex¬ 
pansion westward. Traders from Carolina had already pene¬ 
trated to the country of the Chickasaws and Choctaws, but 
had been driven from the villages of the latter by the influ¬ 
ence of Bienville, of Louisiana. By prior discovery, if not 
by conquest or occupancy, France claimed the whole valley 
of the Mississippi. “ Louisiana stretched to the head-springs 
of the Alleghany and the Monongahela, of the Kenhawa and 
the Tennessee. Half a mile from the head of the southern 
branch of the Savannah river is Herbert’s Spring, which 
flows to the Mississippi; strangers who drank of it would 
say they had tasted of French waters.” This remark of Adair 
may probably explain the English name of the principal 
tributary of the Holston. Traders and hunters from Carolina, 
in exploring the country and passing from the head waters 
of Broad river, of Carolina, and falling upon those of the 
stream with which they inosculate west of the mountain, 
would hear of the French claim, as Adair did, and call it, 
most naturally, French Broad. 

M. Charleville, a French trader from Crozat’s colony at 
1714 $ New-Orleans, came among the Shawnees then inhab- 
l iting the country upon the Cumberland river, and 
traded with them. His store was built upon a mound near 
the present site of Nashville, on the west side of Cumberland 
river, near French Lick Creek, and about seventy yards from 
each stream. M. Charleville thus planted upon the banks of 
the Cumberland the germ of civilization and commerce, un¬ 
conscious that it contained the seminal principle of future 
wealth, consequence and empire. 

About this period the Cherokees and Chickasaws expelled 
the Shawnees from their numerous villages upon the lower 
Cumberland. 

At the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, the French 


46 


PADUCAH BUILT. 


built and garrisoned Fort Toulouse, Tombeckbee, in the 
country of the Choctaws, Assumption, on the Chickasaw 
Bluff, and Paducah, at the mouth of Cumberland, and trading 
posts at different points along the Tennessee river, indicated 
future conflict of territorial rights, if not aggression and hos¬ 
tility between the English and French colonies. Colonial 
rivalry prompted each to ingratiate itself with and secure 
the trade and friendship of the native tribes. 

In pursuance of this policy, Governor Nicholson, in 1721, 
sent a message to the Cherokees, inviting them to a general 
congress, in order to treat of friendship and commerce. The 
chieftains of thirt} r -seven different towns met him. He made 
them presents, smoked with them the pipe of peace, laid off 
their boundaries, and appointed an agent to superintend 
their affairs. With the Creeks he also made a treaty of 
commerce and peace, and appointed an agent to reside 
among them. In 1730, the projects of the French, for uniting 
Canada and Louisiana, began to be developed. Already had 
they extended themselves northwardly from the Gulf of 
Mexico, and had made-many friends among the Indians west 
of Carolina. To counteract their intentions, it was the wish 
of Great Britain to convert the Indians into allies or subjects, 
and to make with them treaties of union and alliance. For 
this purpose, Sir Alexander Cumming was sent out to treat 
with the Cherokees, who then occupied the lands about the 
head of Savannah and backward among the Apalachian 
mountains. They were computed to amount to more than 
twenty thousand, six thousand of whom were warriors. Sir 
Q ( Alexander havingsummoned the Lower, Middle, Valley 
i and Over-hill settlements, met in April the chiefs of all 
the Cherokee towns at Nequassee,* informed them by whose 
authority he was sent, and demanded of them to acknow¬ 
ledge themselves the subjects of his sovereign, King George, 
and to promise obedience to his authority. Upon which the 
chiefs, falling on their knees, solemnly promised obedience 
and fidelity, calling upon all that was terrible to fall upon 
them if they violated their promise. Sir Alexander then, by 

* Martin has it Requassee. It is laid down on Adair’s map amoDg the moun¬ 
tains near the sources of the Hiwassee. 


TENASSEE-CHIEF TOWN. 


47 


their unanimous consent, nominated Moytoy* * * § commander 
and chief of the Cherokee nation. The crown was brought 
from Tenassee,t their chief town, which, with five eagle tails 
and four scalps of their enemies, Moytoy presented to Sir 
Alexander, requesting him, on his arrival at Britain, to lay 
them at his majesty’s feet. But Sir Alexander proposed to 
Moytoy, that he should depute some of his chiefs to accom¬ 
pany him to England, and do homage in person to the great 
king Six of them, accordingly, did accompany him, and, 
being admitted to the royal presence, promised, in the name 
of their nation, to continue forever his majesty’s faithful and 
obedient subjects.J A treaty was then drawn up and exe¬ 
cuted formally,§ of friendship, alliance and commerce. With¬ 
out mentioning the Spaniards and French, it is plain that 
some of its provisions were intended to exclude their traders 
from any participation in traffic with the Cherokees, and to 
prevent any settlements or forts from being made by them in 
their country. In consequence of this treaty, a condition of 
friendship and peace continued for many years between this 
tribe and the colonists. 

In 1732, the colony of Georgia was projected, and the 
governor of it, Oglethorpe, effected a treaty with the Lower 
and Upper Creeks, a large tribe, numbering together between 
twenty and thirty thousand. To-mo-chi-chi was their chief, 
and with his queen and other Indians accompanied Ogle¬ 
thorpe to London. This alliance of the Creeks and Chero¬ 
kees with the colonists promised security from the approaches 
of the Spanish and French in Florida and Louisiana. 

These treaties, however, were not considered sufficient 
guarantees to the southern English colonies of permanent 
security and quiet.' The tribes with which they had been 
negotiated were in close proximity with rival nations, and 

* Moytoy of Telliquo, probably the modern Tellico. 

f This is the first place in any of the authorities we have consulted, that Tenas- 
see is mentioned. The town, thus called, was on the west bank of the present 
Little Tennessee river, a few miles above the mouth of Tellico, and afterward* 
gave the name to Tennessee river and to the state. 

\ Hewitt. 

§ See Hewitt’s History of South-Carolina for an account of this treaty, and also 
the speech of one of the chiefs, Skijagustah. 


48 


PROVINCIAL MEMORIAL. 


were easily seduced from their fidelity to a distant monarch, 
by the machinations of French emissaries amongst them. 
It was, therefore, deemed necessary to adopt farther measures 
of protection and defence against future defection and attack. 
The Carolinas and Georgia were now royal provinces. The 
crown had already granted them many favours and indul¬ 
gences for promoting their success and prosperity, and for 
securing them against external enemies. What further fa¬ 
vours they expected, may be learned from a memorial and 
representation of the condition of Carolina transmitted to 
his majesty, bearing date April 9, 1734, and signed by the 
governor, president of the council, and the speaker of the 
assembly.* The memorial, after enumerating instances of 
the royal care and protection of these distant parts of his 
dominion, represents— 

“ That being the southern frontier of all his American possessions, 
they are peculiarly exposed to danger from the strong castle of St. 
Augustine, garrisoned by four hundred Spaniards, who have several 
nations of Indians under their subjection ; that the French have erected 
a considerable town near Fort Thoulous on Mobile river, and several 
other forts and garrisons, some of which are not above three hundred 
miles from tlieir settlements, and that their possessions upon the Missis¬ 
sippi are strengthened by constant accessions from Canada ; that their 
garrisons and rangers are producing disaffection to the English among 
the Indian tribes, one of which, the Choctaws, consists of above five 
thousand fighting men; that they are paving the way for an invasion of 
the English colonies, by the erection of the Alabama fort in the centre 
of the Upper Creeks, which is well garrisoned and mounted with four¬ 
teen cannon, and which, with the liberal presents they are making to 
them, has overaw r ed and seduced them from tlieir allegiance to tlie Bri¬ 
tish crown, and from a dependence upon British manufactures for their 
supplies. An expedient is then proposed, to recover and confirm the 
Indians to his majesty’s interest, and that is, by presents to withdraw 
them from the French alliance, and by building forts among them to 
enable us to reduce Fort Alabama, and prevent the Cherokees from 
joining our enemies and making us a prey to the French and savages. 
The Cherokee nation has lately become very insolent to our traders, and 
we beg leave to inform your majesty that the building and mounting 
some forts among them may keep them steady in their fidelity to us, 
and that the means of the province are inadequate to its defence^—the 
militia of Carolina and Georgia not exceeding three thousand five hun¬ 
dred men.” 

The results of this memorial will be given at another 


* Hewitt. 


FORT ASSUMPTION BUILT. 


4U 


place. In 1732, the country in the neighbourhood of Win¬ 
chester, Virginia, began to be settled. 

Louisiana had, in the meantime, reverted from the Missis- 
^ { sippi Company to the crown of France ; and it con- 

l tinued to be the policy of Louis to unite the extremes 
of his North American possessions by a cordon of forts 
along the Mississippi river. The Chickasaws had been an 
obstacle to the accomplishment of this purpose. They had 
resisted the insinuations of French emissaries, and were 
indeed considered unfriendly to them. It was, therefore, 
determined to subdue them. A joint invasion, carried into 
their country from opposite directions, by Bienville and D’Ar- 
taguette, terminated disastrously to France. A further inva¬ 
sion was projected, and 

“In the last of June, an array, composed of twelve hundred white*, 
j and twice that number of red and black men, took up its quar- 
( ters in Fort Assumption, on the bluff of Memphis ; the re¬ 
cruits from France—the Canadians—sunk under the climate. In the 
March of next year, a small detachment proceeded towards the Chicka¬ 
saw country ; they were met by messengers who supplicated for peace, 
and Bienville gladly accepted the calumet. The fort at Memphis was 
razed—the Chickasaws remained the undoubted lords of their country.”* 


From Ivaskaskia to Baton Rouge was a wilderness, and 
the present Tennessee was again without a single civilized 
inhabitant, two centuries after Europeans had visited it. 

In this year there was a handsome fort at Augusta, where 
( there was a small garrison of about twelve or fifteen 
( men, besides officers. The safety the traders derived 
from this fort, drew them to that point. Another cause of the 
growth of the place, was the fertility of the lands around it. 
The Cherokee Indians marked out a path from Augusta to 
their nation, so that horsemen could then ride from Savan¬ 
nah to all the Indian nations. 


“ The boundary line between the provinces of Virginia and Nortk- 
j Carolina was this year continued, by commissioners appointed by 
1749 ( the legislatures of the respective provinces, to Holstein river, 
directly opposite to a place called the Steep Rock.”| 


* Bancroft. 

+ Martin. This is the first time that this tributary of the Tennessee river is 
mentioned. Haywood says it was called Holston, from a man of that name who 
first discovered and lived upon it. 

4 


50 


TREATY WITH THE CHEROKEES. 


The settlements in Virginia were gradually extended along 

( its beautiful valley in the direction of Tennessee. 
1^50 l J 

l Those of North-Caroiina had reached the delightful 
country between the Yadkin and Catawba, and Fort Dobbs 
was built in 1750, and had a small neighbourhood of farmers 
and graziers around it. It stood near the Yadkin, about 
twenty miles west of Salisbury,* and had been erected 
agreeably to the stipulations of a treaty held b} r Col. YV addle 
with Atta-Culla-Culla, the Little Carpenter, in behalf ot the 
Cherokees. It was usually garrisoned by fifty men. The 
Indians paid little regard to the treaty, as the next spring 
they killed some people near the Catawba. 

To prevent the influence of the French among the Indian 
tribes, it became necessary to build some forts in the heart 
of their country. This policy had been suggested to the 
crown by the authorities of South-Carolina, in their memo¬ 
rial, as already mentioned. A friendly message was received 
by Governor Glen from the chief warrior of the Over-hill 
Settlements in the Cherokee nation, acquainting him that 

“ Some Frenchmen and their allies were among their people, endea¬ 
vouring to poison their minds, and that it would he necessary to hold a 
general congress with the nation, and renew their former treaties of 
friendship. Accordingly, the governor appointed a time and place for 
holding a treaty.” 

Governor Glen needed no argument to convince him that 

( an alliance with such a tribe was, under present cir- 
1755 i r 

' cumstances, essential to the security of South-Caro¬ 
lina and her sister provinces, and, accordingly, in 1755, he 
met the Cherokee warriors and chiefs in their own country. 

‘‘After the usual ceremonies were over, the governor sat down under 
a spreading tree, and Chulochcullaf being chosen speaker for the Chero¬ 
kee nation, took a seat beside him. The other warriors, about five hun¬ 
dred in number, stood around them in solemn silence and deep atten¬ 
tion. The governor then arose and made a speech in the name of his 
king, representing his great power, wealth and goodness, and his particular 
regard for his children, the Cherokees ; and added, that he had many 
presents to make to them, and expected them, in return, to surrender a 
share of their territories, and demanded lands to build two forts upon in 
their country, to protect them against their enemies, and to be a retreat 

* Williamson. 

f ProlaMy Atta-Culla-Culla, with whom Col. Waddle of North-Caroiina also 
formed a treaty. 


FORT PRINCE GEORGE BUILT. 


51 


to their friends and allies. He represented to them the great poverty 
and wicked designs of the French, and hoped they would permit none 
of them to enter their towns.* When the governor had finished his 
speech, Chulocbculla arose, and, holding his bow in one hand, his 
shaft of arrows and other symbols in the other, spoke to the following 
effect: ‘What I now speak, our father, the great king, should hear. We 
are brothers to the people of Carolina—one house covers us all.’ Then 
taking a boy by the hand, he presented him to the governor, saying—• 
i We, our wives and our children, are all children of the great King 
George. I have brought this child, that when he grows up he may 
remember our agreement on this day, and tell it to the next generation, 
that it may be known forever.’ Then, opening his bag of earth and 
laying it at the governor’s feet, said—‘ We freely surrender a part of our 
lands to the great king. The French want our possessions, but we will 
defend them while one of our nation shall remain alive.’ Then shew¬ 
ing his bows and arrows, he added—‘ These are all the arms we can 
make for our defence. We hope the king will pity his children, the 
Cherokees, and send us guns and ammunition. We fear not the 
French. Give us arms, and we will go to war against the enemies of 
the great king.’ Then, delivering the governor a string of wampum in 
confirmation of what he had said, he added—‘ My speech is at an end; 
it is the voice of the Cherokee nation. I hope the governor will send 
it to the king, that it may be kept forever.’ ” 

At this treaty a large cession of territory was made to the 
king, and deeds of conveyance were formally executed by 
the head men, in the name of the whole people. 

Soon after this cession, Governor Glen built Fort Prince 
George upon the Savannah, near its source, and three hun¬ 
dred miles from Charleston, and within gun-shot of an Indian 
town, called Keowee. It contained barracks for one hundred 
men, and was well mounted with cannon, and designed for 
a defence of the western frontier of the province. 

The earl of Loudon, who had been appointed commander 
of the king’s troops in America, and governor of the 
province of Virginia, came over in the spring of this 

year. He sent Andrew Lewis to build another fort on Ten- 

« 

nessee river, on the southern bank, at the highest point of 
its navigation, nearly opposite to the spot on which Tellieo 
Block House has since been placed, and about thirty miles 
from the present town of Knoxville ; the fort was called, in 

* There is reason to believe that the French at this time had trading establish¬ 
ments on the Tennessee river, about the Muscle Shoals, in close propinquity with 
the Over-hill Cherokees, and that in their hunting, trapping and trading excur¬ 
sions, they had ascended to the centre of East Tennessee. 



52 


FORT LOUDON BUILT. 


honour of the earl, Fort Loudon. Lewis informed Governor 
Dobbs that, on his arrival at Chota, he had received the 
kindest usage from Old Hop. the Little Carpenter, and that 
the Indians in general expressed their readiness to comply 
with the late treaty with the Virginia commissioners (Byrd 
and Randolph). They manifested this disposition while the 
fort was building ; but when it was finished, and they were 
pressed to fulfil their engagements, and send warriors to 
Virginia, they equivocated. Lewis observed that the French 
and their Indian allies, the Savannahs, kept a regular cor¬ 
respondence with the Cherokees, especially those of the great 
town of Tellico. He expressed his opinion that some scheme 
was on foot for the distress of the English back settlers, and 
that the Cherokees greatly inclined to join the French. 
While he was at Chota, messengers had come to the Little 
Carpenter, (Atta-Culla-Culla,) from the Nantowees, the Sa¬ 
vannahs, and the French at the Alabama fort. He took 
notice that the object of the communications were indus¬ 
triously concealed from him, and that a great alteration in 
that chief’s behaviour towards him had ensued. In return, 
towards the latter part of September, a Frenchman, who 
had lived a considerable time among the Cherokees, accom¬ 
panied by a Cherokee woman, who understood the Shawnee 
tongue, went from Chota to the Alabama fort, and to the 
Savannah Indians. The object of his visit to the French, 
was to press them for the accomplishment of a promise the 
commander of the fort had made, to send and have a fort 
built among the Cherokees, near the town of Great Tellico. 
The communication concluded, by observing that the Indians 
had expressed a wish that Captain Dennie, (Demere ?) “sent 
by the Earl of Loudon, with a corps of two hundred men to 
garrison the fort, might return to Virginia, the Indians being 
displeased at seeing such a large number of white people, 
well armed, among them, expressing a belief that their 
intention was to destroy any small force that might be sent, 
in order to take the fort and surrender it to the French. On 
this information, Captain Hugh Waddle was sent with a 
small force to reinforce Captain Dennie.”* 

* Martin. 


LONG ISLAND FORT BUILT. 


53 


Fort Loudon was then estimated to be five hundred miles 
from Charleston, and Hewitt remarks, that it was a place to 
which it was very difficult at all times, but, in case of a war 
with the Cherokees, utterly impracticable, to convey neces¬ 
sary supplies. Prince George and Loudon were garrisoned 
by the king’s independent companies of infantry stationed 
there. “ The Indians invited artizans into Fort Loudon by 
donations of land, which they caused to be signed by their 
own chief, and, in one instance, by Governor I^'obbs of North- 
Carolina.”* “ These strongholds were garrisoned by troops 
from Britain; and the establishment of these defences in the 
interior, led to the rapid accumulation of settlers in all the 
choice places in their neighbourhood.”f Loudon is remarka¬ 
ble as being the first fort or other structure erected in Ten¬ 
nessee by Anglo-Americans.]; 

The continued possession of Fort Du Quesne enabled the 
French to preserve their ascendancy over the Indians, and 
to hold undisturbed control over almost the entire country 
west of the Alleghany mountains. The spirit of Britain rose 
in full proportion to the occasion, and Mr. Pitt, in a circular 
letter to the colonial governors, promised to send a.large 
force to America to operate by sea and land against the 
French, and called upon them to raise troops to assist in that 
measure. In furtherance of that object, Virginia, pushing 
her settlements south-west, and guarding and protecting 
them, as they advanced, by forts and garrisons, had built 
Fort Lewis near the present village of Salem, in Bottetourt 
county. In 1758, Col. Bird, in pursuit of the French and 
Indians, who had recently taken Vaux’s Fort on Roanoke, 
marched his regiment, and built Fort Chissel and stationed 
a garrison in it. It stood a few miles from New river, near 
the road leading from what is since known as Inglis’ Ferry. 

Col. Bird continued his expedition further, and erected an¬ 
other fort, in the autumn of this year, on the north bank of 
Holston* nearly opposite to the upper end of the Long Island, 
now the property of Col. Netherland. It was situated upon 

* Haywood. f Simms. 

J In Haywood, the time of its erection is given in 1757. I have chosen to fol¬ 
low Hewitt, who wrote in 1779, and gives it as it is in the text, 1756. 


54 


FORT LOUDON THREATENED. 


a beautiful level, and was built upon a large plan, with pro¬ 
per bastions, and the wall thick enough to stop the force of 
small cannon shot. The gates were spiked with large nails, 
so that the wood was all covered. The army wintered there 
in the winter of 1758. The line between Virginia and 
North-Carolina had not then been extended beyond the Steep 
Rock. Long Island Fort was believed to be upon the terri¬ 
tory of the former, but as it is south ol her line, the V irgi- 
nians have the honour of having erected the second Anglo- 
American fort within the boundaries of Tennessee. 

In the spring of 1758, the garrison of Fort Loudon was 
augmented to two hundred men. In a few months, by the 
arrival of traders and hunters, it grew into a thriving 
\illage. 

In the meantime, the French garrison at Fort Du Quesne, 
j deserted by their Indian allies, and unequal to the 
( maintenance of the place against the army of Gene¬ 
ral Forbes that approached it, abandoned the fort, and es¬ 
caped in boats down the Ohio. The English took posses¬ 
sion of it, and, in compliment to the popular minister, called 
it Pittsburg. In the army of Forbes were several Cherokees, 
who had accompanied the provincial troops of North and 
South-Carolina. 

“ The capture of Fort Du Quesne, though a brilliant termination of 
the several campaigns so successfully prosecuted from the northern colo¬ 
nies against the French, was followed by disastrous consequences as to 
the frontier settlements in the south. The scene of action was only 
changed from one place to another, and the baneful influence of those 
active and enterprising enemies that had descended the Ohio, soon 
manifested itself in a more concentrated form among the Upper Chero¬ 
kees ; the interior position of whose country furnished facilities of imme¬ 
diate and frequent intercourse with the defeated and exasperated French¬ 
men, who now ascended the Tennessee river and penetrated to their 
mountain fastnesses. An unfortunate quarrel with the Virginians helped 
to forward their intrigues, and opened an easier access into the towns of 
the savages. The Cherokees, as before remarked, had, agreeably to 
their treaties, sent a number of their warriors to assist in the reduction 
of Du Quesne. Returning home through the back parts of Viriginia, 
some of them, who had lost their horses on the expedition, laid hold on 
such as they found running at large, and appropriated them. The Vir¬ 
ginians resented the injury by killing twelve or fourteen of the unsus¬ 
pecting warriors, and taking several more prisoners. This ungrateful 
conduct, from allies whose frontiers they had defended and recovered, 


FORT FRINGE GEORGE ATTACKED. 


55 


aroused at once a spirit of deep resentment and deadly retaliation .” * 

* * “The flame soon spread through the upper towns. The garri¬ 

son of Fort Loudon, consisting of about two hundred men, under the 
command of Captains Demere and Stuart, was, from its remote position 
from the white settlements, the first to notice the disaffection of the 
Indians, and to suffer from it. The soldiers, as usual, making excur¬ 
sions into the woods, to procure fresh provisions, were attacked by them, 
and some of them were killed. From this time such dangers threat- 
ened the garrison, that every one was confined within the small bounda¬ 
ries of the fort.”f * * * “ All communication with the settle¬ 

ments across the mountains, from which they received supplies, was cut 
off, and the soldiers, having no other sources from which provisions 
could be obtained, had no prospect left them but famine or death. Par¬ 
ties of the young warriors rushed down upon the frontier settlements, 
and the work of massacre became general along the borders of Caro- 
lina. , ‘| * * * “ Governor Lyttleton, receiving intelligence of these 

outrages, prepared to chastise the enemy, and summoned the militia of 
the province to assemble at Congaree.” * * * “A treaty was 

made afterwards, signed by the governor and only six of the head men; 
in this, it was agreed that the twenty-two chieftains should be kept as 
hostages, confined in Fort Prince George, until the same number of 
Indians, guilty of murder, should be delivered up, and that the Chero- 
kees should kill or take prisoner every Frenchman that should presume 
to come into the nation.”§ 

The treaty, however, illy expressed the sentiment of the 
tribe. And, immediately after the return of the governor 
and the dispersion of his army from Fort Prince George, 
hostilities were renewed, and fourteen whites were killed 
within a mile of the fort. Under a pretence of procuring a 
1760 \ re ^ ease ^ ie hostages, Oconostota approached and 
i surprised the fort, and faithlessly fired upon and killed 
its officers. Exasperated to madness by this outrage, the 
garrison fell upon the hostages, and killed them to a man. 
This was followed by a general invasion of the frontier of 
Carolina, and an indiscriminate butchery of men, women 
and children. 


f Hewitt. \ Simms. 

§ Colonel, afterwards General, Sumpter, accompanied Oconostota and hi* 
Cherokee delegation on their visit to Charlestown. Returning with that distin¬ 
guished chief to the seat of his empire, he there found among the Indians one 
Baron Des Jolmnes, a French Canadian, who spoke seven of the Indian lan¬ 
guages. Sumpter, suspecting the baron of being an incendiary sent to excite 
the several tribes to hostility against their white neighbours, with characteristic 
resolution arrested him ; taking him single-handed, n spite of the opposition of 
the Indians, and, at much personal risk, carrying him prisoner to Fort Prince 
George. Des Jolmnes was afterwards sent to Charleston, where he was exam¬ 
ined, and though not proved guilty, it was deemed expedient to send him to Eng¬ 
land. • 


56 


ARMY UNDER COLONEL MONTGOMERY. 


Prompt measures were adopted to restrain and punish 
these excesses. Application was made to the neighbouring 
provinces, North-Carolina and Virginia, for assistance, and 
seven troops of rangers were raised to patrol the frontiers, 
and the best preparation possible was made for chastising 
the enemy, so soon as the regulars coming from the north 
should arrive. Before the end of April, 1760, Colonel Mont¬ 
gomery landed with his troops, and, being joined by several 
volunteer companies, hastened to the rendezvous at Conga- 
rees, where he was met by the whole strength of the pro¬ 
vince, and immediately set out for the Cherokee country. 
His march was spirited and expeditious. Little Keowee 
was surprised by a night attack, and every warrior in it put 
to the sword. Estatoe was reduced to ashes. Sugaw Town, 
and every other settlement in the lower nation, suffered the 
same fate. 

“ Montgomery, after the loss of but four men, advanced to the relief 
of Fort Prince George, which had been for some time invested by the 
savages. From this place a message was sent to the Middle Settle¬ 
ments, inviting the Cherokees to sue for peace, and also to Captains 
Demere and Stuart, the commanding officers at Fort Loudon, request¬ 
ing them to obtain peace with the Upper Towns. Finding the enemy 
not disposed to listen to terms of accommodation, he determined to 
penetrate through the dismal wilderness between him and the Middle 
Towns.” * * * “Captain Morrison’s rangers had scarcely entered 

the valley near Etchoe, when the savages sprang from their lurking den, 
fired upon and killed the captain, and wounded a number of his men. 
A heavy fire began on both sides. The battle continued above an hour. 
Colonel Montgomery lost in the engagement twenty men, and had 
seventy-six wounded. The Indians, it is believed, lost more. But the 
repulse was far from being decisive, and Colonel Montgomery, finding 
it impracticable to penetrate the w r oods further with his wounded men, 
returned to Fort Prince George with his army, and soon after departed 
for New-York. 

“ In the meantime, the distant garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting 
of two hundred men, was reduced to the dreadful alternative of per¬ 
ishing by hunger or submitting to the mercy of the enraged Cherokees. 
The Governor of South-Carolina hearing that the Virginians had under¬ 
taken to relieve it, for a while seemed satisfied, and anxiously waited to 
hear the news of that happy event. But they, like the Carolinians, were 
unable to send them assistance. So remote v r as the fort from any 
settlement, and so difficult was it to march an army through the barren 
wilderness, where every thicket concealed an enemy, and to carry, at the 
same time, sufficient supplies along with them, that the Virginians had 


SURRENDER OF FORT LOUDON. 


57 


dropped all thoughts of the attempt. Provisions being entirely ex¬ 
hausted at Fort Loudon, the garrison was upon the point of starving. 
For a whole month they had no other subsistence than the flesh of lean 
horses and dogs, and a small supply of Indian beans, procured stealthily 
for them by some friendly Cherokee women. The officers had long 
endeavoured to animate and encourage the men with the hope of suc¬ 
cour ; but now, being blockaded night and day by the enemy, and having 
no resource left, they threatened to leave the fort, and die at once by 
the hands of savages, rather than perish slowly by famine. In this ex¬ 
tremity, the commander was obliged to call a council of war to consider 
what was proper to be done ; when the officers were all of opinion, that 
it was impossible to hold out longer, and therefore agreed to surrender 
the fort to the Cherokees, on the best terms that could be obtained from 
them. For this purpose Captain Stuart, an officer of great sagacity and 
address, and much beloved by those of the Indians who remained in the 
British interest, procured leave to go to Chota, one of the principal 
towns in the neighbourhood, where he obtained the following terms of 
capitulation, which were signed by the commanding officer and two of 
the Cherokee chiefs. ‘ That the garrison of Fort Loudon march out 
with their arms and drums, each soldier having as much powder and ball 
as their officer shall think necessary for the march, and all the bag¬ 
gage they may choose to carry; that the garrison be permitted to march 
to Virginia or Fort Prince George, as the commanding officer shall think 
proper, unmolested; and that a number of Indians be appointed to 
escort them, and hunt for provisions during the march ; that such sol¬ 
diers as are lame, or by .sickness disabled from marching, be" received 
into the Indian towns, and kindly used until they recover, and then be 
allowed to return to Fort Prince George; that the Indians do provide for 
the garrison as many horses as they conveniently can for their march, 
agreeing with the officers and soldiers for payment; that the fort, great 
guns, powder, ball and spare arms, be delivered to the Indians without 
fraud or further delay, on the day appointed for the march of the 
troops.’* 

“ Agreeable to this stipulation, the garrison delivered up the fort, and 
marched out with their arms, accompanied by Oconostota, Judd’s 
friend, the prince of Chota, and several other Indians, and that day went 

* Great guns. Of these there were twelve. It is difficult to conceive how the 
cannon of Fort Loudon, in 1756, had been transported to a point so interior and 
inaccesible. A wagon had not then passed the head of Holston, and not till the 
autumn of 1776 lmd one come as low down that stream as the Long Island, with 
provisions for the supply of Fort Patrick Henry. Artillery could not have been 
brought down the Ohio and up the Tennessee, for after the loss of Du Quesne the 
French still held undisturbed possession of the rivers below. The cannon at Lou¬ 
don were most probably taken there across the mountain from Augusta or Fort 
Prince George when reinforcements were sent to its relief. In this case the trans¬ 
portation of the great guns must have been made along a narrow mountain trace 
upon pack horses—requiring in the more difficult gorges even yet found in the in¬ 
tervening country, the assistance of the soldiers. It is barely possible that these 
camion may have been brought from Fort Lewis or Fort Chissel, to the head waters 
of Holston, and carried down that stream, and up the Little Tennessee to Loudon. 
There is no tradition on the subject in Tennessee. 


58 


MASSACRE OF THE GARRISON. 


fifteen miles on their way to Fort Prince George. At night they en¬ 
camped upon a plain about two miles from Taliquo, an Indian town, 
when all their attendants, upon one pretence or another, left them; 
which the officers considered as no good sign, and therefore placed a 
strict guard around their camp. During the night they remained un¬ 
molested, but next morning about break of day, a soldier from an out¬ 
post came running in, and informed them that he saw a vast number of 
Indians, armed and painted in the most dreadful manner, creeping 
among the bushes, and advancing in order to surround them. Scarcely 
had the officer time to order his men to stand to their arms, when the 
savages poured in upon them a heavy fire from different quarters, ac¬ 
companied with the most hideous yells, which struck a panic into the 
soldiers, who were so much enfeebled and dispirited that they were in¬ 
capable of making any effectual resistance. Captain Demere, with three 
other officers, and about twenty-six privates, fell at the first onset. Some 
fled into the woods, and were afterwards taken prisoners and confined 
among the towns in the valley. Captain Stuart and those that remained, 
were seized, pinioned, and brought back to Fort Loudon. No sooner 
had Attakullakulla heard that his friend Mr. Stuart had escaped, than 
he hastened to the fort, and purchased him from the Indian that took 
him, giving him his rifle, clothes, and all he could command by way of 
ransom. He then took possession of Captain Demere’s house, where he 
kept his prisoner as one of his family, and freely shared with him the 
little provisions his table afforded, until a fair opportunity should offer 
for rescuing him from the hands of the savages ; but the poor soldiers 
were kept in a miserable state of captivity for some time, and then re¬ 
deemed by the province at great expense. 

“ While the prisoners were confined at Fort Loudon, Oconostota 
formed the design of attacking Fort Prince George. To this bold under¬ 
taking he was the more encouraged, as the cannon and ammunition sur¬ 
rendered by the garrison would, under the direction of French officers 
who were near him, secure its success. Messengers w T ere therefore dis¬ 
patched to the valley towns, requesting their warriors to meet him at 
Stickoee. 

“ By accident a discovery was made of ten bags of powder, and a 
large quantity of ball that had been secretly buried in the fort, to pre¬ 
vent their falling into the enemy’s hands. This discovery had nearly 
proved fatal to Captain Stuart; but the interpreter had such presence 
of mind as to assure the incensed savages that these warlike stores 
were concealed without Stuart’s knowledge or consent. The supply of 
ammunition being sufficient for the siege, a council was held at 
Chota, to which the captive Stuart was taken. Here he was reminded 
of the obligations he was under for having his life spared, and as they 
had determined to take six cannon and two cohorns against Prince 
George, the Indians told him he must accompany the expedition—man¬ 
age the artillery and write such letters to the commandant as they 
should dictate to him. They further informed him that if that officer 
should refuse to surrender, they had determined to burn the prisoners 
one by one before his face, and try whether he could be so obstinate as 
to hold out while his friends were expiring in the flames. 


ESCAPE OF CAPTAIN STUART. 


59 


“Captain Stuart was much alarmed at his present situation, and from 
that moment resolved to make liis escape or perish in the attempt. He 
privately communicated his design to Attakullakulla and told him that 
the thought of bearing arms against his countrymen harrowed his feel¬ 
ings, and he invoked his assistance to accomplish his release. The old 
warrior .took him by the hand—told him he was his friend, and was 
fully apprised of the designs of his countrymen, and pledged his efforts 
to deliver him from danger. Attakullakulla claimed Captain Stuart as 
his prisoner, and resorted to stratagem to rescue him. He told the 
other Indians that he intended to go a hunting for a few days, and to 
take his prisoner with him. Accordingly they departed, accompanied 
by the warrior’s wife, his brother and two soldiers. The distance to the 
frontier settlements w T as great, and the utmost expedition was necessary 
to prevent surprise from Indians pursuing them Nine days and night3 
did they travel through a dreary wilderness, shaping their course by the 
sun and moon for Virginia. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of 
Holston’s river, where they fortunately fell in with a party of three 
hundred men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of Fort Loudon. 
On the fourteenth day the captain reached Colonel Bird’s camp on the 
frontiers of Virginia. His faithful friend, Attakullakulla, was here loaded 
with presents and provisions, and sent back to protect the unhappy pris¬ 
oners till they should be ransomed, and to exert his influence with the 
Cherokees for the restoration of peace.” * 

After Captain Stuart’s escape, he lost no time in concert¬ 
ing measures of relief to his garrison. An express was at 
once forwarded to the Governor of South-Carolina to inform 
him of the disaster at Fort Loudon, and of the designs of the 
enemy against Fort Prince George. The prisoners that had 
survived the hardships of hunger, disease and captivity, at 
Loudon, were ransomed and delivered up to the commanding 
officer at Fort Prince George. 

This account of the siege and capitulation of Fort Loudon, 
and of the attack upon the retiring garrison, has been copied 
or condensed from “ Hewitt’s Historical Account of South- 
Carolina and Georgia,” as republished in the valuable his¬ 
torical collection of Carroll. Being written in 1779, soon 
after the transactions which it relates took place, Hewitt’s 
work is considered authentic, and may be fully relied on 
as being generally correct. Still in some of the details other 
historians differ from him. One of them gives another ver¬ 
sion of the assault upon the camp the morning after the 
evacuation of the fort. Haywood says: “At this place, 
about day-break, the Indians fell upon and destroyed the 
whole troop, men, women and children, except three men, 


60 


ASSOCIATIONS CONNECTED WITH LOUDON. 


Jack, Stuart and Thomas, who were saved by the friendly 
exertions of the Indian chief called the Little Carpenter; ex¬ 
cept also, six men, who were in the advance guard, and who 
escaped into the white settlements.” * # # “ It is said 

that between two and three hundred men, besides women 
and children, perished in this massacre. The Indians made 
a fence of their bones, but after the war they were, by the 
advice of Oconostota, King of the Over-hill Cherokees, removed 
and buried, for fear of stirring afresh the hostility of the 
English traders, who began again to visit them.” Such, too, 
has been the prevalent tradition. 

In addition to the concealment within the fort of the am¬ 
munition, as already related, Haywood mentions that the 
garrison threw their cannon, with their small arms and am¬ 
munition, into the river. After the close of the war the 
Cherokees excused their perfidy in violating the terms of the 
capitulation, and their barbarous massacre of the garrison, 
by imputing bad faith on the part of the whites in hiding the 
warlike stores surrendered with the fort. 

Associations connected with Loudon as the first English 
fort erected within the State of Tennessee, the mournful fate 
of its garrison, and the tragic issue of the earliest Anglo- 
American settlement planted upon our soil, have invested the 
history of Old Foi't Loudon with a romantic and melancholy 
interest—one that may be deemed elsewhere disproportioned 
to its real importance. But the writer persuades himself 
that the tediousness of the preceding details—scarcely in 
consonance with the object of these annals—will be excused, 
when it is considered, that hereafter no opportunity will 
present itself of again recording the surrender of a fort or 
the capture and massacre of a garrison. In the narration of 
the events upon which he will soon enter, it will be the 
grateful duty of the annalist to show, that in all their border 
conflicts, in their wild adventures into the wilderness, in 
their frequent invasions of neighbouring tribes, in their glo* 
rious participation in the struggle for independence and free¬ 
dom, in all their wars with European or American enemies, 
the sons of Tennessee have every where achieved success, 
triumph, victory, conquest and glory. 


GRANT CONQUERS AT ETCHOE. 


6 ] 


The indecisive battle at Etchoe and the catastrophe in the 
valley of the Tennessee, served only to stimulate Cherokee 
aggression; and Canada being now reduced, an adequate 
force was at once sent from the north for the defence of the 
southern provinces. Col. Grant, early in 1761, arrived in 
Charleston with the British regular troops. A provincial 
regiment had been raised, and it accompanied the army to 
the Cherokee country. Among its field officers were Mid¬ 
dleton, Laurens, Moultrie, Marion, Huger and Pickens—after¬ 
wards so highly distinguished in the service of the country. 
The army arrived at Fort Prince George on the 27th of May. 
Attakullakulla hearing that a formidable army approached 
his nation, hastened to the camp of Col. Grant and proposed 
i $ terms of accommodation. But it was known that the 
( temper of his countrymen was averse to peace, and his 
proposals received no encouragement. 

“ The Cherokees encountered Grant, with all their strength, near the 
town of Etchoe, on the spot where they had fought with Montgomery 
in the previous campaign. For three hours did the engagement con¬ 
tinue, until the persevering valour of the whites succeeded in expelling 
the Indians from the field. * * * * * * Their granaries and 
corn fields were destroyed, and their miserable families driven to the 
barren mountains. The national spirit was, for a while, subdued, and 
they humbly sued for peace, through the medium of the old and 
friendly chief, Attakullakulla. ‘ I am come,’ said the venerable chief, 
‘ to see what can be done for my people, who are in great distress.’ 
His prayer was granted, peace was ratified between the parties, and the 
end of this bloody war, which was supposed to have originated in the 
machinations of French emissaries, was among the last humbling blows 
given to the expiring power of France in North America. 

“ The peace which followed this victory over the Cherokees, and the 
expulsion of the French and Spaniards from the borders of the southern 
provinces, brought with it a remarkable increase of population and 
prosperity. Multitudes of emigrants from Europe and the middle 
provinces came out in rapid succession to the interior, and pursuing the 
devious progress of the streams, sought out their sources, and planted 
their little settlements on the sides of lofty hills, or in the bosom of 
lovely vallies.”* 

Emigrants from Ireland sought the wilds of America, 
through two avenues. The one by the Delaware Bay, whose 
chief port was Philadelphia — the other by a more southern 
landing — the port of Charleston. Those landing at the 


* Simms. 


02 


TENNESSEE STILL UNSETTLED, AND 


latter place, immediately sought the fertile forests of the 
upper Carolinas, where they met a counter tide of emigra¬ 
tion. Those who landed on the Delaware, after the desira¬ 
ble lands, east of the Alleghanies, in Pennsylvania, were 
occupied, turned their course southward, and soon meeting 
the southern tide, the stream turned westward to the wilder¬ 
ness long known as “the backwoods, or beyond the moun¬ 
tains,” now as Tennessee. These two streams from the 
same original fountain—Ireland—meeting and intermingling 
in the new soil, preserve the characteristic difference; the 
one possessing much of the air and manner of Pennsylva¬ 
nia, and the othef of Charleston.* 

But, as yet, Tennessee was a desert and a wilderness. The 
Adelantado of Cuba and his proud cavaliers had, indeed, 
looked upon its south-western angle, but resisted with 
unyielding spirit by the aboriginal inhabitants, the chivalry 
of Spain were driven across its western boundary, and glad 
to escape savage resentment for their daring invasion, buried 
themselves in the solitudes beyond it. At a later period, La 
Salle and his voyageurs had coasted along the shores of the 
great mediterranean of the west, and claimed for the mon¬ 
arch of France the magnificent valley watered by its tribu¬ 
taries; and Marquette, in his pious zeal for his church, had 
attempted the conversion of the natives from heathenism 
and barbarity to the worship of the God of Heaven. Later 
still, England and her colonies had penetrated far into the 
western wilds, and erected a fort and planted an infant set¬ 
tlement upon the distant banks of the Tennessee. But the 
efforts of Spain, of France, and of England, had been alike 
unsuccessful in founding, upon the soil of Tennessee, a per¬ 
manent establishment of civilized man. The colonists of 
the Carolinas and of Virginia had been steadily advancing 
to the west, and we have traced their approaches in the 
direction of our eastern boundary, to the base of the great 
Apalachian range. Of the country beyond it, little was 
positively known or accurately understood. A wandering 
Indian would imperfectly delineate upon the sand, a feeble 


* Foote. 


TS VISITED BY TRADERS. 


63 


outline of its more prominent physical features—its magnifi¬ 
cent rivers, with their numerous tributaries—its lofty moun¬ 
tains, its dark forests, its extended plains and its vast extent. 
A voyage in a canoe, from the source of the Hogohegee* to 
the Wabash,f required for its performance, in their figurative 
language, “two paddles, two warriors, three moons.” The 
Ohio itself was but a tributary of a still larger river, of 
whose source, size and direction, no intelligible account 
could be communicated or understood. The Muscle Shoals 
and the obstructions in the river above them, were repre¬ 
sented as mighty cataracts and fearful whirlpools, and the 
Suck, as an awful vortex. The wild beasts with which the 
illimitable forests abounded, were numbered by pointing 
to the leaves upon the trees, or the stars in a cloudless 
sky. 

These glowing descriptions of the west seemed rather to 
stimulate than to satisfy the intense curiosity of the approach¬ 
ing settlers. Information more reliable, and more minute, 
was, from time to time, furnished from other sources. In the 
Atlantic cities, accounts had been received from French and 
Spanish traders, of the unaparalleled beauty and fertility of 
the western interior. These reports, highly coloured and 
amplified, were soon received and known upon the frontier. 
Besides, persons engaged in the interior traffic with the south¬ 
western Indian tribes had, in times of peace, penetrated 
their territories — traded with and resided amongst the 
natives—and upon their return to the white settlements, con¬ 
firmed what had been previously reported in favour of the 
distant countries they had seen. As early as 1690, Doherty, 
a trader from Virginia, had visited the Cherokees, and after¬ 
wards lived among them a number of years. In 1730, Adair, 
from South-Carolina, had travelled, not only through the 
towns of this tribe, but had extended his tour to most of the 
nations south and west of them. He was not only an enter¬ 
prising trader, but an intelligent tourist. To his observa¬ 
tions upon the several tribes which he visited, we are 
indebted for most that is known of their earlier history. 
They were published in London in 1775. 

* Holston. t The Ohio was known many years by this name. 


64 


TRAFFIC WITH INDIANS 


In 1740 other traders went among the Cherokees from 
Virginia. They employed Mr. Vaughan as a packman, to 
transport their goods. West of Amelia county, the country 
was then thinly inhabited; the last hunter’s cabin that he 
saw was on Otter river, a branch of the Staunton, now in 
Bedford county, Va. The route pursued was along the Great 
Path, to the centre of the Cherokee nation. The traders and 
packmen generally confined themselves to this path till it 
crossed the Little Tennessee river, then spreading themselves 
out among the several Cherokee villages west of the moun¬ 
tain, continued their traffic as low down the Great Tennessee 
as the Indian settlements upon Occochappo or Bear Creek, 
below the Muscle Shoals, and there encountered the compe¬ 
tition of other traders, who were supplied from New-Orleans 
and Mobile. They returned heavily laden with peltries, to 
Charleston, or the more northern markets, where they were 
sold at highly remunerating prices. A hatchet, a pocket 
looking-glass, a piece of scarlet cloth, a trinket, and other 
articles of little value, which at Williamsburg could be 
bought for a few shillings, would command from an Indian 
hunter on the Hiwassee or Tennessee peltries amounting in 
value to double the number of pounds sterling. Exchanges 
were necessarily slow, but the profits realized from the ope¬ 
ration were immensely large. In times of peace this traffic 
attracted the attention of many adventurous traders. It 
became mutually advantageous to the Indian, not less than 
to the white man. The trap and the rifle, thus bartered lor, 
procured, in one day, more game to the Cherokee hunter than 
his bow and arrow and his dead-fall would have secured 
during a month of toilsome hunting. Other advantages 
resulted from it to the whites. They became thus acquaint¬ 
ed with the great avenues leading through the hunting 
grounds and to the occupied country of the neighbouring 
tribes—an important circumstance in the condition of either 
war or peace. Further, the traders were an exact thermo¬ 
meter of the pacific or hostile intention and feelings of the 
Indians with whom they traded. Generally, they were for¬ 
eigners, most frequently Scotchmen, who had not been long 
in the country, or upon the frontier, who, having experienced 


DOCTOR WALKER PASSES CUMBERLAND GAP. 


65 


none of the cruelties, depredations or aggressions of the 
Indians, cherished none of the resentment and spirit of reta¬ 
liation born with, and every where manifested, by the Ameri¬ 
can settler. Thus, free from animosity against the aborigi¬ 
nes, the trader was allowed to remain in the village where 
he traded unmolested, even when its warriors were singing 
the war song or brandishing the war club, preparatory to an 
invasion or massacre of the whites. Timely warning was 
thus often given by a returning packman, to a feeble and 
unsuspecting settlement, of the perfidy and cruelty meditated 
against it. 

This gainful commerce was, for a time, engrossed by the 
traders ; but the monopoly was not allowed to continue long. 
Their rapid accumulations soon excited the cupidity of an¬ 
other class of adventurers; and the hunter, in his turn, be¬ 
came a co-pioneer with the trader, in the march of civiliza¬ 
tion to the wilds of the West. As the agricultural popula¬ 
tion approached the eastern base of the Alleghanies, the 
game became scarce, and was to be found by severe toil in 
almost inaccessible recesses and coves of the mountain. 
Packmen, returning from their trading expeditions, carried 
with them evidences, not only of the abundance of game 
across the mountains, but of the facility with which it was 
procured. Hunters began to accompany the traders to the 
Indian towns; but, unable to brook the tedious delay of pro¬ 
curing peltries by traffic, and impatient of restraint, they 
struck boldly into the wilderness, and western-like, to use a 
western phrase, set up for themselves. The reports of their 
return, and of their successful enterprise, stimulated other 
adventurers to a similar undertaking. “As early as 1748, 
Doctor Thomas Walker, of Virginia, in company with Colo¬ 
nels Wood, Patton and Buchanan, and Captain Charles 
Campbell, and a number of hunters, made an exploring tour 
upon the western waters. Passing Powell’s valley, he gave 
the name of 4 Cumberland’ to the lofty range of mountains 
on the west. Tracing this range in a south-western direc¬ 
tion, he came to a remarkable depression in the chain: 
through this he passed, calling it ‘ Cumberland Gap.’ On 
the western side of the range he found a beautiful mountain 
5 


66 


FIRST GRANT IN TENNESSEE. 


stream, which he named ‘ Cumberland river,’ all in honour 
of the Duke of Cumberland, then prime minister of Eng¬ 
land.”* These names have ever since been retained, and, 
with Loudon, are believed to be the only names in Tennessee 
of English origin. 

Although Fort Loudon was erected as early as 1756, upon 
the Tennessee, yet it was in advance of any white settle¬ 
ments nearly one hundred and fifty miles, and was, as has 
been related, destroyed in 1760. The fort, too, at Long Is¬ 
land, within the boundaries of the present State of Tennes¬ 
see, was erected in 1758, but no permanent settlements had 
yet been formed near it. Still, occasional settlers had begun 
to fix their habitations in the south-western section of Vir¬ 
ginia, and, as early as 1754, six families were residing west 
of New River. “On the breaking out of the French war, 
the Indians, in alliance with the French, made an irruption 
into these settlements, and massacred Burke and his family. 
The other families, finding their situation too perilous to be 
maintained, returned to the eastern side of New River; and 
the renewal of the attempt to carry the white settlements 
further west, was not made until after the close of that 
war.”f 

Under a mistaken impression that the Virginia line, when 

g ( extended west, would embrace it, a grant of land was 
l this year made, by the authorities of Virginia, to Ed¬ 
mund Pendleton, for three thousand acres of land, lying in 
Augusta county, on a branch of the middle fork of the Indian 
river, called West Creek,J now Sullivan county, Tennessee. 

In this year, Doctor Walker again passed over Clinch and 
^ 60 { Powell’s river, on a tour of exploration into what is 
l now Kentucky. 

The Cherokees were now at peace with the whites, and 
hunters from the back settlements began with safety to pe- 

* Monette The Indian name of this range was Wasioto, and of the river, 
Shawanee. 

f Howe. 

X The original patent, signed by Governor Dinwiddie, and now in the possession 
of the writer, was presented to him by T. A. R. Nelson, Esq., of Jonesboro, Ten¬ 
nessee. It is probably the oldest grant in the state. 


FIRST ARRIVAL OF BOON. 


67 


1161 \ ne ^ ra ^ e deeper and further into the wilderness of Ten- 
( nessee. Several of them, chiefly from Virginia, hear¬ 
ing of the abundance of game with which the woodsAvere 
stocked, and allured by the prospects of gain, which might be 
drawn from this source, formed themselves into a company, 
composed of Wallen, Scaggs, Blevins, Cox, and fifteen others 
and came into the valley, since known as Carter’s Valley, in 
Hawkins county, Tennessee. They hunted eighteen months 
upon Clinch and Powell’s rivers. Wallen’s Creek and Wal¬ 
len’s Ridge received their name from the leader of the com¬ 
pany ; as, also, did the station which they erected in the 
present Lee county, Virginia, the name of Wallen’s Station. 
They penetrated as far north as Laurel Mountain, in Ken¬ 
tucky, where they terminated their journey, having met with 
a body of Indians, whom they supposed to be Shawnees. 
At the head of one of the companies that visited the West 
this year “ came Daniel Boon, from the Yadkin, in North- 
Carolina, and travelled with them as low as the place where 
Abingdon now stands, and there left them.” 

This is the first time the advent of Daniel Boon to the 
western wilds has been mentioned by historians, or by the 
several biographers of that distinguished pioneer and hunter. 
There is reason, however, to believe that he had hunted upon 
Watauga earlier. The writer is indebted to N. Gammon, 
Esq., formerly of Jonesboro, now a citizen of Knoxville, for 
the following inscription, still to be seen upon a beech tree, 
standing in sight and east of the present stage-road, leading 
from Jonesboro to Blountsville, and in the valley of Boon’s 
Creek, a tributary of Watauga. 



D. Boon 

CillED 

A. BAB 

in 

IKE 

yEAR 

1760 


On 

Iree 


68 


WALKER HUNTS ON CLINCH. 


Boon was eighty-six years old when he died, which was 
September, 1820. He was thus twenty-six years old when 
the inscription was made. When he left the company of 
hunters in 1761, as mentioned above by Haywood, it is pro¬ 
bable that he did so to revisit the theatre of a former hunt 
upon the creek that still bears his name, and where his 
camp is still pointed out near its banks. It is not improba¬ 
ble, indeed, that he belonged to, or accompanied, the party 
of Doctor Walker, on his first, or certainly on his second, 
tour of exploration in 1760. The inscription is sufficient 
authority, as this writer conceives, to date the arrival of 
Boon in Tennessee as early as its date, 1760, thus preced¬ 
ing the permanent settlement of the country nearly ten 
years. 

In the fall of the next year Wallen and his company return- 
j ed again and hunted on the waters of Clinch; they 
( crossed the Blue Ridge at the Flower Gap, New ri¬ 
ver, at Jones’s Ford, and the Iron Mountain at the Blue Spring ; 
they travelled down the south fork of Holston, and crossing 
the north fork and going to the Elk Garden, on the waters of 
Clinch, they discovered some Indian signs: they extended 
their journey, in the same direction, to the Hunters’ Valley— 
so named from their travelling to and down it several days 
to Black-water Creek. They fixed their station-camp near the 
Tennessee line, and on the present road from Jonesville to Ro- 
gersville. Some ofthe same company travelled down to Greasy 
Rock Creek, and fixed a station-camp there. It stood near 
the present line between Hawkins and Claibourne counties.* 

This year Wallen’s company ventured further into the in¬ 
terior—passed through Cumberland Gap, and hunted 
during the whole season on Cumberland river; and 

*A grant, signed Arthur Dobbs, Governor of the Province of North-Carolina, 
William Beamer, Senr., Superintendent and Deputy Adjutant in and for the 
Cherokee Nation, and William Beamer, Junr., Interpreter, and the Little Carpenter, 
Half King ofthe Cherokee Nation of the Over-hill Towns, and Matthew Tool, Inter¬ 
preter, made to Captain Patrick Jack, of the Province of Pennsylvania, is recorded in 
Begister’s office of Knox county. It purports to have been made at a council held at 
Tennessee river, March 1,1757 ; and the consideration is four hundred dollars, and 
conveys to Captain Jack fifteen miles square south of Tennessee river. The grant 
itself, confirmatory of the purchase by Jack, is dated at a General Council met at 
Catawba river, May 7, 1762, and is witnessed by Nathaniel Alexander. 



SMITH EXPLORES THE CUMBERLAND. 


69 


for the next several years continued to make fall hunts on 
Rockcastle river, near the Crab-Orchard, in Kentucky. 

Daniel Boon, who still lived on the Yadkin, though he had 
previously hunted on the western waters, came again 
this year to explore the country, being employed for 
this purpose by Henderson & Corppany. With him came 
Samuel Callaway, his kinsman, and the ancestor of the re¬ 
spectable family of that name, pioneers of Tennessee, Ken¬ 
tucky and Missouri. Callaway was at the side of Boon when, 
approaching the spurs of the Cumberland Mountain, and in 
view of the vast herds of buffalo grazing in the vallies be¬ 
tween them, he exclaimed, “ I am richer than the man men¬ 
tioned in scripture, who owned the cattle on a thousand 
hills—I own the wild beasts of more than a thousand val- 
lies.” 

After Boon and Callaway, came another hunter, Henry 
Scaggins, who was also employed by Henderson. He extend¬ 
ed his exploration to the Lower Cumberland, and fixed his sta¬ 
tion at Mansco’s Lick. 

“About the last of June, 1766, Col. James Smith set off to explore the 
great body of rich lands, which, by conversing with the Indians, 
he understood to be between the Ohio and Cherokee rivers, and 
lately ceded by a treaty made with Sir William Johnston, to the King 
of Great Britain. He went, in the first place, to Holston river, and 
thence travelled westwardly in company with Joshua Horton, Uriah Stone 
and William Baker, who came from Carlisle, Pa.,—four in all—and a 
slave, aged 18, belonging to Horton. They explored the country south 
of Kentucky, and no vestige of a white man was to be found there, more 
than there is now at the head of the Missouri. They also explored Cum¬ 
berland and Tennessee rivers, from Stone’s river down to the Ohio. 
Stone’s river is a branch of Cumberland, and empties into it eight or ten 
miles above Nashville. It was so named in the journal of these explorers, 
after Mr. Stone, one of their number, and has ever since retained the name. 
When they came to the mouth of Tennessee, Col. Smith concluded to re¬ 
turn home, and the others to proceed to the Illinois. They gave to Col. 
Smith the greater part of their powder and lead—amounting only to 
half a pound of the former, and a proportionate quantity of lead. Mr. 
Horton, also, left with him his slave: and Smith set off with him through 
the wilderness, to Carolina. Near a buffalo path, they made them a 
shelter; but, fearing the Indians might pass that way and discover his 
fire place, he removed to a greater distance from it. After remaining there 
six weeks, he proceeded on his journey, and arrived in Carolina in Octo¬ 
ber. He thence travelled to Fort Chissel, and from there returned home 
to Coneco-Cheague, in the fall of 1767.”* 




* Haywood. 


70 


FINDLEY PASSES THROUGH EAST TENNESSEE. 


1767 


This exploration of Col. Smith was, with the exception of 
Scaggins’s, the first that had been made of the country west 
of Cumberland Mountain, in Tennessee, by any of the Anglo- 
American race. The extraordinary fertility of the soil upon 
the Lower Cumberland—the luxuriant cane-breaks upon the 
table-lands of its tributaries—its dark and variegated forest— 
its rich flora—its exuberant pasturage—in a word, the ex¬ 
act adaptation of the country to all the wants and purposes 
of a great and flourishing community, impressed the explorer 
with the importance of his discovery, and of its great value 
to such of his countrymen as should afterwards come in and 
possess it Not strange was it, that the recital of what he had 
seen during his long and perilous absence, should excite in 
Carolina, Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvnnia, as he passed 
homeward, an urgent and irrepressible desire to emigrate to, 
and settle, this El Dorado of the West.* 

During this year John Findley, a fearless Indian trader from 
North-Carolina, accompanied by several comrades, vis¬ 
ited the West. Passing through Upper East Tennes¬ 
see to the Cumberland Gap ,he continued his explorations to 
the Kentucky river. 

Indeed, the spirit of exploration and adventure was now a 
mania: it had become an epidemic—numbering among its 
subjects every bold, fearless, daring, ambitious, intrepid back¬ 
woodsman. Companies of these, var ying in number from two 
to forty, accumulated in rapid succession upon the border set¬ 
tlements, from the Monongahela to the Savannah, and ex¬ 
cited in the minds of the more discreet and sagacious settlers, 
apprehension of renewed hostilities from the now friendly na¬ 
tives of the country. They clearly foresaw that an avalanche 
of population, concentrating thus upon the frontier, could not 
be restrained from precipitating itself across an ideal line— 
the feeble barrier that now separated the two races. These 
apprehensions were not without foundation. 

“ The peace of 1763 had secured to Great Britain the right of terri¬ 
torial sovereignty to the country east of the Mississippi, to which France 

* Colonel Croghan, in his Journal, May 31, 1765, passing down the Ohio river, 
mentions “ the mouth of the river Kentucky, or Holsten’s river ” The head of 
Holston may previously have been seen, and probably was supposed to run in the 
direction of the Kentucky river. 


THE KING FORBIDS WESTERN GRANTS. 


71 


liad previously asserted the paramount right of territory and dominion. 
Ihe change ot this right of dominion, whether real or imaginary, necessa¬ 
rily facilitated the transmigration of British colonists fro m their Atlantic 
settlements to the newly acquired territory on the western waters. * 

* * But the treaty of Paris had made no stipulation for the tribes 

who had been in alliance with France, and who claimed to be indepen¬ 
dent nations, and the real owners of the territory ceded by her. They 
had been no party to the treaty of peace, and they refused to be bound 
by any transfer which the French King should make of their country to 
the English. Every excursion, therefore, into their hunting grounds, 
was, at first, viewed with dissatisfaction and jealousy, and at a later 
period, resisted as an encroachment upon their rights and an invasion 
of their soil. This jealousy against the English colonists was the more 
easily excited in the minds of the Indians, as the French had always 
taken pains to impress upon them the inordinate desire and determina¬ 
tion of England to occupy their lands and to dispossess them of their 
whole country. To quiet, as far as possible, any discontent from this 
source, and to remove any apprehension that the British government 
designed to extend its jurisdiction over the territory of the Indians, the 
proclamation of King George was issued, Oct. 7, 1763, prohibiting all 
the provincial governors from granting lands, or issuing land warrants, 
to be located upon any territory lying west of the mountains, or west of 
the sources of those streams which flow into the Atlantic, and all settle¬ 
ments by the subjects of Great Britain, west of the sources of the Atlan¬ 
tic rivers. The proclamation of the king further 1 strictly enjoined and 
required that no private persons do presume to purchase from the In¬ 
dians any lands, &c. And that if the Indians should be inclined to dis¬ 
pose of their lands, the same shall be purchased only for us, in our 
name, at some general meeting or assembly of the Indians, to be held for 
that purpose, by the governor or corgimander-in-chief of our colony 
respectively.’ ”* 

It was further directed and required, that “ all traders 
should take out licenses from their respective governors, for 
carrying on commerce with the Indians.” In accordance, 
also, with the provisions of this proclamation, the boundaries 
of the Indian hunting grounds were fixed, and a superinten¬ 
dent of Indian affairs was appointed for the southern district. 
This office was conferred upon Captain John Stuart, who, 
as we have already seen, owed his life, at the massacre of the 
garrison at Fort Loudon, to the clemency and interposition 
of his captor, a Cherokee chief. 

However well intended, this proclamation of the distant 
king was a dead letter. In the back woods of America, it 
received no hearty response—exacted not the lowest whisper 


* Marshall. 


72 


VIRGINIA GRANTS LANDS ON THE OHIO. 


of obedience. It was every where, and by all classes of men, 
disregarded. Masses of population were, upon the western 
boundary of all the middle and southern colonies, ready and 
impatient for the occupancy of the new lands in the wilderness. 
Hunters and traders had discovered and explored them. They 
knew the avenues by which they could be reached, and had 
spread abroad among their countrymen enchanting accounts 
of their value and beauty. Another circumstance hastened 
the more perfect exploration and future settlement of the 
western country. It was the bounty given in these very 
lands, by several of the provinces, with the approbation of 
the crown, to the officers and soldiers who had served in the 
British army, in their wars with the French and their Indian 
allies.* These, with the script and military warrants in 
their hands, and accompanied by hundreds of surveyors and 
agents, were constantly employed in selecting and locating 
their respective claims. The proclamation of the king could 
not deter them from their locations and surveys. Even the 
wise and virtuous George Washington and Chancellor Li¬ 
vingston admitted it to be intended merely to quiet the jealous 
apprehensions of the Indians, against the advance of the 
white settlements on the western side of the mountains. It 
was not, in any wise, designed, really, to check the ultimate 
occupation of the country*. Virginia, viewing the procla¬ 
mation in no other light than as a temporary expedient to 
quiet the minds of the Indians, soon afterwards patented 
considerable tracts of land on the Ohio, far beyond the Apa- 
lachian mountains.! Thus the discontents of the Indians 
were increased, and by the opening of the spring of 1768, 
along the whole line of the western frontier, from the sources 
of the Susquehannah to those of the Tennessee, they became 
exasperated, and united in their determination to check fur- 
her encroachments, and to enforce an observance of their 
rights ; still they refrained from open hostilities, while the 

* By the proclamation of the king, the governors were directed to grant “to 
every person having the rank of a field officer, 5000 acres; to every captain, 3000 
acres ; to every subaltern or staff officer, 2000 acres; to every non-commissioned 
officer, 200 acres; and to every private, 50 acres. 

t See Sparks’s writings of Washington. 


MOST OF TENNESSEE UNOCCUPIED BY INDIANS. 


73 


restless population of the Atlantic border continued to press 
forward into the west, regardless, alike of the rights of the 
Indians and the proclamation of the king, issued five years 
previously.* 

At the recommendation of Gov. Tryon, an appropriation 
was made by the Province of North-Carolina, on the 
application of the Cherokee nation, for running a 
dividing line between the western settlements of the pro¬ 
vince and their hunting grounds, and the governor was 
authorized to appoint three commissioners for that purpose. 

“In May of this year, an appeal was made to the proper autho- 
j rities, to restrain further encroachments on the part of the frontier 
1 ^ ( people, upon the lands claimed by the Indians. Some of the 
settlements now being formed upon the head of the Kenhawa, and the 
north fork of Holston, were upon territory to which the Indian title had 
not been extinguished, and parties of woodmen, explorers, and surveyors, 
were distributed in the vallies below, preparatory to a further occupancy. 
The superintendents of Indian affairs were, accordingly, instructed by 
the royal government to establish the boundaries between the whites 
and the Indians, and to purchase from the latter the lands already occu¬ 
pied by the king’s subjects. But what tribe owned these lands ? Who 
were the proprietors of the soil ?” 

At the time of its earliest exploration, the country east and 
north of the Tennessee river was not in the occupancy of 
any Indian tribe. Vestiges were then found, and, indeed, 
still remain, of an ancient and dense population—indicating 
higher progress in civilization and the arts than has been 
attained by more modern tribes in this part of the con¬ 
tinent. A fresh hunting camp was occasionally found, 

“But in their frequent peregrinations and trading expeditions through 
the vast territories between the Ohio and the Tennessee rivers, the first 
traders, hunters and explorers never found, within that extent of coun¬ 
try, a single wigwam or modern Indian village. The Indian settlements 
nearest to the frontier border of the Carolinas, and of south-western 
Virginia, were on the Sciota and Miami, in the north, and on the waters 
of the Little Tennessee in the south. From these points the various 
war or hunting parties issued, to engage in the one or the other pursuit, 
as the passions or the opportunities of their expeditions might lead. 
Here the Choctaws, Chickasaws or Cherokees, of the south, used to 
engage with the various tribes of the Miami Confederacy, of the north ; 
here they indulged their passion for hunting, in the profusion of game 
afforded by Tennessee and Kentucky. That part of these two states 
embraced within the boundaries mentioned, was one great park, where 



* Monette. 


74 


ABORIGINAL CLAIMS. 


the skill of the uncivilized hunter was practiced, and a central theatre, 
upon which the desperate conflicts of savage warriors and bloody rivals 
were perpetrated. By common agreement of all the surrounding tribes, 
this whole section of country seems to have been reserved for these 
purposes, from permanent occupancy; and so much was it exempted 
from settlement, that south of the Ohio, and north and east of the Ten¬ 
nessee, it is not known that a single village was settled by the Indians; 
yet no situations have generally delighted savage tribes, so much as the 
margins of water courses ; the opportunities of navigation, and of fishing, 
unite to attract them to such spots. Some known and acknowledged 
inhibition must have, therefore, prevented the settlement and possession 
of this great Mesopotamia. What was it? On this subject, tradition 
and history are alike indistinct and unsatisfactory.”* 

At the point of time to which these annals have reached, 
the territory of which we are speaking was claimed, though 
not occupied, by the Confederacy of the Six Nations. These 
were called by the early French historians, Iroqouis, and by 
the English, Mohawks. In 1672 these tribes conquered the 
Illinois and Shawanee Indians, the latter of whom were also 
incorporated with them. To these conquests they added, in 
1685, that of the Miamis, and about the same time carried 
their victorious arms westward to the Mississippi, and south¬ 
ward to what is now Georgia. In 1711 they incorporated 
with them the Tuscaroras, when expelled from North-Caro- 
lina.f Gov. Pownal, in his “ administration of the British 
Colonies,” says that these tribes carried their arms as far 
south as Carolina and as far west as the Mississippi, over a 
vast country, twelve hundred miles in length and six hun¬ 
dred in breadth, where they destroyed whole nations, of whom 
there are no accounts remaining among the English : and, 
continues the same writer, the rights of these tribes to the 
hunting lands on the Ohio may be fairly proved by their con¬ 
quests over the Shawanees, Delawares, &c., as they stood 
possessed thereof at the peace of Ryswick, in 1697. In fur¬ 
ther confirmation of this Indian title, Butler adds : 

“ It must be mentioned that Lewis Evans represents, in his map of the 
Middle Colonies of Great Britain, the country on the south-easterly side 
of the Ohio river, as the hunting lands of the Six Nations. In the analy¬ 
sis to his map, he expressly says that the Shawneese, who were once a 
most considerable nation, have been subdued by the confederates, and 


* Butler’s Kentucky. 


t Butler. 


75 


TREATY OF FORT STANVVIX. 

1 

their country has since become their property. At a celebrated treaty, 
held more than a century since at Lancaster, the statement made by the 
delegates in attendance from the Six Nations to Dr. Franklin, was, ‘that 
all the world knows that we conquered all the nations back of the great 
mountains; w’e conquered the nations residing there, and that land, if 
the Virginians ever get a good right to it, it must be by us.’ These In¬ 
dian claims are solemnly appealed to in a diplomatic memorial, addressed 
by the British ministry to the Duke Mirepoix, on the part of France, June 
7, 1755. ‘It is a certain truth, states the memorial, that these lands 
have belonged to the Confederacy, and as they have not been given up 
or made over to the English, belong still to the same Indian Nations.’ 
The court of Great Britain maintained, in this negotiation, that the con¬ 
federates were, by origin or by right of conquest, the lawful proprietors 
of the river Ohio and the territory in question. In support of this an¬ 
cient aboriginal title, Butler adds the further testimony of Dr. Mitchell’s 
map of North America, made with the documents of the Colonial office 
before him. In this map, the same as the one by which the boundaries in 
the treaty of Paris, in 1783, were adjusted, the Doctor observes, ‘ that 
the Six Nations have extended their territories ever since the year 1672, 
when they subdued and were incorporated with the ancient Shawaneese, 
the native 'proprietors of these countries.’ This, he adds, is confirmed by 
their own claims and possessions in 1742, which include all the bounds 
as laid down in the map, and none have even thought fit to dispute 
them.”* 

Such was the aboriginal title to the greater part of Ten¬ 
nessee in 1767, when the white settlers approached its east- 
{ ern boundary. On the 6th of May of this year a 
( deputation of the Six Nations presented to the super¬ 
intendent of Indian affairs, a formal remonstrance against the 
continued encroachments of the whites upon their lands. 
The subject was immediately considered by the royal go- 
verment; and near the close of summer, orders were issuedjto 
Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of Northern Indian 
Affairs, instructing him to convene the chiefs, warriors and 
sachems of the tribes most interested. Agreeably to these 
orders, Sir William Johnson convened the delegates of the 
Six Nations, and their confederates and dependents, at Fort 
Stanwix, (now Utica, N. Y.,) October 24. Three thousand 
two hundred Indians, of seventeen different tribes, tributaries 
to the Confederacy, or occupying territories coterminous with 
theirs, attended. On the 5th of November, a treaty of 
limits and a deed of cession to the King of England, were 


* Franklin’s works, as quoted by Butler. 


76 


FIRST CESSION FROM ABORIGINAL OWNERS. 


signed. In this, the delegates of their respective nations 
aver that “ they are the true and absolute proprietors of the 
lands thus ceded, and that for the considerations mentioned, 
“ we have continued the line south to the Cherokee or Hogohe- 
gee rivers * because the same is, and we declare it to be, our true 
bounds with the Southern Indians, and that we have an un¬ 
doubted right to the country as far south as that river I 

The cession thus made by the Six Nations, of the country 
north and east of the Tennessee river, is the first deed from 
any of the aboriginal tribes for any territory within the 
boundaries of our state. The title of the Confederates to these 
lands was, by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, forever transferred 
from them; but other tribes contended that the Six Na¬ 
tions had not an exclusive claim to them, but that they were 
the common hunting grounds of the Cherokees and Chicka- 
saws also. In the journal of the commissioners, detail¬ 
ing the progress of the treaty, the tribes represented, &c., 
no mention is made of delegates in attendance from any of 
the southern Indian tribes. It is said by Haywood, that 
some visiting Cherokees were present at the treaty, who 
upon their route had killed game for their support, and on 
their arrival at Fort Stanwix, immediately tendered the 
skins to the Indians of the Six Nations, saying: “ they are 
yours; we killed them after we passed the big river,” as 
they always designated the Tennessee. This would seem 
to imply an acquiescence on their part, in the validity of the 
claim of the Six Nations. These claimed the soil, not as its 
aboriginal owners, but by the right of conquest; and all tra¬ 
dition concurs in admitting their right to that extent. But 
the Cherokees had long exercised the privilege of hunting 
upon these lands, and therefore regarded, with jealousy and 
dissatisfaction, the approaches of the white settlements. Mr. 
Stuart, the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs, was 
therefore instructed to assemble the southern Indians for the 
purpose of establishing a boundary with them ; and before 
negotiations with the confederates at Fort Stanwix had be¬ 
gun, he concluded a treaty with the Cherokees at Hard La¬ 
bour, in South-Carolina, October 14, 1768. By this treaty, it 

* The Holston was thus called. 


ABORIGINES OF TENNESSEE. 


77 


was agreed* that the south-western boundary of Virginia 
should be a line “ extending from the point where the northern 
line of North-Carolina intersects the Cherokee hunting 
grounds, about thirty-six miles east of Long Island, in the 
Holston river, and thence extending in a direct course, north 
by east, to Chiswell’s Mine, on the east bank of the Kenhawa 
river, and thence down that stream to its junction with the 
Ohio.” This line, however, did not include all the settle¬ 
ments then made ; and even during the progress of the treaty, 
the settlers were advancing further west, and erecting their 
cabins north-west of the Holston, and upon the branches of 
the Clinch and Powell’s river, within the limits of the Indian 
territory. This fact being ascertained, a subsequent treaty 
became necessary for the adjustment of a new boundary and 
the remuneration of the savages for an additional extent of 
country.”* 


ABORIGINES OF TENNESSEE. 

At the time of its first exploration, Tennessee was a vast 
and almost unoccupied wilderness—a solitude over which an 
Indian hunter seldom roamed, and to which no tribe put in a 
distinct and well defined claim, For this reason, and on ac¬ 
count of the mildness of its climate, and the rich pasturage fur¬ 
nished by its varied ranges of plain and mountain, Tennessee, 
in common with Kentucky, had become an extensive park, 
of which the beasts of the forest held undisturbed possession. 
Into these wild recesses, savage daring did not often venture 
to penetrate. Equi-distant from the settled territories of the 
southern and northern Indian tribes, it remained, by common 
consent, uninhabited by either, and little explored. The ap¬ 
proach of civilization, from several directions, began to abridge 
the territories of surrounding Indian nations ; and the mar¬ 
gin of this great terra incognita was occasionally visited by 
parties of savages in pursuit of game, and as places of retreat 
from the encroachments of a superior race. In these respects, 
the value of the country began to be appreciated as hunting 


* Monette. 


78 SHAWNEES OCCUPIED THE LOWER CUMBERLAND, 

grounds, and as affording immunity from the molestations of 
civilized man. Vague and uncertain claims to several por¬ 
tions of the territory, were asserted by as many several tribes ; 
but no part of the present Tennessee was held by the actual 
and permanent occupancy of the Indians, except that section 
embraced by the segment of a circle, of which Tennessee ri¬ 
ver is the periphery, from the point where it intersects the 
North-Carolina line to that where this stream enters the State 
of Alabama. This was settled by the Cherokees. All of Ten¬ 
nessee, besides this, was uninhabited, though a portion of it 
was claimed or occupied as hunting grounds by the Shaw- 
nees, the Chickasaws, the Choctaws and the Cherokees. 

The limits of these several territorial claims were ill defin¬ 
ed and indistinct. An ideal line, merely, passing through 
boundless forests and pathless mountains, with no river or 
other notorious object to ascertain its exactness, became the 
occasion of misunderstanding between rival Indian nations. 

Of the four tribes, as above enumerated, a brief notice will be 
given, as connected with and illustrative of, the settlement of 
Tennessee. 

SHAWNEES. 

The earlier French explorers, amLgeographers after them, 
designate the banks ofthe Lower Cumberland as the country of 
the Shawnees. Numerous villages are laid down on the map, 
published with Marquette’s Journal in 1681, within the pre¬ 
sent boundaries of Tennessee. They were a wandering na¬ 
tion—one of their tribes being mentioned as dwelling for a 
time in Eastern Virginia, and another, soon after, on the head¬ 
waters of the Savannah. Adair, little more than a century 
since, “ saw the chief part of the main camp of the Shawano, 
consisting of about four hundred and fifty persons, on a tedious 
ramble to the Muskoghee count.r}', where they settled, seventy 
miles above the Alabahma garrison.” 

The late General Robertson learned from the Indians, that 
more than a century and a half ago, (1665,) the Shawnees oc¬ 
cupied the country from the Tennessee river to where Nash¬ 
ville now is, and north of the Cumberland ; and that about 
1700, they left this country and emigrated north, and were re- 


AND WERE EXPELLED BY CHEROKEES 


79 


ceived as a wandering tribe by the Six Nations, but were not 
allowed to have there any claim to the soil. As late as 1764, 
the Shawnees moved from Green river, in Kentucky, where 
a part of them then resided, to the Wabash. 

In 1772, the Little Corn Planter, a most intelligent Chero¬ 
kee chief, narrated, that the Shawnees, a hundred years be¬ 
fore, by the permission of his nation, removed from the Sa¬ 
vannah river to Cumberland. That many years afterwards, 
the two nations becoming unfriendly, the Cherokees marched, 
in a large body, to the frontiers of the Shawnees—and divi¬ 
ding themselves into several small parties, unexpectedly and 
treacherously, as Little Corn Planter expressed himself—fell 
upon the Shawnees, and put a great many of them to death. 
The survivors then forted themselves, and maintained a pro¬ 
tracted war in defence of their possession of the country. At 
length the Chickasaws became the allies of the Cherokees; 
and the expulsion of the Shawnees from the Cumberland val¬ 
ley was gradually effected. This was about the beginning 
of the last century. A few years later, when Monsieur Char- 
leville opened a store where Nashville now is, he oc¬ 
cupied this fort of the Shawnees, as his dwelling. 
They were then, and had been for several years, so harassed 
by their enemies, that small parties of them had been, for a 
long time, gradually withdrawing from the country ; and their 
number had become so inconsiderable, that they determined 
to abandon Cumberland entirely, and soon after did so. The 
Chickasaws, hearing of the intended removal of the Shawnees, 
resolved to strike an effectual blow against them, and, if pos¬ 
sible, possess themselves of their stores. For this purpose, a 
large party of Chickasaw warriors posted themselves on both 
sides of Cumberland, above the mouth of Harpeth, provided 
with canoes, to prevent escape by water. Their attack was 
successful. All the Shawnees were killed, and their property 
was captured by the Chickasaws. 

The hostilities between these tribes not being brought to a 
close, by any formal treaty of peace, they continued to destroy 
each other as often as opportunity offered. At length, afraid 
of meeting each other, all of these tribes wholly forsook the 
country ; and for sixty years it remained not only unoccupied 
by either, but was seldom visited by a hunting party. In this 


1714 


80 


CHICKASAWS. 


way, when it was first explored and began to be settled by 
the whites, the whole country west of Cumberland mountain 
was found uninhabited, and abounding with all the wild beasts 
of the forest. 

Small parties of wandering Shawnees occasionally infested 
the frontiers, and from their familiarity with the mountains, 
the rivers, and the paths to and from the country, were able 
to inflict serious damage to the infant settlements. A part 
of the banditti who afterwards infested the narrows of the 
Tennessee river, and committed such enormous outrages on 
emigrants and navigators, at these celebrated passes, were 
Shawnees. 

In the map accompanying Adair’s book, the river from 
the head of Holston to the confluence of the Tennessee and 
Ohio, is called Cherake. The Cumberland is called Old 
Shauvanon, or river of the Shawnees. Near the source of 
the latter stream, a tributary of the Tennessee takes its rise ; 
it is probably intended for the modern Clinch. The Hiwassee 
is called Euphasee, of which Chestoe is a confluent. Tern 
nase is the stream now known as Little Tennessee. 

CHICKASAWS. 

This nation of Indians inhabited the country east of the 
Mississippi, and north of the Choctaw boundary; their vil¬ 
lages and settlements were generally south of the 35th degree 
of north latitude, but they claimed all the territory within the 
present States of Tennessee and Kentucky, which lies between 
the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers, and a considerable por¬ 
tion north of the former. These they claimed as hunting 
grounds, though they had few or no permanent settlements 
within them. Tradition assigns to this tribe, when they first 
emigrated to this country, a very considerable population, 
but when Adair first visited them, (1735,) the Chickasaw 
warriors were estimated below five hundred. Though 
thus inconsiderable in numbers, the Chickasaws were war¬ 
like and valiant. They exercised an unwonted influence 

• 

over the Natches, Choctaws and other tribes. Their peace¬ 
able but brave warriors, were instrumental in preventing 
hostilities between their more numerous neighbouring tribes, 
or in concentrating their hostile operations against the 


UCHEES, MUSKOGEES AND CIIEROKEES. 


81 


French and Spaniards. Generally they were the friends and 
allies of the Anglo-Americans. 

At the time of De Soto’s invasion, this tribe, as has been al¬ 
ready mentioned, occupied the same territory which has since 
been the seat of that nation, extending south from the mouth 
of the Tennessee river, to the country of the Natches and 
Choctaws. Chickasaw tradition assigns to this tribe a resi¬ 
dence, at one time, upon the Savannah. Chonubbee, one of 
their chieftains, said, that when his tribe occupied the country 
opposite to and east of Augusta, Georgia, hostilities arose 
between their people and the Creeks, .and forced a great 
part of them to migrate to the country bordering on the 
Mississippi, while another fragment of their tribe was sub¬ 
dued by, and became incorporated with, the Creeks. As late 
as 1795, the Chickasaws presented to Congress their claim 
for lands on the Savannah. 

There is a close affinity between the Chickasaws and 
Choctaws, in their physical appearances, their languages, 
customs, traditions and laws. These tribes are believed to 
have had a common origin. 

UCHEES. 

A small tribe of Uchees once occupied the country near 
the mouth of Hiwassee. Their warriors were exterminated 
in a desperate battle with the Cherokees. Little else is 
known of them. 


MUSKOGEE OR CREEKS. 

Fragments of this powerful tribe occasionally lived on the 
southern boundary of Tennessee, but never formed a perma¬ 
nent settlement in it. 

CHEROKEES. 

Adair says of the Cherokees, “ their national name is derived 
from Chee-ra —fire—which is their reputed lower heaven^ 
and hence they call their magi, Cheera-tahge, men possessed of 
the divine fire. The natives make two divisions of their coun¬ 
try, which they term Ayrate and Ottare, signifying low and 
6 


SILVER MINE IN TENNESSEE. 


'32 

mountainous. The former is on the head branches of the 
beautiful Savannah, and the latter on those of the eastern¬ 
most river of the great Mississippi.” 

The same writer says, that forty years before the time he 
wrote, (1775,) the Cherokees had sixty-four populous towns, 
and that the old traders estimated their fighing men at above 
six thousand. The frequent wars between the Over-hill 
Towns and the northern Indians, and between the Middle 
and Lower Towns and the Muskogee or Creek Indians, had 
greatly diminished the number of the warriors, and con¬ 
tracted the extent of their settlements. 

“ Within twenty miles of the late Fort Loudon,” continues 
Mr. Adair, “ there is a great plenty of whet-stones for razors, 
of red, white and black colours. The silver mines are so rich, 
that by digging about ten yards deep, some desperate va¬ 
grants found at sundry times, so much rich ore, as to enable 
them to counterfeit dollars to a great amount, a horse-load of 
which was detected, in passing for the purchase of negroes 
at Augusta.” He also mentions load stone as being found 
there and at Cheowhee, and also a variety of precious 
stones, of “various colour and beautiful lustre, clear and 
very hard.” A tradition still continues of the existence of 
the silver mine mentioned thus by Adair. It is derived from 
hunters and traders who had seen the locality, and assisted 
in smelting the metal. After the whites had settled near 
and began to encroach upon the Over-hill towns, their inhabi¬ 
tants began to withhold all knowledge of the mines from the 
traders, apprehending that their cupidity for the precious 
metals would lead to an appropriation of the mines, and the 
ultimate expulsion of the natives from the country. The late 
Mr. De Lozier, of Sevier county, testified to the existence and 
richness of mines of silver, one of which he had worked at, in 
the very section of the Cherokee country described by Adair. 

The Cherokee tribe is closely identified with the settlement 
and history of Tennessee. Their nation, and some of their 
villages, are frequently mentioned in the accounts of De 
Soto’s invasion, and the journals of other explorers and 
adventurers into the interior of the south-west. They were 
formidable alike for their numbers and their passion for war. 


MARTIAL SPIRIT OF CHEROKEES. 


83 


The frontier of Vi rginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, all suf¬ 
fered from their vigour and their enterprise ; and these pages 
will hereafter abound with instances of their revenge, their 
perfidy, and their courage. They were the mountaineers of 
aboriginal America, and, like all other mountaineers, adored 
their country, and held on to and defended it with a heroic 
devotion—a patriotic constancy, and an unyielding tenacity, 
which cannot be too much admired or eulogized. 

- “ Si Pergama dextra 

Defendi possent: etiam hac defensa fuissent.” 

The native land of the Cherokee was the most inviting 
and beautiful section of the United States, lying upon the 
sources of the Catawba and the Yadkin—upon Keowee, 
Tugaloo, Flint, Etowah and Coosa, on the east and south, 
and several of the tributaries of the Tennessee on the west 
and north. 

This tribe, inhabiting the country from which the southern 
confluents of the Tennessee spring, gave their name, at first 
to that noble stream. In the earlier maps, the Tennessee is 
called the Cherokee river. In like manner, the name of this 
tribe also designated the mountains near them. Currahee 
is only a corruption of Cherokee, and in the maps and trea¬ 
ties where it is thus called, it means the mountains of the 
Cherokees. 

Of the martial spirit of this tribe, abundant evidence will 
be hereafter given. In the hazardous enterprises of war, they 
were animated by a restless spirit which goaded them into 
new exploits, and to the acquisition of a fresh stock of mar¬ 
tial renown. The white people, for some years previous to 
1730, interposed their good offices to bring about a pacifica¬ 
tion between them and the Tuscaroras, with whom they had 
long waged incessant war. The reply of the Cherokees was : 
“We cannot live without war. Should we make peace with 
the Tuscaroras, we must immediately look out for some 
other, with whom we can be engaged in our beloved occu¬ 
pation.” Actuated by the restless activity of this sentiment, 
there have been but few intervals in the history of the Chero¬ 
kees, when they have permitted themselves to sink into the 
inglorious arms of peace, and to be employed only in the 



84 


CREEKS EXPELLED. 


less perilous slaughter of the wild beasts of the wilderness. 
They have hardly ever ceased to sigh for danger, and to 
aspire to the rank which is attained by acts of heroic valour.* 
Under the promptings of this feeling, they have, at different 
times, been engaged in war against the colonists of England, 
of France, and of Spain, and also against other Indian tribes, 
with varied success. They assisted in the reduction of Fort 
Du Quesne ; they besieged and captured Fort Loudon ; they 
met the entire tribe of the Uchees, at the Uchee Old Fields, 
in what is now Rhea county, and, exterminating all its war¬ 
riors, compelled the surviving remnant of that brave race to 
retreat to Florida, where they became incorporated with the 
Seminoles. 

The Cherokees have a tradition, that when their tribe first 
crossed the Alleghanies, and settled upon the Little Tennes¬ 
see river, some Creeks had previously occupied the country 
near the mouth of the Hiwassee river. Being near neigh¬ 
bours, the latter pretended to enter into alliance with the 
former, in a war which they were then carrying on against 
the Shawnees, but secretly abetted the common enemy. 
Their treachery became known to the Cherokees while cele¬ 
brating one of their national festivals at Chota, when they 
fell suddenly upon the unsuspecting Creeks, and cut them 
off. A general war between these two tribes succeeded, and 
was carried on with such vigour as to cause the Creeks to 
abandon all their settlements and villages on the waters of 
Tennessee, and to leave them in the undisturbed possession 
of the Cherokees. Indeed, the latter pushed their conquests 
as far as the great Creek Path, and then crossed over to 
Coosa, where, at a large settlement on an island, they by 
stratagem drew the Creeks from their towns, in a fleet of 
canoes, to a place on the bank of Coosa, where they lay in 
ambush, captured the canoes and all the Greek warriors, 
sacked their towns, and massacred the defenceless inhabi¬ 
tants. The English name of the leader of this excursion was 
Bullhead. Cherokee tradition abounds with instances of the 
exploits performed by this Brave against the Creeks. 

These continued successes of the Cherokees made them 


* Haywood’s Aboriginal History. 


CHOTA-A CITY OF REFUGE. 


85 


quarrelsome, arrogant and incautious. They took offence 
at the Chickasaws, with whom they had confederated in the 
expulsion of the Shawnees, and in prosecution of a hostile 
invasion of their country, had advanced as far as the Chicka¬ 
saw Old Fields. The inoffensive but brave owners of the 
country, there met the invaders with great spirit. A terrible 
conflict ensued. The Cherokees were defeated, and withdrew 
by the way of the Cumberland river and the Cany Fork, to 
their own villages. This signal overthrow of the flower of 
the Cherokee nation, took place about 1769 — the period 
when the first white settlement was being formed on Wa¬ 
tauga, and, doubtless, contributed much to the pacific demea¬ 
nour manifested for some years by the neighbouring Indians 
to that infant, feeble and secluded community. The favoura¬ 
ble moment was lost, when the young Hercules might have 
been strangled in his cradle, by a slight exertion of the usual 
vigilance and enterprise of the Indian sachem and warrior. 
A germ of the Anglo-American family was permitted to take 
root and to grow for a time, unmolested by Cherokee opposi¬ 
tion, and unrestrained by savage wariness and caution. 

Every Indian tribe, according to Adair, has a house or town 
of refuge, which is a sure asylum to protect a man-slayer, or 
the unfortunate captive, if he can once enter into it. 

Among the Cherokees, Chota, five miles above the ruins 
of Fort Loudon, was their city of refuge. At this place an 
Englishman took refuge and found protection, after killing an 
Indian warrior in defence of his property. His dwelling- 
house being near to Chota, the English trader resolved, after 
remaining in the city of refuge some months, to return home; 
but he was assured by the head men, that although perfectly 
safe where he then was, it would be not only dangerous but 
fatal to him, if he attempted to remove thence. The Indians 
will revenge blood for blood, unless in some particular case, 
where the eldest kinsman of the slain is allowed to redeem 
or pardon. 

Among the distinguished Cherokees, was Oconostota. Of 
him Adair says : “ Before the last war, Old Hop , who was 
helpless and lame, presided over the whole nation, as Archi- 
magus, and lived in Chota, their only town of refuge.” 


86 


EUPHONY AND BEAUTY OF INDIAN NAMES 


Speaking of the Indian’s passion for revenge, Adair says : 
“ I have known them to go a thousand miles for the purpose of 
revenge, in pathless woods, over hills and mountains, through 
large cane swamps, full of grape-vines and briars, over broad 
lakes, rapid rivers and deep creeks; and all the way endan¬ 
gered by poisonous snakes, if not with the rambling and lurk¬ 
ing enemy—while, at the same time, they were exposed to the 
extremities of heat and cold, the vicissitudes of the season, to 
hunger and thirst—both by chance and their religious scanty 
method of living when at war—to fatigues and other difficul¬ 
ties. Such is their overboiling revengeful temper, that they 
utterly contemn all those things as imaginary trifles, if they 
are so happy as to get the scalp of the murderer or enemy, 
to satisfy the supposed craving ghosts of their deceased rela¬ 
tions.” 

Amongst the Cherokees, when first seen by the pioneers of 
Tennessee, there were no cities or fortresses—scarcely a con¬ 
siderable village. Their towns—settlements, rather—were 
rude huts and wigwams, scattered without order or regular¬ 
ity, along the banks of some stream abounding with springs, 
and convenient to a fishery, a hunting ground, or lands for 
pasturage. To each hut was attached a small patch of rich 
land, from which the cane had been removed. This was used 
as a garden, where the women cultivated beans, Indian corn, 
and, at a later period, apples, peaches and plums. These 
lots were often without fences—as the domestic animals which 
the Indians raised, were not kept near their houses, but roam¬ 
ed at large over the cane-breaks, or the more distant prairies 
or forests. 

The Indians designated the mountains and streams of their 
country by names remarkable for their euphony and beauty. 
Many of these have been lost, or are now seldom heard. The 
loss is, we fear, irreparable. Bay’s, Stone,Iron, Yellow, Smoky, 
Black, Grand-lather Mountains, were once doubtless known 
by names as smooth and musical as Alleghanee, Unaca, Chil- 
howee and Chattanooga. Dumplin, Sandy Mush, Little Dis¬ 
mal, Bull Run, Calf Killer, Sweet Water, and High Tower r 
though sufficiently significant, would grate harshly upon the 
ears of a Cherokee, who had bathed in the waters, luxuriated 


OF RIVERS IN TENNESSEE. 


87 


in the shades, formed his ambuscade and sung his war song 
upon the banks of the Allejay, the Oustinalla and the Etowah. 

ABORIGINAL NAMES OF THE RIVERS IN TENNESSEE. 

From information derived from all the sources within his 
reach, this writer believes that the Tennessee river was called 
by the first explorers and geographers, Reviere des Cheraquis, 
or Cosquinambeaux—but by the aborigines, Kallamuchee; 
which I take to be the aboriginal name of the stream, from its 
confluence with the Ohio to the mouth of Little Tennessee. 
From this point to the mouth of the French Broad, it was called 
Cootcla ; and from there to the mouth of Watauga, and per¬ 
haps to its source in Virginia, the Holston was known to the 
Indians as Hogohegee. The French Broad, throughout its 
whole length, was the Agiqua, and received, on its northern 
bank, the Swannanoah and the Nonachunheh (now Nolli- 
chucky). The present barbarous Clinch, had the more eupho¬ 
nious name, Pellissippi. Little River was the Canot; Little 
Tennessee was the Tannassee ; and its confluent, Tellico, has 
been changed from Ptsaliko, or Saliko ; Hiwassee, was pro¬ 
nounced Euphasee ; Cumberland, was called by the Indians, 
Warioto—but by the French, Shauvanon ; Wolf River was 
the Margot; Loushatchee, Hatchee, Sequatchee, Ocoee, 
Conesauga and Watauga have, happily, escaped the Vandal 
mutilation or corruption which the unfortunate Holston, 
French Broad, Clinch, Wolf and Forked Deer have suffered. 

When the pioneers of Tennessee settled in the south¬ 
western part of Virginia, and the coterminous portions of 
North-Carolina, the country had ceased to be, perhaps had 
never been, the settled residence of any of the more modern 
aboriginal tribes. At this time it was the common hunting 
grounds of the Shawnees, Cherokees and other southern In¬ 
dians. But east and north of the Tennessee river, there was 
not a single Indian hut. Still, along the vallies of what is now 
East Tennessee and South-western Virginia, lay the great 
route and thoroughfare between the northern and southern 
Indians, in their intercourse with distant tribes, in their hunt¬ 
ing excursions, in their hostile expeditions and in their em- 


88 


GREAT INDJAN PATH. 


bassies of peace ; this was the path of migration, the chase, 
the treaty and savage invasion. Besides its central position 
and its direct bearing, the great Apalachian chain could no 
where else be so easily ascended and crossed. Abundance of 
game, w T ater and fuel, a healthful and moderate climate, an 
unoccupied territory, no impracticable swamps, or deep and 
wide streams to retard their journeyings, were all considera¬ 
tions that led to the selection of this path. One branch of it was 
nearly the same as the present stage route passing the Big 
Lick, in Bottetourt county, Yiginia ; crossing New River at 
old Fort Chissel, near Inglis’ Ferry, Holston at the Seven 
Mile Ford, thence to the left of the present stage road and 
near to the river, to the North Fork, crossing as at present ; 
thence to Big Creek and crossing the Holston at Dodson’s 
Ford, to the Grassy Springs, near the residence of the late 
Micajah Lea ; thence down the waters of Nollichucky to Long 
Creek, ascending that stream to its source, and descending 
Dumplin Creek to a point a few miles from its mouth, where 
the path deflected to the left and crossed French Broad near 
Buckingham’s Island. Near this, the path divided. One 
branch of it went up the west fork of Little Pigeon, and 
crossed some small mountains to the Tuckalechee towns, and 
so on to the Over-hill villages of the Cherokees. The other 
and main fork, went up Boyd’s Creek to its source, and falling 
upon the head branches of Allejay, descended its valley to 
Little River, and crossing near Henry’s, went by the present 
town of Maryville, to the mouth of Tellico, and passing 
through the Indian towns and villages of Tellico, Chota and 
Hiwassee, descended the Coosa, where it connected with the 
Great War Path of the Creeks. Near the Wolf Hills, now 
Abingdon, another path came in from the north-west, which 
pursued nearly the same route now travelled from the latter 
place to Kentucky, and crossing the mountain at that remark¬ 
able depression called Cumberland Gap. It was along this 
path that the earlier English explorers and hunters first 
passed to Kentucky, and through it the Rockcastle and Ohio 
savages often penetrated, to molest and break up the early 
settlements upon New River and Holston. 

Dr. Hardy, of Asheville, North-Carolina, believes that the 


TUMULI AND OTHER REMAINS. 


89 


Cherokees used the country, near and around the sources of the 
French Broad, more as hunting grounds than as a place of resi¬ 
dence. This opinion is sustained by the fact, that the streams 
and mountains of that region do not bear aboriginal names. 
French Broad, Pigeon, Sandy Mush, Ivy, &c., are the 
water courses. Blue Ridge, Pisgah, Glass, Smoky and Bald, 
are the mountains, all English names. No considerable war 
path or Indian trace passed through those elevated and 
almost inaccessible regions, and it was not till after 1787 
that emigrants passed through them. 

Little of the former history of the Cherokee tribe can be 
ascertained from their traditions. These extend little further 
back than the early days of O-ka-na-sto-ta, the distinguished 
chief who visited England in the days of George II. From 
his time they date the declension of their nation; he was 
king or principal chief. His seat of government was one of 
the Over-hill towns, Echota, more properly E-tsaw-ty, on 
Tellico river, since the property of the late John McGhee, Esq. 

Of the tumuli scattered every where through the country, 
and of other remains occasionally found in and near them, 
the Cherokees know nothing, only that when their fathers first 
took possession of the country, they considered them as the 
vestiges of an ancient and more numerous population, further 
advanced in the arts of civilized life than their own people. 
For these relics they seemed to entertain some peculiar vene¬ 
ration, and never appropriated them to any secular purpose « 
or use. 

The piles or heaps of rocks, so often met with in the gaps 
or crossing places of mountains or ridges, are structures very 
different from the tumuli proper. They are believed to be 
more modern, and it is not improbable that they owe 
their origin to a superstition not uncommon, if not general, in 
all heathen countries. The Rev. Mr. Winslow, American 
missionary at Oodooville, in the district of Jafna, makes the 
following statement in a journal under date of May 19, 1832 : 
“In coming over a tract of land which would be called in 
America * barrens,’ where there was no forest and but little 
cultivation, I saw in several places, near the foot paths lead¬ 
ing to the principal bazaar, large piles of stones; and en- 


90 


ABORIGINAL STRUCTURES. 


quiring into the cause, was told that the people, in passing 
over such places, are in the habit, each one, of casting a stone 
upon heaps begun in some particular spot, as an offering to 
an evil spirit, who would otherwise afflict them and their 
families.” 

We may not here indulge in further remarks upon the 
aborigines of America. Were it otherwise proper, the 
theme would invite us to inquire into and examine their 
physical, domestic, political, social and religious history ; 
their manners, rites, arts, traditions, religion, government and 
laws. The analogies which are found betwen these and 
those of some Asiatic tribes, not less than their physical 
affinities, furnish, if not the foundation of legitimate infe¬ 
rence, certainly ground for plausible conjecture and specu¬ 
lation. In their language or dialects, is presented a subject 
for philological research that may illustrate the connection 
which, at some former time, existed between the aboriginal 
population of America and the rest of the world. But upon 
these topics we dare not enter. It must be sufficient here, 
only to say that every where in the West, we find ourselves 
surrounded with vestiges of different nations who have lived 
here before us; and that we may infer from these relics, very 
different degrees of progress and improvement in the people 
who constructed them. Of these there are three classes. 
First:—those belonging to the modern Indians ; these are nei¬ 
ther numerous nor interesting—such as rude axes of stone, 
pestles and mortars, arrow heads, earthen vessels, pipes, war 
clubs, musical instruments and idols, carved out of a spe¬ 
cies of serpentine, calumets, &c. Second :—those belong¬ 
ing to or constructed by a people of European or foreign 
descent; such as medals, coins, beads, crucifixes, furnaces, 
&c. Third:—those belonging to or made by a people 
evidently demi-civilized, who anciently inhabited the coun¬ 
try ; such as forts, cemeteries, tumuli, temples, altars, camps, 
towns, videttes, fortifications, &c. These structures fur¬ 
nish unquestionable evidence, that a dense population, at 
a remote period, occupied this country, and had made some 
advance in the arts of civilized life. These, though they 
may not awaken in the beholder the same associations as 


TRADITIONS OF TENNESSEE TRIBES. 91 

the ruins of Rome, or the majestic desolations of Greece, 
are certainly not entirely devoid of interest, but excite a 
feeling of veneration for the memory of those mighty em¬ 
pires which once flourished where these vestiges of their 
former greatness are yet found. And the inquiry forcibly 
presents itself, who were these unknown people? How and 
when have these nations become extinct ? Did some swarm 
of ruthless invaders from our northern hive, at some far dis¬ 
tant period of time, seeking a more genial climate, descend 
the vallies of the West, and, carrying devastation in their 
march, Vandal-like, consign them to oblivion? Tradition, a 
medium of communication between remote ages too much 
undervalued, is not altogether silent on this subject. At a 
very noted congress or treaty, held early in the last century, 
at Lancaster, Pa., Indian delegates in attendance, said their 
ancestors had conquered several nations on the west side of 
the Great Mountains, viz: “The Cony-uch-such-roona, the 
Coch-now-was-roonon, the Tohoa-nough-roonaw, and the 
Conutskin-ough-roouaw.” 

The traditions of the Tennessee tribes on the subject, are 
indistinct and conflicting. They agree in this, that their 
forefathers found these vestiges here, or that they were 
always here, meaning, thereby, to assign to these ancient 
relics an indefinite antiquity. The several Indian families 
in America have been well compared to the fragments of a 
vast ruin. Certain is it, that these remains imply the former 
existence of a population so dense as to prove that it was 
incapable of existing in a country of hunters only, and that, 
possibly, Tennessee and the West were once the theatre upon 
which agriculture, civilization and peace exhibited their 
benign influence, or the dreadful battle field, where the lust 
of dominion, the bad passions of man and his unhallowed 
ambition, consigned to the grave and to oblivion hecatombs 
of human victims, and made the fairest part of God’s crea¬ 
tion a desert and a waste. Turning from the contemplation 
of this gloomy picture, we hasten to trace the progress of 
civilized man, of enlightenment and art over the wilds of 
Tennessee. 


92 


WATAUGA -ITS SETTLEMENT AND GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER II. 

WATAUGA—ITS SETTLEMENT AND GOVERNMENT. 

In the meantime, the treaty of Fort Stanwix had given a 
pretext for a general disregard of the king’s proclamation, 
prohibiting settlements of his subjects west of the mountains, 
and had excited afresh the spirit of emigration and explora¬ 
tion westward. Land-mongers penetrated fearlessly into 
the wilderness, while masses of emigrants had accumulated 
along the boundary, and concentrating themselves at the 
leading avenues from the Atlantic to the western waters, 
stood for a moment impatient of longer restraint, and cast¬ 
ing a wishful look upon the inviting country before them. 
Tennessee was yet without a single civilized inhabitant. 
We have traced the approaches of the Anglo-American popu¬ 
lation to her eastern boundary. The genius of civilization, 
in her progress from the east, had passed the base of the 
great Apalachian range. She stood upon its summit, proud 
of past success—and, ambitious of further and greater 
achievement, surveyed from that height the wide field before 
and around her. On her right, are the rich vallies and luxu¬ 
riant plains of Kentucky and Ohio, as yet imperfectly known 
from the obscure report of the returning explorer or the 
Shawnee prisoner. On the left, her senses are regaled by 
the luxuriant groves, the delightful savannas, and the en¬ 
chanting beauties of the sunny south. Far in the distance 
and immediately before her, she contemplates the Great West. 
Its vastness at first overwhelms and astounds her, but at 
the extreme limit of her vision, American adventure and 
western enterprise are seen beckoning her to move for¬ 
ward and to occupy the goodly land. She descends to the 
plains below, and on the prolific soil of the quiet Watauga, 
in the lonely seclusion of one of its ancient forests, is de¬ 
posited the germ of the future State of Tennessee. In that 
germ were contained all the elements of prospective great- 


FIRST SETTLEMENT IN TENNESSEE. 


93 


ness and achievement. What these elements were, succeed¬ 
ing pages will but feebly develope and illustrate. Toil, 
enterprise, perseverance and courage, had planted that germ 
in a distant wilderness. The circumstances that surrounded 
it, required for its growth, culture and protection, wisdom, 
virtue, patriotism, valour and self-reliance. American was to 
become Western character, and here was the place and this 
the time of its first germination. 

The news of the great grant from the Six Nations reached 
17Ca $ the frontier settlement soon after the treaty of No- 
( vember, 1768. Dr. Walker, the Commissioner from 
Virginia, had returned from Fort Stanwix, and brought with 
him an account of the cession. He is the same gentleman 
who, as has been already narrated, had twice explored the 
new country, and now bore with him one form of authority 
for an indefinite extension of the white settlements west¬ 
ward. The Indian boundary, as adjusted at Hard Labour, 
in October of the same year, had given the assent of the 
Cherokees to a further expansion of the Holston settlements ; 
and late in December, 1768, and early in January of 1769, 
was formed the nucleus of the first permanent establishment 
of the white race in Tennessee. It was merely an enlarge¬ 
ment of the Virginia settlement near it, and at the time was 
believed to be upon the territory of that province,—the line 
dividing Virginia and North-Carolina not having been yet 
run west of Steep Rock. The settlers were principally from 
what is now Wake county, in North-Carolina. Some of 
them had been among the troops raised by that province, and 
sent, in 1760, for the relief of the garrison at Fort Loudon— 
others of them had wintered, in 1758, at the Long Island Fort, 
around which a temporary settlement had been made, which 
was soon after broken up and its members forced to retire 
east of Kenhawa. 

Early in this year further explorations were made. One 
of them originated with Gilbert Christian and William 
Anderson. They had accompanied the regiment com¬ 
manded by Colonel Bird, and were so pleased with the 
country through which they had marched, that they deter¬ 
mined to explore it more fully. They were joined by the 


94 


CHRISTIAN ANDERSON AND SAWYERS. 


late Colonel John Sawyers, of Knox county, and four others. 
They crossed the north fork of Holston at the present ford, 
and penetrated as low down that stream as Big Creek, in 
the present county of Hawkins, where they met a large 
party of Indians. “ They turned about and went back up the 
river ten or fifteen miles, and concluded to return home. 
About twenty miles above the North Fork, they found, upon 
their return, a cabin on every spot where the range was 
good, and where only six weeks before nothing was to be 
seen but a howling wilderness. When they passed by before, 
on their outward destination, they found no settlers on Hol¬ 
ston, save three families on the head springs of that river.”* 
So impetuous was the current of population westward. 

Of those who ventured farthest into the wilderness with 
their families, was Capt. William Bean. He came from Pitt¬ 
sylvania county, Va., and settled early in 1769 on Boon’s Creek, 
a tributary of Watauga, in advance of Carter and others, 
who soon after settled upon that stream. His son, Russell 
Bean, was the first white child born in what is now Tennes¬ 
see. Captain Bean had hunted with Boon, knew his camp, 
and selected this as the place of his settlement on the ac¬ 
count of its abundant game. His cabin was not far from 
Watauga. He was an intrepid man, and will be mentioned 
hereafter. Bean’s Station was afterwards settled by him. 

But explorations were not confined to the country since 
known as East Tennessee. A glimpse had been obtained 
by Findley, Boon and Smith, of those portions of Kentucky 
and Middle Tennessee lying upon the Cumberland river. 
It had been ascertained, too, that the entire territory between 
the Ohio and Tennessee was unoccupied by any aboriginal 
tribe, and that it was the hunting ground and often the bat¬ 
tle field of the adjoining Indian nations. Possessed by none 
of these for residence or cultivation, it presented an inviting 
field for further exploration and future settlement. It had 
been represented, also, as a country of boundless fertility and 
inconceivably beautiful. Men of hardy enterprise and fear¬ 
less spirit were at hand to explore and occupy it. The pio- 


* Haywood. 


STATION AT FRENCH LICK. 


95 


neers of civilization in the West,—the trader, the hunter, the 
surveyor,—were already on the frontier ready to tempt the 
dangerous wilds. 

After the return of Smith in 1760, from his expedition to 
the Lower Cumberland, Isaac Lindsay, and four others from 
South-Carolina, were the next adventurers. The} 7 crossed 
the Alleghanies and the Cumberland at the usual place— 
hunted upon the Rockcastle and descended Cumberland as 
low as the mouth of Stone’s river. Here they met Michael 

Stoner, who, with-Harrod, had come from Illinois to 

hunt. These two were from Pittsburg. Previous to this 
time, in 1764, the Shawnees had removed from the Cumber¬ 
land and Greene rivers to the Wabash, and no Indians were 
then there. At the bluff, where Nashville now stands, some 
French were settled and had a station. Ten or twelve miles 
above the mouth of Tennessee, there was then another 
French station. 

The first of May, 1769, Daniel Boon, as narrated by him¬ 
self, “left his peaceable habitation on the Yadkin river, in 
quest of the country of Kentucky,” in company with John 
Findley, John Stewart, and three others. These hunters must 
have passed rapidly through Upper East Tennessee, as we 
learn from the narrative that on the 7th of June they were 
upon Red River, the northern-most branch of the Kentucky 
river. In December of that year, John Stewart was killed 
by Indians, “the first victim, as far as is known, in the heca¬ 
tombs of white men, offered by the Indians to the god of bat¬ 
tles, in their desperate and ruthless contention for Kentucky.”* 
Of Findley, nothing more is known than that he was the first 
hunter of Kentucky, and the pilot of Boon to the dark and 
bloody ground. 

On the 2d of June, 1769, a larger company of adventurers 
was formed, for the purpose of hunting and exploring, in 
what is now known as Middle Tennessee. As the country 
was discovered and settled by the enterprise and defended 
by the valour of these first explorers, we choose to give their 
names, the places from which they came, and such details 
of their hazardous journeyings as have been preserved. 


* Butler. 


96 


RAINS EXPLORES CUMBERLAND. 


May the time never come, when the self-sacrificing toil and 
the daring hardihood of the pioneers of Tennessee will be 
forgotten or undervalued by their posterity. The company 
consisted of more than twenty men. Some of them from 
North-Carolina ; others from the neighbourhood of the Na¬ 
tural Bridge, and others from the infant settlement near 
Inglis’ Ferry, in Virginia. The names of some of them 
follow : John Rains, Kasper Mansco, Abraham Bledsoe, John 
Baker, Joseph Drake, Obadiah Terrill, Uriah Stone, Henry 
Smith, Ned Cowan, Robert Crockett. The place of rendez¬ 
vous was eight miles below Fort Chissel, on New River. 
They came by the head of Holston, and, crossing the north 
fork, Clinch and Powell's rivers, and passing through Cum¬ 
berland Gap, discovered the southern part of Kentucky, and 
fixed a station camp at a place since called Price’s Meadow, 
in Wayne county, where they agreed to deposit their game 
and skins. The hunters here dispersed in different direc¬ 
tions ; the whole company still travelling to the south-west. 
They came to Roaring River and the Cany Fork, at a point 
far above the mouth and somewhere near the foot of the 
mountain. Robert Crockett was killed near the head waters 
of Roaring River, when returning to the camp, provided for 
two or three days’ travelling ; the Indians were there in am¬ 
bush, and fired upon and killed him. The Indians were tra¬ 
velling to the north, seven or eight in company. Crockett’s 
body was found on the war track, leading from the Cherokee 
nation towards the Shawnees tribe. All the country through 
which these hunters passed, was covered with high grass ; no 
traces of any human settlement could be seen, and the pri¬ 
meval state of things reigned in unrivalled glory ; though 
under dry caves, on the side of creeks, they found many 
places where stones were set up, that covered large quanti¬ 
ties of human bones; these were also found in the caves, 
with which the country abounds. They continued to hunt 
eight or nine months, when part of them returned in Aprib 
1770.* 

The return of Findley and Boon to the banks of the Yadkin 


* Haywood. 


COLONEL JAMES KNOX EXPLORES CUMBERLAND. 


97 


^ ( and of the explorers, whose journal has just been 

( given, to their several homes, produced a remarkable 
sensation. Their friends and neighbours were enraptured 
with the glowing descriptions of the delightful country they 
had discovered, and their imaginations were inflamed with 
the account of the wonderful products, which were yielded 
in such bountiful profusion. The sterile hills and rocky 
uplands of the Atlantic country began to lose their interest, 
when compared with the fertile vallies beyond the moun¬ 
tains.* A spirit of further exploration was thus excited in 
the settlements on New River, Holston and Clinch, which 
originated an association of about forty stout hunters, for 
the purpose of hunting and trapping west of Cumberland 
mountains. Equipped with their rifles, traps, dogs, blankets, 
and dressed in the hunting shirt, leggins and mocassins, 
they commenced their arduous enterprise, in the real spirit 
of hazardous adventure, through the rough forest and rugged 
hills, f The names of these adventurers are now not known. 
The expedition was led by Colonel James Knox. The leader, 
and nine others of the company, penetrated to the Lower 
Cumberland, and, making there an extensive and irregular 
circuit, adding much to their knowledge of the country, after 
a long absence, returned home. They are known as the 
“ Long Hunters.” 

In the meantime, the infant settlement on Watauga was 

* « 

receiving constant additions to its numbers from North-Ca- 
rolina and Virginia, where the rage of visiting unexplored 
regions had become irresistible, and an irrepressible anxiety 
to emigrate succeeded. Other causes, too, were exerting an 
indirect influence upon the people of both North and South- 
Carolina. In each of these provinces, civil disturbances 
existed, the results of which augmented the population and 
stimulated the growth of the new community germinating 
across the mountain. 

In South-Carolina, previous to 1770, no courts of justice 
were held beyond the limits of the capital, and, in the inte¬ 
rior of that province, the inhabitants took the law into their 
own hands and punished offenders in a summary way. 

* Monette. t Marshall. 

7 


98 


DISCONTENTS IN NORTH-CAROLINA. 


“ This mode of proceeding was called Regulation, and its 
authors Regulators.”* Those who opposed them were called 
Scovilites, after their leader, Scovil, commissioned by the 
governor to suppress them. Each party was armed and pre¬ 
pared for the last extremity. 

These tumults, and the bitter animosities they engendered, 
drove many from South-Carolina to the settlements on Hol- 
ston and Watauga. 

In North-Carolina, disturbances existed also, but produced 
by other and different causes, and, unlike those just narrated, 
were, unfortunately, not quieted without bloodshed. The 
inhabitants of this province, who lived upon Lord Granville’s 
reservation, about two-thirds of the whole, complained that 
illegal and exorbitant fees were extorted by officers of gov¬ 
ernment, that oppressive taxes were exacted by the sheriffs^ 
and that the manner of collecting them was arbitrary and 
tyrannical. The people had long petitioned and remonstrated, 
but the officers remained unpunished. Another fruitful 
source of general discontent increased the popular clamour. 
In 1764 the intentions of the British ministry to quarter 
troops in America, and to support them at the expense of the 
colonies, were publicly announced. After debate in the 
House of Commons, it was unanimously determined that the 
Parliament of Great Britain had the right to tax the Ameri¬ 
cans, but it was not till March, of the next year, that this 
right was exercised by the passage of an act for raising a 
revenue by a general stamp duty through all the American 
colonies. This act excited the most serious alarm. It was 
received as a violation of the British constitution, and as 
destructive of the first principles of liberty, and combina¬ 
tions against its execution were everv where formed. Vir- 
ginia was the first to assert colonial rights, and to deny the 
claim of parliamentary taxation. To the bold patriotism 
and fervid eloquence of Patrick Henry, is due the immortal 
honour of this early avowal of the inviolability of the repre¬ 
sentative principle. 

In North-Carolina, the public mind was much disturbed by 
.the report that the stamp act had been passed by Parliament. 

* Ramsay. 


• COLONEL ASHE PREVENTS THE LANDING OF THE STAMPS. 99 

This intelligence reached Wilmington shortly after the meet¬ 
ing of the Assembly, and such was the violence exhi¬ 
bited by the members of the popular House, that Governor 
Tryon suddenly prorogued the legislative body.* By the 
passage of the stamp act, an amalgamation of all par¬ 
ties in the province was brought about. The people of 
North-Carolina were never before so unanimous. All joined 
in giving a solemn assurance to the mother country that the 
colonies would not be forcibly taxed—an assurance that was 
nobly, though not unanimously, enforced, and which achieved 
the freedom of America.f Col. Ashe, on the approach of 
the stamp ship, embodied a company of militia, and held 
himself ready for battle. The odious freight was never 
landed, and the fiery impetuosity of the colonel, aided by the 
enthusiasm of the whole people, arrested the stamp master, 
conducted him to the market house, where, in the presence 
of the assembled multitude, he swore a solemn oath never 
to perform the duties of his office. 

The subsequent repeal of the odious stamp act was insuffi¬ 
cient to appease the growing discontent, or to repress the 
insurrectionary tendencies of the people. The extortions of 
the officers were continued, and thoraxes were multiplied. 
Besides, the office holders were all foreigners, who, not con¬ 
tent with having engrossed the stations of authority and hon¬ 
our in their adopted country, endeavoured to revel upon the 
hard earnings of an agricultural and primitive people. The 
trade, too, of the province was monopolized by foreign mer¬ 
chants, “ who came in shoals, to get rich and to get conse¬ 
quence. The poor man was treated with disdain, because 
unable to contribute to their emoluments. He was excluded 
from their society, unless when he was to be reminded of his 
insignificance, and to be told with brutal freedom of the low 
rank which he held.”J Nothing is more offensive to correct 
taste, virtuous sentiment and just discernment, than the up¬ 
start consequence and fictitious importance engendered by 
sudden or unexpected accumulation. This hauteur is the 
more intolerable and annoying, as it is never accompanied 
with intellectual or moral worth. 

* May 18,1765. t Jones. % Haywood. 


100 


RESOLVES OF THE REGULATORS. 


Such were the outrages, political and domestic, that dis¬ 
quieted the people of North-Carolina. The perpetrators 
of the former were the men in power, who were appointed 
by law to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of the 
people. Those who were injured met and petitioned for re¬ 
lief, and made representations of the mal-practices from 
which they had suffered. Their petitions were rejected and 
treated with disdain. They held several meetings, assumed 
the name of Regulators, and resolved “to pay no more taxes, 
until they were satisfied that the tax was agreeable to law, 
and should be applied to the purposes therein mentioned; to 
pay no officer any higher fees than the law allows, to attend 
their meeting of conference ; to consult our representatives on 
the amendment of such laws as may be found grevious or 
unnecessary ; to choose more suitable men for burgesses and 
vestrymen, than we have heretofore done, and to petition the 
Assembly, Governor, Council, King and Parliament for re¬ 
dress, in such grievances as in the course of the undertaking 
may occur; and to inform one another, learn, know and en¬ 
joy, all the privileges and liberties that are allowed and 
were settled on us by.our worthy ancestors, the founders of 
our present constitute, in order to preserve it on its ancient 
foundation, that it may stand firm and unshaken.” In the 
public and documentary proceedings of the Regulators we 
see nothing to blame and much to admire. “On these prin¬ 
ciples, and to this extent of opposition, the whole western 
counties were agreed. The most sober and sedate in the 
community were united in resisting the tyranny of unjust and 
exorbitant taxes, and had been aroused to a degree of violence 
and opposition, difficult to manage and hard to quell. And the 
more restless, and turbulent, and unprincipled parts of society, 
equally aggrieved and more ungovernable, cast themselves in 
as part of the resisting mass of population, with little to gain, 
but greater license for their unprincipled passions ; and little 
to lose, could they escape confinement and personal punish¬ 
ment. Unjustifiable acts perpetrated by these, were charged 
upon the Regulators, and they were held accountable for all 
the ill that wicked men chose to do, under the name of 
struggling for liberty ; while it is well known that the leaders 


BATTLE ON THE ALAMANCE. 


101 


of this oppressed party never expressed a desire to be free 
from law or equitable taxation. The governor’s palace, 
double and treble fees, and taxes without law or reason i 
drove the sober to resistance and the passionate and unprin¬ 
cipled to outrage. But there were cases of injustice most 
foul and crying, that might palliate, where they could not 
justify, the violence that followed. 

“The Regulators continued their resistance to illegal taxa¬ 
tion, two or three years. The better part of the community 
were averse to the irregularities of those lawless spirits, who* 
attaching themselves to the cause of liberty, greatly impeded 
its progress ; and desired to govern themselves and persuade 
their neighbours by reason, to gain the justice they demanded. 
But tumult, and violence, and rebellion followed; the Regu¬ 
lators prevented the setting of courts, and otherwise ob¬ 
structed the execution of the laws. Governor Tryon met 
them on the lGth May, 1771, on the Alamance. They num¬ 
bered between two and three thousand. The governor’s 
troops were something less. The Regulators, being poorly 
armed, undisciplined and without commanders of skill or 
experience, were defeated. “ It is the unvarying tradition 
among the people of the country, that they had but little am¬ 
munition, and did not flee until it was all expended. Nine of 
them, and twenty-seven of the militia, were left dead on the 
field ; a great number were wounded on both sides in this first 
battle—in this first blood shed for the enjoyment of liberty. 
We cannot but admire the principles that led to the result, 
how much soever we may deplore the excesses that preceded 
and the bloodshed itself.”* 

The conduct of the Regulators is viewed in the same light 
by an American historian, who from his official position at 
the Court of St. James, has had the opportunity of examining 
in the British State Paper Office, all the documents pertaining 
to the “ Regulation.” He says, speaking of them: “Their 
complaints were well founded, and were so acknowledged^ 
though their oppressors were only nominally punished. They 
form the connecting link between resistance to the Stamp 
Act, and the movement of 1775 ; and they also played a 

* Foote. 


102 


TREATY OF LOCHAEER. 


glorious part in taking possession of the Mississippi val¬ 
ley, towards which they were carried irresistibly by their 
love of independence. It is a mistake if any have supposed 
that the Regulators were cowed down by their defeat at the 
Alamance. Like the mammoth, the}* shook the bolt from 
their brow and crossed the mountains.”* 

Thus early did a great political wrong—** taxation without 
representation”—ulcerate the minds of the subjects of the King 
in all the American colonies. A little later, did regal oppres¬ 
sion, in exorbitant and illegal fees of Crown officers and their 
deputies, produce disaffection and resistance in Western Ca¬ 
rolina. The defeat of the Regulators on the Alamance quelled, 
for a time, the spirit of resistance ; but the disaffection re¬ 
mained, and caused the voluntary exile of thousands of indisr- 
nant and independent freemen to the western wilds. Re¬ 
mote from the seat of power, and free from the oppressions of 
regal officers, Watauga gave its cordial welcome to these 
honest-hearted and virtuous patriots : and here was the cra¬ 
dle of the infant Hercules—Tennessee. 

The tide of emigration continued from Southern Virginia, 
and from the country near the sources of the Yadkin 
and Catawba, in Yorth-Carolina, and was spreading 
itself beyond the limits assigned to the white inhabitants, by 
the treaty of Hard Labour, in 1768. Some of the settlements 
were within what was supposed to be the Indian territory, 
and the Cherokees began to remonstrate against the encroach¬ 
ment. To avoid Indian resentment, and to prevent hostilities 
on the part ofthe Cherokees, the Superintendent of Southern In¬ 
dian Affairs took measures to establish a new boundary further 
west. The treaty of Lochaber was sisned on the 18th of Octo- 
ber, 1770, by the council of the chiefs, warriors, and head men 
of the Cherokee nation. The new line commenced on the south 
branch of Holston river, six miles east of Long Island—thence 
to the mouth of the Great Kenhawa.t This boundary—the 
western limit ofthe frontier settlements of Virginia and Xorth- 
Carolina—was a teeble barrier against the approaches of the 
emigrants, who came in greatly increased numbers to the 

West. The Holston river was considered as the line dividinr 

» - _ 

* Letter to D. L. Swain, Esq., from Mr. Bancroft. f Mcnette. 



ARRIVAL OF ROBERTSON. 


103 


North-Carolina and Virginia. An act of the Legislature of 
this Province, allowed every actual settler having a log cabin 
erected, and any portion of ground in cultivation, the right of 
four hundred acres of land, and so located as to include his 
improvement. A subsequent act extended the privilege much 
further—allowing such owner and occupant the preference 
right of purchasing a thousand acres adjoining him, at such 
cost as scarcely exceeded the expense of selecting and sur¬ 
veying it. These acts greatly encouraged emigration to the 
West, where every man, with the least industry, could not 
fail to secure to himself a comfortable home and a valuable 
estate for his children. Crowds of emigrants immediately 
advanced to secure the proffered bounty.* When the line 
was afterwards run, many of these were found to he within 
the limits of North-Carolina. 

But the misgoverned Province of North-Carolina sent forth 
most of the emigrants to Watauga. The poor came in search 
of independence—others to repair their broken fortunes—the 
aspiring, to attain respectability, unattainable in the country 
of their nativity. In the wilderness beyond the mountain, 
they promised themselves, at least, exemption from the super¬ 
cilious annoyance of those who claimed a pre-eminence above 
them.f Others came prompted by the noble ambition of form¬ 
ing a new community, of laying broad and deep the founda¬ 
tion of government, and of acquiring, under it, distinction and 
consequence for themselves and their children. 

Amongst those that reached Watauga about this time, was 
Daniel Boon, who had previously crossed the mountain upon 
a hunting excursion, and had been as low as Boon’s Creek, 
in the present county of Washington. He acted as pilot to 
the new settlements, and continued the pioneer to civilization, 
from the Yadkin to the district of St. Charles, in Missouri, 
where he ended his remarkable and eventful life, in 1820, in 
the eighty-sixth year of his age. 

A little after Boon, and early in 1770, came also James 
Robertson, from Wake count} 7 , North-Carolina. “He is the 
same person,” to use the language of Haywood, who 
was his countryman, and knew him well, “ who will ap- 

* Monette. f Haywood. 


104 


CHARACTER OF ROBERTSON. 


pear hereafter by his actions, to have merited all the eulo- 
gium, esteem and affection, which the most ardent of his coun¬ 
trymen have ever bestowed upon him. Like almost all those 
in America who have attained eminent celebrity, he had not 
a noble lineage to boast of, nor the escutcheoned armorials 
of a splendid ancestry. But he had what was far more val¬ 
uable : a sound mind, healthy constitution, a robust frame, a 
love of virtue, an intrepid soul, and an emulous desire for 
honest fame. He visited the delightful country on the wa¬ 
ters of Holston, to view the new settlements which then 
began to be formed on the Watauga. Here he found one 
Honeycut living in a hut, who furnis ed him with food. He 
made a crop there the first year. On re-crossing the moun¬ 
tains he got lost for some time, and coming to a precipice, 
over which his horse could not be led, he left him there and 
travelled on foot. His powder was wetted by repeated show¬ 
ers and could not be used in the procurement of game for 
food. Fourteen days he wandered without eating, till he 
was so much reduced and weakened that he began seriously 
to despair of reaching his home again. But there is a Provi ¬ 
dence which rules over the destinies of men, and preserves 
them to run the race appointed for them. Unpromising as 
were the prospects of James Robertson, at that time, having 
neither learning, experience, property, nor friends to give 
him countenance, and with spirits drooping under the pres¬ 
sure of penury and a low estate, yet the God of nature had 
given him an elevated soul, and planted in it the seeds of vir¬ 
tue, which made him in the midst of discouraging circum¬ 
stances look forward to better times. He was accidentally 
met by two hunters, on whom he could not, without much 
and pressing solicitation, prevail so far as to be permitted to 
ride on one of their horses. They gave him food, of which he 
ate sparingly for some days, till his strength and spirits returned 
to him. This is the man who will figure in the future so de¬ 
servedly as the greatest benefactor of the first settlers of the 
country. He reached home in safety, and soon afterwards 
returned to Watauga with a few others, and there settled.” 

While a nucleus of a civilized community was thus being 
formed in what is now East Tennessee, the adventurous 


LOWER CUMBERLAND EXPLORED. 


105 


hunters whom we left upon the Lower Cumberland were 
extending explorations in that part of the country. In 1769 
or 1770, Mr. Mansco, Uriah Stone, John Baker, Thomas Gor¬ 
don, Humphrey Hogan, Cash Brook, and others, ten in all, 
built two boats and two trapping canoes, loaded them with 
the results of their hunting, and descended the Cumberland 
river—the first navigation, and the first commerce probably 
ever carried on upon that stream by Anglo-Americans. 
Where Nashville now stands they discovered the French 
Lick, and found around it immense numbers of buffalo and 
other wild game. The country was crowded with them. 
Their bellowings sounded from the hills and forest. On the 
mound near the Lick the voyageurs found a stock fort, built, 
as they conjectured, by the Cherokees, on their retreat from 
the battle at the Chickasaw Old Fields. Descending to the 
Ohio, they met with John Brown, the Mountain-leader, and 
twenty-five other warriors, marching against the Senekas. 
The Indians offered them no personal injury, but robbed 
them of two guns, some ammunition, salt and tobacco. De¬ 
scending the river, they met Frenchmen trading to the Illi- 
noifrwho treated them with friendship. The voyage was 
prosecuted as low as the Spanish’ Natches. Here some of 
them remained, while Mansco and Baker returned by the way 
of the Keowee towns to New River. 

In the fall of this year the country on the Lower Cumber- 
1771 ( land was further explored by Mansco, in company with 
i John Montgomery, Isaac Bledsoe, Joseph Drake, Hen¬ 
ry Suggs, James Knox, W iHiarryand David Linc h, Christo¬ 
pher Stoph, William Allen, and others/ Among them was 
an old hunter named Russell, who was so dim-sighted that 
he was obliged to tie a piece of white paper at the muzzle 
of his gun to direct his sight at the game—and yet he killed a 
number of deer. The winter being inclement, the party built 
a skin house. Their ammunition being exhausted, five men 
were left to take care of the camp, while the rest returned 
home. During their absence in the settlements the camp 
was attacked, as was supposed, by Northern Indians, and 
Stoph and Allen were taken prisoners. Hughes escaped, 
and met the company returning to the camp. It was found 



106 


WATAUGA FORMS ARTICLES OF 


as it had been left—the Indians had not plundered it. The 
party thence extended their hunting and exploring excur¬ 
sions—formed a station camp upon a creek, which is still 
known as Station Camp Creek—each hunfer made a discov¬ 
ery, and time has signalized it with the discoverer’s name. 
Thus, Drake’s Pond, Drake’s Lick, Bledsoe’s Lick, Mansco’s 
Lick, etc. In the absence of the hunters, twenty-five 
Cherokees came to their camp, and plundered it of ammuni¬ 
tion, skins, and every thing it contained. As they left no 
trail, it was supposed that they had retreated by wading 
along the channel of the creek—no pursuit of them could be 
made. The hunters soon exhausted the remaining ammuni¬ 
tion and returned to the settlements. 

The Holston and Watauga settlements were in the mean¬ 
time receiving a steady stream of emigrants. They em¬ 
braced within their limits men of very different and in¬ 
deed opposite traits of character. Most of them were honest, 
industrious, enterprising men, who had come there to improve 
their condition, by subduing and cultivating the new lands in 
the West. But others had arrived among them, who hadited 
from justice in their own country, and hoped to escape me 
demand of the law, and the punishment of crime, by a re¬ 
treat to these remote and inaccessible frontiers. There, from 
the existing condition of affairs, they found safety from prose¬ 
cution, and certainly from conviction through the regular 
channels of law. North of Holston, in what is now Sullivan 
and Hawkins counties, was then believed to be in Virginia, 
and the inhabitants agreed among themselves to adhere to 
the government of that province, and to be governed by its 
laws. The line separating the two provinces had not then 
been extended west of the Steep Rock. South of Holston 
was admitted to be within the boundaries of North-Carolina. 
There the settlers lived without law or protection, except by 
regulations of their own adoption. Being thus without any 
x regular government, the people of Watauga, in 1772, exer¬ 
cised the “ divine right” of governing themselves. They 
formed a written association and articles for the manage¬ 
ment of general affairs. Five Commissioners were appointed, 
by the decision of a majority of whom all matters in contro- 



ASSOCIATION AND A COURT. 


107 


versy were settled; and the same tribunal had entire control 
in all matters affecting the common good. The government 
was paternal and patriarchal—simple and moderate, but 
summary and firm. It was satisfactory and sufficient for a 
number of years. The Articles by which the Association 
was governed have not been preserved. They formed, it is 
believed, the first written compact for civil government any 
where west of the Alleghanies, and would make a valuable 
and exceedingly interesting contribution to the historical lite¬ 
rature of the Great West, and a most desirable addition es¬ 
pecially to these annals. But after the most diligent inquiry 
and patient search, this writer has been unable to discover 
them. 

The Watauga settlers, in convention assembled, elected as 
Commissioners, thirteen citizens. They were, John Carter, 
Charles Robertson, James Robertson, Zach. Isbell, John Se¬ 
vier, James Smith, Jacob Brown, William Bean, John Jones, 
George Russell, Jacob Womack, Robert Lucas, William Ta- 
tham. Of these, John Carter, Charles Robertson, James Rob¬ 
ertson, Zach. Isbell, and John Sevier, it is believed, were se¬ 
lected as the court—of which W Tatham was the clerk. It 
is to be regretted hat the account of thelives of all these pio¬ 
neers is so meagre and unsatisfactory. The biography of 
each of them would be now valuable and interesting. Many 
of them will be hereafter frequently mentioned. 

Col. John Carter was one of the pioneers of Tennessee^ 
( and a principal and prominent member of the Watau- 
‘ l ga settlement. He emigrated from Virginia, in 1771 
or 1772. Intelligent and patriotic, he was soon a leader in 
the Watauga Association, and became the chairman of its 
committee and of the court—which, for several years, com¬ 
bined the legislative, judicial and executive functions of the 
infant government west of the Alleghany. His administra¬ 
tion was wise and popular. 

Charles Robertson emigrated from South-Carolina—was 
the Trustee of the Watauga Association ; and to him was the 
conveyance afterwards made by the Cherokee Indians, for the 
lands purchased or leased from them. He was distinguished for 
his great good sense and wisdom, not less than for his virtue. 


108 


CHARACTER OF JOHN SEVIER. 


Of James Robertson we have already spoken. He soon be¬ 
came distinguished in the new settlement, for sobriety and love 
of order, as well as for a firmness of character, qualifying him 
to face danger and defend the feeble colony. 

Zacluiriah Isbell was a fearless soldier, and was, for }'ears 
after, engaged in the military operations of the country. 

John Sevier was one of the Watauga Committee. His char¬ 
acter and services throughout a long life, will be frequently 
a theme of remark to the close of these annals. This may, 
therefore, be the proper place to introduce his family to the 
reader’s attention. 

The ancestors of Mr. Sevier were French Huguenots. The 
family name in France, is Xavier. About the beginning of 
the last century they emigrated to England. Valentine Se¬ 
vier, the father of John, was born in London, and previous to 
1740, emigrated to the county of Shanandoah, in the colony 
of Virginia. Here John Sevier was born, in the year 1744. 
The opportunity of literary improvement was small, but he 
used it diligently. The Earl of Dunmore, then Governor of 
Virginia, conferred upon young Sevier the appointment of 
captain in the military service of the colony. Not long after, 
the family emigrated to the West, and settled on Holston, in 
what is now Sullivan county. The father, Valentine Sevier, 
moved from there to Watauga, where he settled permanently? 
occupying a farm on that river, between the Sycamore Shoals 
and the present Elizabethton. The remains of part of the 
old family mansion could be traced in 1844. 

Captain Sevier inherited some of the vivacity, ease and 
sprightliness of his French ancestry. He was fluent, collo¬ 
quial and gallant—frolicsome, generous and convivial—well 
informed, rather than well read. Of books, he knew little. 
Men, he had studied well and accurately. Oral communica- 
tions had been the source of his mental culture and his know¬ 
ledge. He was impulsive, but his impulses were high and 
honourable. The Chevalier and the Huguenot were combined 
in his character. He exhibited, in good proportions, the suav- 
iter in modo and the fortiter in re. He was without pride 
—if that feeling is not one of the ingredients that constitute 
a laudable ambition—for he was ambitious—not of anything 


WATAUGA.-LEASE FROM INDIANS. 


109 


low or ignoble : he was ambitious of fame, character, distinc¬ 
tion and achievement. 

With such traits of character, it is not strange that Captain 
Sevier at Once became a favourite in the wilds of Watauga, 
where a theatre presented itself for the exercise of the talents 
and principles which characterized “that portly young stran¬ 
ger from Williamsburg.” 

/ Early in this year the authorities of Virginia made a 
treaty with the Cherokees, by which a boundary was 
fixed between them, to run west from the White Top 
Mountain, in latitude thirty-six degrees thirty minutes. Soon 
after this, Alexander Cameron, a deputy agent for the 
government of Great Britain, and resident among the Chero¬ 
kees, ordered the Watauga settlers to move off. Some of 
the Cherokees expressed a wish that they might be permitted 
to stay, if they would agree to make no further encroach¬ 
ments ; this avoided the necessity of their removal. The 
inhabitants, however, became uneasy at the precarious te¬ 
nure by which they occupied their land, and desired to obtain 
a more permanent title. For this purpose they deputed 
James Robertson and John Boon to negotiate with the Indians 
for a lease. The negotiation succeeded, and for an amount 
of merchandize, estimated to be worth five or six thousand 
dollars, some muskets, and other articles of convenience, the 
Cherokees made a lease for eight years of all the country on 
the waters of the Watauga.* 

Hitherto the settlements had been confined to the Upper 
Holston and to the Watauga. About this time another 
stream south of them was found to present strong allure¬ 
ments, and to hold out great inducements to emigrants to 
settle upon it. The Nollichucky finds its source in the midst 
of the highest mountains in the United States. The scenery 
near it is romantic and Alpine. Its numerous tributaries, 
descending the northern slope of these stupendous heights, 
bear upon their currents the soil that forms and enlarges its 
rich alluvial. The bottoms were covered with the most 
luxuriant cane-brakes ; the vallies near it abounded in game, 
and presented the most inviting prospect of present success 

* Haywood. 



110 


BROWN SETTLES ON NOLLICHUCKY. 


to the hunter and grazier, and of a rich requital in future 
for the toils of the husbandman. The temptation to occupy 
it could not be resisted by the emigrants, and Jacob Brown, 
with one or two families from North-Carolina, pitched their 
tents, in 1772, upon its northern bank. Brown was a small 
merchant, and for the goods that were carried to his new 
settlement, upon a single pack-horse, bought a lease of a 
large tract of this fertile country from the Cherokees. Like 
that on the Watauga, the property advanced for its purchase, 
was reimbursed by selling out the lands in small parcels to 
individuals for the time the lease was to last. 

The boundaries of these two leases are not distinctly 
known. There were no offices in the country at that time, 
in which such instruments of writing could be recorded, and 
the original papers have probably been lost. Browm’s lease 
is believed to have embraced lands upon both sides of the 
Nollichucky. The w r riter has a deed of conveyance now 
before him, from Jacob Brown to Richard Trivillian, for two 
hundred and thirty-two acres of land, lying on the south side 
of the river. The consideration is one hundred pounds, and 
the title is not a fee simple, but only a relinquishment on the 
part of the grantor. In these early times, and among these 
primitive people, little regard seems to have been given to 
forms, even where real estate was concerned. A transfer of 
land was made in the most simple mode. Upon the back of 
the same deed from Brown, is endorsed— 

“ For value received of eighty-five pounds, I do hereby assign all my 
right, claim and interest of the within deed, unto George Gillespie, as 
witness my hand and seal. 

Richard Trivillian. (Seal.) 

Witness present test, 

Amos Bird.” 

And again immediately below— 

“For value received, of Jeremiah Jack, I do hereby assign all my 
right, claim and interest of the within deed, as witness my hand and seal. 

George Gillespie. (Seal.) 

Witness present, 

Thos. Gillespie.” 

The present name of the river is a corruption of the abo- 


WISDOM AND INTREPIDITY OF ROBERTSON. Ill 

riginal Nonachunheh. It is so given in Brown’s deed of con¬ 
veyance, and also in the plat upon the same paper. In his 
traffic with the Indians, and in his negotiation for the lease 
from them, Brown had, doubtless, learned the true pronunci¬ 
ation. Its signification is rapid or precipitous, and is exactly 
descriptive of the upper portion of the stream. 

About the time Robertson was forming his settlement on 
Watauga, and a little previous to the first emigration to 
Nollichucky, several families settled in Carter’s Valley, fif¬ 
teen or eighteen miles above the present flourishing town 
of Rogersville. This country being north of Holston, was 
then believed to be in Virginia. The first emigrants to it 
were principally from that province. Two of them, Car¬ 
ter (whose name the valley still retains) and Parker, after¬ 
wards opened a store, which was robbed by the Indians ; the 
depredators were supposed to be Cherokees, but of this no 
certain proof was obtained. The relations. between them 
and the whites had recently been of the most friendly char¬ 
acter, and mutual confidence was not destroyed on account 
of this robbery. But at the time when the Watauga 
lease was executed, an occurrence took place, which had 
well nigh involved the then feeble settlements of Robertson, 
Carter and Brown, in hostilities with their savage neighbours. 
At the close of that treaty, a great race was appointed to be 
run at Watauga. The occasion had brought together a large 
concourse of people from all the adjacent settlements. Many 
of the Indians were still there participating in the athletic 
amusements of the frontier people. Mischievous white men, 
from the neighbourhood of the Wolf Hills, in Virginia, as was 
believed, among others were present, and lurking about the 
place where the race was run, watched an opportunity at 
the close of the day and killed one of the Indians. This act, 
alike atrocious, inhuman and impolitic, gave great offence and 
produced much alarm. The inhabitants felt that it was not 
only wrong, but that it would expose them to the retaliatory 
vengeance of the outraged Cherokees. At this crisis the wis¬ 
dom and intrepidity of Robertson saved the infant settle¬ 
ments from extermination. He undertook a journey to the 
Indian nation, one hundred and fifty miles distant, in order to 


112 


BOON ATTACKED IN A DEFILE. 


pacify them, and allay the irritation produced by this bar¬ 
barous and imprudent act. The attempt was hazardous in 
the extreme ; but the safety of the whites demanded the mis* 
sion, and he proceeded at once to the chief town of the Che- 
rokees, met their head men, and declared to them that his 
people “viewed the horrid deed which had been perpetrated, 
with the deepest concern for their own character, and with 
the keenest indignation against the offender, whom they in¬ 
tended to punish as he deserved whenever he could be dis¬ 
covered.” The Indians were appeased by this instance of 
condescension in the white people, and of the discountenance 
which they gave to the miscreant. The settlers were saved 
from their fury, and Robertson began to be looked upon as 
an intrepid soldier, a lover of his countrymen, and as a man 
of uncommon address, in devising means of extrication from 
difficulties.* 

* 

In the fall of 1773, Daniel Boon made the attempt to take 
1773 ) his family to Kentucky. Before this time no white 
) female, no family, had crossed the Cumberland range. 
Boon prevailed on four or five other families to join him, and 
with them advanced towards Cumberland Gap. The. little 
colony was joined in Powell’s Valley by forty hunters, well 
armed. The whole formed a caravan of eighty persons. 
While passing a narrow defile in their march, on the fifth of 
October, they were startled by the terrific yell of Indians, in 
ambuscade, by whom they were furiously assailed. Some 
of the men flew to the protection of the helpless women and 
children, while others of them rushed to encounter the enemy 
in their coverts. A scene of consternation and confusion for 
a moment ensued; but the Indians, surprised at the fierce 
and resolute resistance of the men, soon fled in every direc¬ 
tion. 

The first fire of the Indians killed six men and wounded 
the seventh. Among the killed was a son of Boon, aged 
about twenty. The party fell back to the nearest settlement, 
where the emigrant families remained till after the close of 
Lord Dunmore’s war.j* 

Alter the extension of the British dominion over West 

* Haywood. f Monette. 


GREAT NAUTICAL ADVENTURE. 


113 


Florida, encouragement was given by the English authori¬ 
ties to emigration thereto, from the Atlantic Provinces. No 
country surpassed in soil and climate that portion of Florida 
lying upon the Mississippi River, and emigrants began to 
seek a route to it through the interior, and down the Ten¬ 
nessee and Ohio. Many of these stopped one season and 
made a crop on Holston, sold the crop, built a boat, and per¬ 
formed the difficult and dangerous voyoge from the Boat¬ 
yard to Natches. A higher degree of nautical adventure 
has been no where exhibited. The passage, by men unac¬ 
customed to navigation, through the Boiling Pot, the Skillet^ 
the Suck, the Muscle Shoals, more than two thousand miles 
down an unexplored river, both banks of which were, at these 
places, in the occupancy of Indians, was more than an adven¬ 
ture, it was an enterprise, in which every movement was ac¬ 
companied with danger and probable disaster. Through this 
channel Louisiana and Mississippi received some of the 
oldest American families. Some of these came from the 
Roanoke, in North-Carolina, and it was probably the first An¬ 
glo-American settlement upon the banks of the Mississippi.* 
A large number of surveyors and woodsmen had been 

( sent under the authorities of Virginia to the wilder- 

1^74 ] 0 

( ness of Kentucky, for the purpose of locating and 
selecting lands under royal grants and military warrants. 
This was viewed by the Indians as an encroachment upon 
their rights, as they still claimed these lands. Hostilities had, 
indeed, already been commenced by the Shawnees, who at¬ 
tacked the party of Boon the October previous. The murder 
of the whole family of the generous, but unfortunate Logan ? 
who had been the friend of the whites; and an advocate for 
peace among his red brethren, aroused the vengeance of that 
bold warrior and influential chieftain. The Shawnees, in 
alliance with the warriors of other northern and western 
tribes, began the work of destruction and massacre, in de¬ 
tached parties, on the whole Virginia frontier. The emer¬ 
gency was met by Lord Dunmore with great vigour, and 
measures were immediately adopted to repress the hostilities, 
and punish the audacity of the enemy. General Andrew 

* Martin’s Louisiana. 


8 


114 


CArTAIN Shelby’s VOLUNTEERS. 


Lewis* was ordered to raise four regiments of militia and 
volunteers, from the south-western counties, to rendezvous at 
Camp Union, and to march down the Great Kenhawaf to 
the Ohio. Captain Evan Shelby raised a company of more 
than fifty men, in the section of country now included in the 
counties of Sullivan and Carter. With these he marched 
on the 17th of August, and joined the regiment of Colonel 
Christian, on New River. From this place the regiment pro¬ 
ceeded to the great levels of Green Brier, where they joined 
the army of General Lewis. On the 11th of September, the 
army set out for the designated point. The route lay through 
a trackless wilderness, down the rugged banks of the Ken- 
hawa—through deep defiles and mountain gorges, where a 
pathway had never been opened. Twenty-five days were 
consumed in slow and toilsome marches. On the 6th of Oc¬ 
tober, the army reached the Ohio and encamped upon its 
banks. The camp was upon the site of the present town of 
Point Pleasant. The troops being upon short allowance, 
select parties of hunters were kept constantly on duty to 
supply them with food. On the morning of the 10th, about 
daylight, two of the men belonging to Captain Shelby’s vol¬ 
unteer company, James Robertson and Valentine Sevier, 
who had been out before day hunting, very unexpectedly 
met a large body of hostile Indians advancing towards the 
camp upon the provincials. They were on the extreme left 
of the enemy, and fired on them at the distance of ten steps. 
As it was yet too dark to see the assailants, or to know their 
number, the firing caused a general halt of the enemy, while 
Robertson and Sevier ran into camp and gave the alarm. 
Two detachments, under Colonel Charles Lewis and Colonel 
William Fleming, were immediately ordered forward to meet 
the Indians, and break the force of their assault upon the 
camp. These detachments had scarcely proceeded beyond 
the sentinels, when they encountered the enemy advancing 
upon them. A most violent and hard fought engagement 

* This is the same person who was sent by the Earl of Loudon, in 1756, to 
erect a fort on the Tennessee River. 

t Anglice. The river of the woods—now known as New River. 


BATTLE OF THE KENHAWA. 


115 


ensued. Fleming and Lewis were wounded in the first as¬ 
sault—the latter mortally—but refused to leave the field 
until the main line came to their relief. The contest lasted 
the whole day, with varied success—each line receding or 
advancing alternately, as the fate of war seemed to balance 
between the two armies. In the evening, General Lewis 
ordered the companies commanded by Captains Shelby, 
Matthews and Stewart, to advance up the Kenhawa River, 
under the shelter of the bank and the undergrowth, so as to 
gain the rear of the Indians, and pour in a destructive fire 
upon them. In the execution of this order, the men were ex¬ 
posed to a galling fire from some Indians, who had taken 
position behind a rude breastwork of old logs and bushes, 
and were from that point giving a deadly fire. One of Shel¬ 
by’s men, the late John Sawyers, of Knox county, wishing 
to shorten the conflict, obtained permission to take a few 
others and dislodge the Indians from the shelter which pro¬ 
tected them. His bold conception was gallantly executed. 
A desperate charge was made—the dislodgement of the In¬ 
dians was effected, and the three companies having gained the 
enemy’s rear, poured in upon the savages a destructive fire. 
The Indians fled with great precipitation across the Ohio, 
and retreated to their towns on the Scioto. 

The battle of the Kenhawa is, by general consent, admitted 
to have been one of the most sanguinary and well contested 
battles which have marked the annals of Indian warfare in 
the West. On the part of the provincials, twelve commis¬ 
sioned officers were killed or wounded, seventy-five non-com¬ 
missioned officers and privates were killed, and one hundred 
and forty-one were wounded.* 

Of the company of volunteers from what is now East 
Tennessee, Evan Shelby was captain; and his son, Isaac 
Shelby, lieutenant. After the fall of his colonel, Captain 
Shelby took command of the regiment. This was early in 
the action, and through the rest of the day Isaac Shelby 
commanded his father’s company. “Two privates, Robertson 
and Sevier, had the good fortune on this occasion to make 


* Monette. 


116 


HEROIC CHARGE OF SAWYERS. 


an unexpected discovery of the enemy, and by that means to 
prevent surprise and defeat, and possibly the destruction of 
the whole army. It was the design of the enemy to attack 
them at the dawn of day, and to force all whom they could 
not kill into the junction of the river.” The heroic charge 
of the little detachment under Sawyers is admitted to have 
had a decided influence in shortening the obstinate conflict. 
Many of the officers and soldiers in the battle of Kenhawa, 
distinguished themselves at a later period in the public ser¬ 
vice. Thus early did the “Volunteer State” commence its 
novitiate in arms. 

As the battle of Point Pleasant furnished the first occa¬ 
sion for the display, by the pioneers of Tennessee, of the ad¬ 
venture and prowess which have since so signally charac¬ 
terized her volunteer soldiery in all periods of her history, it 
is thought proper to present, at this place, a list of Captain 
Evan Shelby’s company, in the remarkable and patriotic 
campaign on the Kenhawa. 

James Shelby, John Sawyers, John Findley, Henry Span, 
Daniel Mungle, Frederick Mungle, John Williams, John Ca- 
mack, Andrew Torrence, George Brooks, Isaac Newland, 
Abram Newland, George Ruddle, Emanuel Shoatt, Abram 
Bogard, Peter Forney, William Tucker, John Fain, Samuel 
-Vance, Samuel Fain, Samuel Handley, Samuel Samples, Ar¬ 
thur Blackburn, Robert Plandley, George Armstrong, William 
Casey, Mack Williams, John Stewart, Conrad Nave, Richard 
Burk, John Riley, Elijah Robertson, Rees Price, Richard PIol- 
liway, Jarret Williams, Julius Robison, Charles Fielder, Ben¬ 
jamin Graham, Andrew Goff, Hugh O’Gullion, Patk. St. 
Lawrence, James Hughey, John Bradley, Basileel Maywell, 
and Barnett O’Gullion. Of the non-commissioned officers, 
it is only known that John Sawyers, James Robertson, and 
Valentine Sevier, were three of the orderly sergeants. 

After the battle at Point Pleasant, and a further invasion 
? of their country, the Indians made a treaty with Lord 
) Dunmore, in which they relinquished all their claim 
to lands south of the Ohio. To a large extent of this terri¬ 
tory, the Cherokees, with other southern tribes, pretended 


Henderson’s purchase. 


117 


also to hold title. Early in that century they had expelled 
the Shawnees, and had since occupied their country as hunt¬ 
ing grounds. Daniel Boon still adhered to his darling pro¬ 
ject of planting a colony upon the Kentucky River, which he 
had seen, and, desirous of obtaining the consent of the Chero- 
kees, had stimulated Colonel Richard Henderson and others 
of North-Carolina, to effect a treaty with them for that pur¬ 
pose. Henderson, accordingly, associated with him other 
men of capital, viz : Thomas Hart, John Williams, James 
Hogg, Nathaniel Hart, David Hart, Leonard H. Bulloch, 
John Luttrell and William Johnston. Two of these, Colonel 
Henderson and Colonel Nathaniel Hart, accompanied by 
Daniel Boon, proceeded to the Cherokee towns, and proposed 
a general council, for the purpose of purchasing land. Sub¬ 
sequently, on the 17th of March, a treaty was concluded 
and signed by the agents of this company on the one part, 
and by certain chiefs and warriors of the Cherokee nation on 
the other part, at the Sycamore Shoals, on Watauga River. 
By this treaty, the Indians agreed to cede and relinquish to 
the associates all the lands lying between the Kentucky and 
the Cumberland Rivers. “ Which said tract or territory of 
lands was, at the time of said purchase, and time out of mind 
had been, the land and hunting grounds of the said tribe of 
Cherokee Indians.” In consideration of this cession, ten 
thousand pounds sterling were alleged to have been paid in 
merchandise. Twelve hundred Indians are said to have been 
assembled on the treaty ground.* Upon this occasion, and 
before the Indians had agreed to make the cession, one of 
the Cherokee orators, said to be Oconostota, rose and deliver¬ 
ed a very animated and pathetic speech. He began with 
the very flourishing state in which his nation once was, and 
mentioned the encroachments of the white people, from time 
to time, upon the retiring and expiring nations of Indians, 
who left their homes and the seats of their ancestors, to gra¬ 
tify the insatiable desire of the white people for more land. 
Whole nations had-melted away in their presence, like balls 
of snow before the sun, and had scarcely left their names 
behind, except as imperfectly recorded by their enemies and 

* Monette. 


118 


ELOaUENT SPEECH OF OCONOSTOTA. 


destroyers. It was once hoped that they would not be will¬ 
ing to travel beyond the mountains, so far from the ocean on 
which their commerce was carried on, and their connections 
maintained with the nations of Europe. But now that falla¬ 
cious hope had vanished ; they had passed the mountains 
and settled upon the Cherokee lands, and wished to have 
their usurpations sanctioned by the confirmation of a treaty. 
When that shall be obtained, the same encroaching spirit 
will lead them upon other lands of the Cherokees. New 
cessions will be applied for, and, finally, the country which 
the Cherokees and their forefathers had so long occupied, 
would be called for, and the small remnant which then may 
exist of this nation, once so great and formidable, will be 
compelled to seek a retreat in some far-distant wilderness, 
there to dwell but a short space of time, before they would 
again behold the advancing banners of the same greedy 
host, who, not being able to point out any further retreat for 
the miserable Cherokees, would then proclaim the extinction 
of the whole race. He ended with a strong exhortation to 
run all risks, and to incur all consequences, rather than sub¬ 
mit to any further dilaceration of their territory.* 

The speech of the venerable chieftain was listened to by 
his assembled countrymen, with profound attention and mark¬ 
ed respect. His counsels were disregarded : the cession was 
made. The future of his tribe, as delineated by his vehement 
eloquence, seems now, after the lapse of three quarters of a 
century ,to be stamped with the inspiration of prophecy. The ' 
cotemporaries of Oconostota have left “the lands which 
their forefathers had so long occupied,” and their bones are 
mouldering “ in some far-distant wilderness” beyond the Mis¬ 
sissippi. 

The proprietors of Transylvania, as Henderson’s purchase 
was called, at first contemplated the establishment of a sepa¬ 
rate and independent government, not materially dissimilar 
from the other British colonies. In a memorial, however, ad¬ 
dressed to the Continental Congress of 1775, they took care to 
request that Transylvania might be added to the number of 
the United Colonies. “ Having their hearts warmed with the 


* Haywood. 


PURCHASE OF WATAUGA. 


119 


same noble spirit that animates the colonies”—such is their 
language—“ and moved with indignation at the late ministe¬ 
rial and parliamentary usurpations, it is the earnest wish of 
the proprietors of Transylvania to be considered by the colo¬ 
nies as brethren engaged in the same great cause of liberty 
and mankind.” * 

During the treaty at the Sycamore Shoals, Parker & Carter, 
whose store had been robbed by the Indians, attended the con¬ 
ference, and demanded, in compensation for the injury they 
had sustained, Carter’s Valley—to extend from Cloud’s Creek 
to the Chimney-top Mountain of Beech Creek. The Indians 
consented, provided an additional consideration were given. 
This consideration was agreed to, and Robert Lucas was 
taken in as a partner, to enable them to advance the stipulated 
price. They leased their lands to job-purchasers. It was> 
however, afterwards ascertained that the lands thus leased 
lay in North-Carolina and not in Virginia; and the purcha¬ 
sers refused to hold under them, and drove them off. 

The Watauga Association, holding the lands which they 
occupied, under a lease of eight years, as has been heretofore 
stated, desired to obtain for them a title in fee. They pro¬ 
cured, two days after the purchase was made by Henderson 
& Co., a deed of conveyance to Charles Robertson, for a large 

extent of country. It is found in the Register’s office of Wash- 

/ 

ington county. 

“land records of the wataugah purchase. 

“This Indenture, made the 19th day of March, 1775, by O-con-os-to" 
1775 i Chief Warrior and First Representative of the Cherokee Na~ 
‘ ( tion or Tribe of Indians, and Attacullecully and Savanucah, oth¬ 

erwise Coronoh, for themselves and the rest of the whole Nation, being 
the aborigines and sole owners by occupancy from the beginning of time, 
of the lands on the waters of Holston and Wataugah Rivers, and other 
lands thereunto belonging, of the one part, and Charles Robertson, of the 
settlement of Wataugah, of the other part, Witnesseth, &c.” The con¬ 
sideration was “ the sum of two thousand pounds, lawful money of Great 
Britain, in hand paid.” The deed embraced “ all that tract, territory or 
parcel of land, on the waters of Wataugah, Holston and Great Canaway 
or New River: beginning on the south or south-west side of Holston 
River, six English miles above Long Island, in said river; thence a direct 
line near a south course to the ridge which divide^ the waters of Watau- 

* Morehead’s Address, p. 36. 


120 


WATAUGA LAND OFFICE. 


gala from tlie waters of Nonachuckeh; thence along the various courses 
of said ridge nearly a south-east course to the Blue Ridge or line dividing 
. North-Carol in a from the Cherokee lands; thence along the various courses 
of said ridge to the Virginia line; thence west along the Virginia line 
to Holston River; thence down the meanders of Holston River to the first 
station, including all the waters of Wataugah, part of the waters of Hol¬ 
ston and the head-branches of New River or Great Canaway, agreeable to 
the bounds aforesaid, to said Charles Robertson, his heirs and assigns,” &c. 

“And also, the said Charles Robertson, his heirs and assigns, shall and 
may, peaceably and quietly, have, hold, possess and enjoy said premises, 
without let, trouble, hindrance or molestation, interruption and denial, of 
them, the said Oconostota and the rest, or any of the said Nation.” 

Signed in jwesence of 

John Sevier, Oconostota, his mark. [Seal.] 

Wm. Bailey Smith, Attacullecully, his mark. 

Jesse Benton, Tennesy Warrior, his fxj mark. “ 

Tillman Dixon, Willinawaugh, his ><! mark. “ 

William Blevins, 

Thos. Price. 

Jas. Vann, Linguister. 


The lands thus conveyed to Charles Robertson, were after¬ 
wards regularly patented to the settlers. Occupancy had pro¬ 
bably heretofore given ownership. The first patentee was 
Joshua Haughton. The form of his patent is brief and sim¬ 
ple, and is given at length. 

“Joshua Haughton, on the seventh day of May, 1775, obtained a 
patent from this office of a tract of land lying on the south side of the 
Wataugah, half a mile below the mouth of Doe River, which tract w T as 
entered by the said Haughton, April 1, 1775, and obtained a warrant 
for surveying the same, a plan of which was returned to this office by 
the hands ofWm. Bailey ^mith, Surveyor. 

James Smith, C. L. 0.” 

A list is given here of other patentees in their order : 
Thomas Haughton, Henry Grymes, Wm. Tacket, Matthew 
Talbot, Isaac Ruddle, Henry Lyle, John Sevier, John Carter 
and John Sevier, John Carter, George Russell, Wm. Bean, 
Andrew Greer, Robert Young, James Robertson, Ben. Ry- 
burn, Baptist McNabb, Edmond Roberts, John McNabb, 
Andrew Little, John Jones, James Hollis, John Cassada 
George Gray, Choat Gambal, Jonathan Tipton, Farrer, 
Fletcher, Thompson, Lincoln, Lucas Messengall, Duncan 
Abbit, Walding Denton, Hodge, Bennet, Reaves, Cunning¬ 
ham, Jesse D. Benton, Catherine Choat. 

To the holders of patents thus given, a deed regularly 



brown’s principality. 


121 


drawn up, and signed by Charles Robertson, was made out. 
One of these is now before the writer, carefully drawn up 
and indented after the English style. The witnesses to it 
are John Sevier and J. Smith. 

Another deed was made to Jacob Brown, for lands on both 
sides of Nonachunheh, and as far west as the mouth of Big 
Limestone Creek. 


“This Indenture, made the 25th day of March, 1775, between Oco- 
nostota, chief warrior and head prince, the Tenesay Warrior, and Bread 
Slave Catcher, and Attakullakulla, and Chenesley, Cherokee chiefs of 
Middle and Lower Settlements, of the one part, and Jacob Brown, of No- 
nachuch} 7- , of the other part—consideration ten shillings—a certain tract 
or parcel of land lying on Nonachuchy River, as follows : Beginning at 
the mouth of a creek called Great Limestone, running up the meanders 
of the said creek and the main fork of the creek to the ridge that divides 
Wataugah and Nonachuchy, joining the Wataugali purchase, from 
thence up the dividing ridge that divides the waters of Nonachuchy 
and Wataugah, and thence to the head of Indian Creek, where it joins 
tlie Iron Mountain, thence down the said mountain to Nonachuchy 
river, thence across the said river including the creeks of said river, 
thence down the side of the Nonachuchy Mountain against the mouth 
of Great Limestone, thence to the beginning. 

In presence of, 

Occonostoia, [Seal.] 

The Tenesay Warrior, 

The Bread Slave Catcher, 
Attakullakulla, 

Chenesley. 

Thomas Bulla, Joseph Vann, Richard Hen- 


Samuel Crawford, 
Jesse Denham, 
Moses Crawford, 
Zachary Isbell, 


a 


a 


u 


u 


“Witness the Warriors 
derson.” 


Mr. Brown thus became the purchaser of a principality on 
Nonachunheh, embracing much of the best lands in Wash¬ 
ington and Greene counties. 

Another deed of the same date and between the same 
parties, conveys another tract of land “lying on Nonachuchy 
River, below the mouth of Big Limestone, on both sides of 
said river, bounded as follows, joining the rest of said 
Brown’s purchase. Beginning on the south side of said 
river, below the old fields that lie below the said Lime¬ 
stone, on the north side of Nonachuchy Mountain, at a large 
rock ; thence north thirty-two deg. west to the mouth of Camp 
Creek, on south side of said river ; thence across said river ; 
thence north-west to the dividing ridge between Lick Creek 
and Watauga or Holston ; thence up the dividing ridge 


122 


PARLIAMENTARY TAXATION 


to the rest of said Brown’s lands ; thence down the main 
fork of Big Limestone to its mouth ; thence crossing the river 
a straight course to Nonachuchy Mountain ; thence down the 
said mountain to the beginning.” 

In the meantime, the British Parliament persisted in the 
2^Y4 S determination to tax the American colonies without 
( their consent. We copy or condense from Holmes: 

“ The obnoxious port duties of 1767 had been repealed, excepting 
the duty of three pence a pound on tea, which was continued for the 
purpose* of maintaining the parliamentary right of taxation. ‘That 
import was continued to keep up the sovereignty,’ and ‘ could never be 
opposed by the colonists, unless they were determined to rebel against 
Great Britain.’ Such was the language of Lord North. But the jeal¬ 
ousy of the colonies was directed against the principle of the ministry, 
which was as discernible in the imposition of a small as of a large duty. 
The partial repeal was, therefore, unsatisfactory, and combinations w r ere 
formed in the principal commercial cities, to prevent the importation of 
the excepted article. One sentiment appears to have pervaded all the 
colonies. The ministerial plan was universally considered as a direct 
attack upon the liberties of the American citizen, which it was the duty 
of all to oppose. The tax was every where resisted, and at Boston the 
cargoes of tea were thrown into the dock. This act so provoked the 
British government that the city of Boston was selected as the first 
object of legislative vengeance. A bill was passed by which its harbour 
was closed. This bill excited universal indignation. At Philadelphia 
contributions were made for such poor inhabitants of Boston as were 
deprived, by the act, of the means of subsistence. The Assembly of 
Virginia resolved to observe the first day of its operation as a fast, and 
espoused the cause of Massachusetts by the declaration ‘ that an attack 
made on one of our sister colonies to compel submission to arbitrary 
taxes, is an attack made on all British America, and threatens ruin to 
the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied.’ ” 

They also proposed the meeting of a General Congress 
annually, to deliberate on those measures which the united 
interests of America might, from time to time, require. This 
recommendation of Virginia was gradually concurred with, 
from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina, and on the fifth 
day of September the first Continental Congress met in 
Philadelphia. A declaration of rights was soon agreed on ; 
the several acts of Parliament infringing and violating those 
rights recited, and the repeal of them resolved to be essen¬ 
tially necessary to the restoration of harmony between Great 
Britain and the colonies. They resolved further on an 
address to the king and to the people of Great Britain, and 


OPrOSED IN ALL THE COLONIES. 


123 


a memorial to the people of British America. These reso¬ 
lutions of the Continental Congress, received the general 
sanction of the Provincial Congresses and Colonial Assem¬ 
blies. Massachusetts took immediate measures for the 
defence of the province. The Assembly of Rhode Island 
passed resolutions for obtaining arms and military stores, 
and for raising and arming the inhabitants. In New-Hamp- 
shire similar precautions were taken. 

In the more southern colonies, signs of discontent and 
jealousy of the British government were strongly manifested. 
A meeting of the officers under the command of Lord Dun- 
more, resolved:—“ That as the love of liberty and attachment 
to the real interests and just rights of America outweigh 
every other consideration, they would exert every power 
within them for the defence of American liberty and for the 
support of her just rights and privileges, not in any precipi¬ 
tate, riotous or tumultuous manner, but when regularly 
called forth by the unanimous voice of our countrymen.” 
The Provincial Congress of Maryland resolved :—“ That if 
the late acts of Parliament shall be attempted to be exe¬ 
cuted by force, Maryland will aid such colony to the utmost 
extent of its power and further resolved to raise money 
for the purchase of arms and ammunition. In South-Carolina 
Judge Drayton, in a charge to a grand jury, said, in speaking 
of liberty :—“ English people cannot he taxed, nay, cannot 
be bound by any law, unless by their consent, expressed by 
themselves or by the representatives of their own election. 
I charge you to do your duty; to maintain the laws, the 
rights, the constitution of your own country, even at the 
hazard of your lives and fortunes. In my judicial character 
I know no master but the law ; I am a servant, not to the 
king, but to the constitution.” 

The testimony of one of the earliest and most distinguished 
martyrs to the cause of liberty is at once illustrative of his 
own patriotism and that of his countrymen. Dr. Warren 
said:—“ It is the united voice of America to preserve their 
freedom or lose their lives in the defence of it. Their reso¬ 
lutions are not the effects of inconsiderate rashness, but the 
sound result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am con- 


124 


MARTIAL SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE. 


vinced that the true spirit of liberty was never so universally 
diffused through all ranks and orders of people in any coun¬ 
ty on the face of the earth, as it now is through all North 
America.” 

Georgia was the youngest of the colonies, the most feeble 
and the most exposed ; yet her whigs were aroused and 
active at the very dawn of the Revolution. Under Haber¬ 
sham and Brown, her volunteers assisted in capturing, at the 
mouth of the Savannah, the schooner of Gov. Wright, con¬ 
taining the king’s powder; and afterwards Doctor N. W. 
Jones, Joseph Habersham, Edward Telfair, William Gibbon, 
Joseph Clay, John Millege and others broke into the maga¬ 
zine and secured for their little band of whig patriots, the 
powder intended by the colonial authorities to intimidate the 
rising spirit of republicanism and resistance to the royal 

cause. “ Some of the bravest and most honourable men in 

* 

the Union were among the patriots of Georgia.” 1‘ Mr. 
Habersham, alone and unaided, entered the house of Go¬ 
vernor Wright and arrested him at his own table.”* 

But all these manifestations of a spirit of determined resist- 

( ance on the part of the American colonies, were disre- 
t 775 < 1 

t garded by the British government. Parliamentary 
supremacy had been asserted, and coercive measures were 
adopted to enforce and sustain it. A crisis approached which * 
precluded, forever, all reconciliation between England and her 
American colonies. On the 19th of April the battle of Lex¬ 
ington took place, the first act in the great drama of the 
American Revolution. The blood there shed- was the signal 
for war. The martial spirit of the American people rose 
with the occasion. The forts, magazines and arsenals through¬ 
out the colonies, were instantly secured for the use of the Pro¬ 
vincials. Troops were raised, and provision made for their 
pay and support. Valour in the field was not sufficient for the 
emergency ; it demanded also wisdom in council. A new 
Congress met on the 10th of May, adopted measures of de¬ 
fence, and unanimously elected one of their number, George 
Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United 
Colonies. 


*Dr. Johnson’s Reminiscences. 


HOOPER FORETELLS INDEPENDENCE. 


125 


Notwithstanding these proceedings, the views of the colo¬ 
nists did not yet extend to a separation from Great Britain, or 
to the establishment of independent governments, except in 
the last extremity. This is evinced, not only by the declara¬ 
tions of Congress, but from those of the colonial assemblies 
and conventions in the course of this year. 

“ But the charm of loyalty to the king and allegiance to his govern¬ 
ment, was broken—the spell was dissolved. The colonists had armed in 
defence of their rights, and the transit was easy from resistance to inde¬ 
pendence and revolution. For ten years they had been complaining and 
remonstrating against the unconstitutional enactments of the mother coun¬ 
try, in the submissive language of faithful and loyal subjects. Their tone 
was changed, and ‘independency’ was by many contemplated, and no 
where earlier than in North-Carolina. In this province, peculation by 
Crown officers, exorbitant taxes and the court law controversy, were pro¬ 
minent causes of early dissatisfaction to the people, and indeed transcend¬ 
ed, in their immediate influence upon their personal comforts and rights, 
the abstract question of British allegiance. At a later period, their op¬ 
position to the ministry was embittered, not so much by their personal 
sufferings as by a deep sympathy with the people of Massachusetts, who 
were complimented in all their public meetings, and assured of their rea¬ 
diness to aid them in any general scheme of protection or resistance. The 
organization of a Continental Congress had been suggested. That was 
to be effected through the agency of Provincial Congresses; and in North- 
Carolina, as early as April 5, 1774, measures were in progress to con¬ 
vene one for that purpose. And on the 26th of the same month, Wil¬ 
liam Hooper, in a letter to James Iredell, openly avows the propriety, as 
well as the probability, of independence. It distinctly says : ‘ With you 
I anticipate the important share which the colonies must soon have in re 
gulating the political balance. They are striding fast to independence, 
and will, ere long, build an empire on the ruins of Britain—will adopt its 
constitution, purged of its impurities; and from an experience of its de¬ 
fects, will guard against those evils which have wasted its vigour and 
brought it to an untimely end-’ ” * 

The people of North-Carolina elected delegates to a.Pro¬ 
vincial Congress, to meet at Newbern, August 25, 1774. The 
royal governor consulted his council, and with their advice 
issued his proclamation condemning the elections that h^d 
been held as illegal, and warning all officers of the king, civil 
and military, to prevent all such meetings, and especially that 
of certain deputies on the 25th instant. Neither the procla¬ 
mation, nor the less official menaces of Gov. Martin, could 
prevent the assembling of the deputies ; and on the appointed 


* Jones. 


126 


PROVINCIAL CONGRESS MEETS AT NEWBERN. 


day a deliberative assembly was organized at Newbern, 
independent of and contrary to the authority of the existing 
government. This assembly or congress, as it was called? 
elected William Hooper, Joseph Hewes and Richard Caswell? 
delegates to the General Congress to be held in September at 
Philadelphia, and invested them with such powers as may 
make any act done by them, “ obligatory in honour upon every 
inhabitant of the province, who is not an alien to his country’s 
good and an apostate to the liberties of America.” They re¬ 
cognize George the Third as sovereign of the province ; but, 
as if to mock this profession of loyalty, they claim the rights 
of Englishmen, without abridgement, and swear to maintain 
them to the utmost of their power. One of these rights is de¬ 
fined to be, that no subject shall be taxed but by his own con¬ 
sent, or that of his legal representative, and they denounce, 
in unmeasured terms, every policy that assails that most sa¬ 
cred right.* The instructions to their delegates were in conso¬ 
nance with their resolutions. They contemplated a restora¬ 
tion of harmony with Great Britain, but pledged a determined 
resistance to aggression upon their persons or properties, and 
“ to all unconstitutional encroachments whatsoever.” 

It does not appear that the infant settlements west of 
the mountains were represented at Newbern. While the 
Congress of North-Carolina was in session at that place, her 
Western pioneers were laying the foundation of society, and 
her brave soldiery had volunteered in an expedition, distant, 
toilsome, dangerous, patriotic, against the inroads of a savage 
enemy: thus serving an apprenticeship in self government and 
self defence, which events transpiring on the Atlantic side of 
the mountain soon after rendered necessary and important. 

At this period the colonial government claimed the sole 
right to treat with the Indian tribes and to purchase their 
lands, as one of the prerogatives of sovereignty. This claim 
furnished a new pretext to Governor Martin to vent his 
spleen upon the distant settlers. The purchase which they 
had made at Watauga of the Cherokee lands, was pro¬ 
nounced illegal; the governor alleging, in his proclamation 
against it, that it was made in violation of the king’s inhibi¬ 
tion of Oct. 7, 1763, as well as of an act of the Provincial 

* Jones. 


END OF ROYAL GOVERNMENT IN NORTH-CAROLINA. 


127 


Assembly. This proclamation of Gov. Martin was a dead 
letter. No regard was paid to it on Watauga. 

A second Provincial Congress was elected. It convened 
J at Newbern, April 3, 1775, the same time and place 
( appointed for the meeting of the Provincial Legisla¬ 
ture. The members elected by the people to one of these 
bodies, were generally the same persons elected to the other. 
“ As the Provincial Assembly, with but few exceptions, con¬ 
sisted of the delegates to the Congress, and as the Speaker 
of the former was also the Moderator of the latter body, their 
proceedings are a little farcical. The Congress would be in 
session, when the Governor’s Secretary would arrive, and 
then Mr. Moderator Harvey would turn himself into Mr. 
Speaker Harvey, and proceed to the despatch of public busi¬ 
ness. The Assembly, too, would occasionally forget its duty, 
and trespass upon the business of the Congress.”* Governor 
Martin had, as on a former occasion, endeavoured in vain, 
by the efficacy of an intemperate and argumentative procla¬ 
mation, to prevent the meeting of the Congress. That body 
issued a counter-proclamation, by way of reply, in terms 
firm, moderate, forcible, respectful, and not less logical. 44 On 
the 8th of April, 1775, the Assembly was dissolved by pro¬ 
clamation, and thus ceased forever all legislative action 
in North-Carolina under the royal government.” 

The Congress at Newbern approved of what had been 
done by their delegates at Philadelphia, and, in evidence of 
their continued confidence, re-appointed them delegates to 
the second Continental Congress. They also approved the 
Association entered into by that body, and firmly pledged 
themselves to adhere to its provisions, and to recommend its 
adoption to their constituents. 

All this had transpired in North-Carolina before the battle 
at Lexington had been fought. The intelligence of that 
occurrence produced the most decisive effect. It not only 
stimulated resistance to arbitrary power, but precipitated a 
severance from the British government. Meetings were 
held throughout the province, in which the great whig prin¬ 
ciples of the day were asserted, and a cordial sympathy 

* Jones. 


128 


MECKLENBURG DECLARES INDEPENDENCE. 


with the distresses of the people of Massachusetts was ex¬ 
pressed. Hooper had said, “ that the colonies were fast 
striding to independence,” and Mecklenburg county was the 
first to sustain his declaration. In that county a Convention 
was called, which met on the 19th of May, 1775, at Char¬ 
lotte. Abraham Alexander was chosen Chairman, and John 
McKnitt Alexander, Secretary. After a free and full dis¬ 
cussion of the various objects of the meeting, which contin¬ 
ued in session till 2 o’clock, A. M., on the 20th, “It was 
unanimously 

“ I. Resolved , That whosoever, directly or indirectly, abetted, or in 
any way, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dangerous 
invasion of our rights as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this 
country, to America, and to the inherent and inalienable rights of man. 

“ II. Resolved , That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do hereby 
dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the mother 
country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British 
Crown, and abjure all political connection, contract or association, with 
that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, 
and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington. 

“ III. Resolved , That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and inde¬ 
pendent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self governing 
association, under the control of no power other than that of our God 
and the general government of the Congress ; to the maintenance of 
which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other our mutual co¬ 
operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honour. 

“ IV. Resolved , That as we now acknowledge the existence and con¬ 
trol of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this county, we do 
hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our 
former laws—wherein, nevertheless, the Crown of Great Britain never 
can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immunities or authority 
therein.” 

Other resolutions were adopted, making provision for the 
new condition of things. A copy of the proceedings of the 
Convention was sent by express to the North-Carolina mem¬ 
bers of Congress, then in session in Philadelphia. These 
delegates approving of the spirit of their fellow-citizens and 
the elevated tone of the resolutions, thought them, neverthe¬ 
less, premature, as the Continental Congress had not yet 
abandoned all hopes of reconciliation, upon honourable terms, 
with the mother country. The Declaration of Independence 
was not, therefore, presented to nor acted upon by that 
body. A copy was also addressed to the Provincial Con- 


DOCTOR EPHRAIM BREVARD. 


129 


gress in August, but, for similar reasons, was not particu¬ 
larly acted upon. 

But the proceedings being published in the “Cape Fear 
Mercury,” at Wilmington, and thus meeting the eye of Go¬ 
vernor Martin, called forth another proclamation, in which 
he thus notices the Charlotte resolutions: “And whereas I 
have also seen a most infamous publication, in the ‘Cape Fear 
Mercury,’ importing to be Resolves of a set of people styling 
themselves a Committee of the County of Mecklenburg, most 
traitorously declaring the entire dissolution of the laws, 
government and constitution of the country, and setting up a 
system of rule and regulation repugnant to the laws, and 
subversive of his majesty’s government, &c.” 

Doctor Brevard is the reputed author of the Mecklenburg 
Resolutions. The names of the delegates, and of the master 
spirits and patriots of the country through whose influence 
and popularity the resolutions were adopted, are Hezekiah 
Alexander, Adam Alexander, Charles Alexander, Ezra Alex¬ 
ander, Waightstill Avery, Ephraim Brevard, Hezekiah Jones 
Balch, Richard Barry, Henry Downs, John Davidson, Wil¬ 
liam Davidson, John Flenniken, John Ford, William Graham, 
James Harris, Richard Harris, Senr., Robert Irwi n, William 
Kennon, Neill Morrison, Matthew McClure, Samuel Martin, 
Thomas Polk, John Phifer, Ezekiel Polk, Benjamin Patton, 
Duncan Ocheltree, John Queary, David Reese, William Will- 
son, and Zacheus Willson, Senr. # 

At this time hope was entertained of a reconciliation with 
England, and the thought of independence had been con¬ 
ceived by few. Even Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. William 
Small, under date of May 7, 1775, said : “ When I saw Lord 
Chatham's bill, I entertained high hope that a reconcilia¬ 
tion could have been brought about. The difference be¬ 
tween his terms and those offered by our Congress, might 
have been accommodated, &c.”f 

A month after the Charlotte Convention, the people of 
Cumberland county entered into an association. They say: 
“ Holding ourselves bound by that most'sacred of all obliga- 

* State Pamphlet, pp. 11 and 16. Raleigh: 1831. 

f See American Archives, vol. ii, p. 523. 

9 



130 


A WHIG CONGRESS CONTROLS NORTH-CAROLINA, 


tions, the duty of good citizens towards an injured country, 
and thoroughly convinced that, under our distressed circum¬ 
stances, we shall be justified in resisting force by force, do 
unite ourselves under every tie of religion and honour, and 
associate as a band in her defence against every foe, hereby 
solemnly engaging, that, whenever our Continental or Pro¬ 
vincial Councils shall decree it necessary, we will go forth* 
and be ready to sacrifice our lives and our fortunes to secure 
her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue in force 
until a reconciliation shall take place between Great Britain 
and America upon constitutional principles—an event we 
most ardently desire.” Mecklenburg still stood alone in the 
bold position she had assumed of absolute independence. 

A similar association was also entered into by the people 
of Tryon county, on the 14th August, but, like the prece¬ 
ding, was limited by the “reconciliation to take place upon 
constitutional principles.” 

On the 20th of August the Provincial Congress assembled 
at Hillsborough. The royal governor had fled from his pal¬ 
ace, and taken refuge on board his majesty’s ship Cruiser, 
in Cape Fear River, from which he issued his proclamation, 
vainly hoping by these harmless missiles to intimidate the 
patriot freemen of North-Carolina. The Provincial Assem¬ 
bly had been prorogued—-dissolved, rather—no vestige of the 
royal government was left, and a Whig Congress had as¬ 
sumed the control of North-Carolina. Still professing alle¬ 
giance to the king, it denied his authority to impose taxes ; 
and its members took an oath to support the Whig authori¬ 
ties of the Continental and Provincial Congress. They de¬ 
clared, unanimously, that North-Carolina would pay her due 
proportion of the expense of raising a Continental army, 
and appointed a committee to prepare a plan for regulating 
the internal peace, order and safety of the province. “ This 
was the most important committee ever yet appointed by 
popular authority, and it achieved one of the most difficult and 
trying ends of the Revolution. It substituted a regular gov¬ 
ernment, resting entirely on popular authority, for that of 
the royal government, and annihilated every vestige of the 
power of Josiah Martin. Nothing but the idle and vain 


131 


AND RECOMMENDS INDEPENDENCE. 

theory of allegiance to the throne was left to remind the 
people of the recent origin of their power.”* 

The Provincial Congress of North-Carolina met again, April 
J 4, 1776. The following extract from its Journal, shews 
l “ that the first legislative recommendation of a decla¬ 
ration of independence by the Continental Congress, origi¬ 
nated, likewise, in North-Carolina. It is worthy of remark, 
that John McKnitt Alexander, the Secretary of the Charlotte 
Convention, Thomas Polk, Waightstill Avery, John Phifer 
and Robert Irwin, who were conspicuous actors in the pro¬ 
ceedings in Mecklenburg, were active and influential mem¬ 
bers of this Provincial Congress from that county, f 

“ Resolved , That the delegates for this colony in the Continental Con¬ 
gress, be empowered to concur with the delegates of the other colonies 
in declaring independency and forming foreign alliances, reserving to this 
colony the sole and exclusive right of forming a constitution and laws for 
this colony, and of appointing delegates from time to time, (under the di¬ 
rection of a general representation thereof,) to meet the delegates of the 
other colonies, for such purposes as shall be hereafter pointed out. 

“The Congress taking the same into consideration, unanimously con¬ 
curred therewith.” 

# 

This resolution, thus unanimously adopted by the Congress 
at Halifax, was presented by the delegates of North-Carolina 
to the Continental Congress, May, 27, 1776—nearly six weeks 
before the national declaration of July 4th was made. 

Before the Congress which thus recommended independence, 
was debated the project of a civil constitution for North-Caro¬ 
lina. The idea of a constitution seemed to follow that of in¬ 
dependence ; and, accordingly, on the thirteenth a committee 
was appointed to prepare a temporary civil form of govern¬ 
ment. The subject, after discussion, was postponed to the 
next Congress.}. 

An ordinance was also passed,“ empowering the governor 
to issue a proclamation requiring all persons who have at 
any time, by taking arms against the liberty ol America, 
adhering to, comforting or abetting the enemies thereof, or 
by words disrespectful or tending to prejudice the indepen¬ 
dence of the United States of America, or of this state in 


* Jones. 


f Idem. 


\ Idem. 


132 


CURRENCY OF NORTH-CAROLINA. 


particular, to come in before a certain day therein mentioned^ 
and take an oath of allegiance and make submission, on 
pain of being considered as enemies and treated accordingly.” 

Also an ordinance “for supplying the public treasury 
with money for the exigencies of this state, and for the sup¬ 
port of that part of the continental army stationed therein.” 
The form of two of the Treasury Bills is here given. 



These issues of the North-Carolina Treasury for expenses 
incurred by her patriotic militia in the cause of indepen¬ 
dence, are still found in great abundance in the scrutoires and 
chests of the old families and their descendants in Tennessee: 





























WATAUGA ASSOCIATION. 


133 


valueless now, but still proud remembrancers of past sacri¬ 
fices and toils. Of this money, it has been well said, it vin¬ 
dicated our liberties, but fell in the moment of victory. 

The device of the volunteer levelling his rifle and the 
motto chosen for him, are peculiarly appropriate. “Hit or 
miss'’ is a homely but significant phrase, and is expressive 
of the noble sentiment of the patriot Adams, uttered about 
the same period:—“Sink or swim, live or die, survive or 
perish.” 

Other ordinances for putting the machinery of the new 
state into successful motion being passed, the Congress of 
Halifax adjourned. 

We have chosen thus to throw together, in a connected view, 
the action and sentiment of the several colonies at the dawn of 
the Revolution, and to give in more detail, and with a less 
rapid recital, the early participation of our mother state, 
North-Carolina, in the cause of liberty and of freedom, and 
in the Declaration of Independence. It is no ordinary 

achievement thus to have laid the foundation of free and 

» * 

independent government. Every review of these illustrious 
events increases our admiration of that enlightened love of 
freedom, that noble spirit of independence, and that self- 
sacrificing and lofty patriotism, which glowed in the bosoms, 
animated the councils and nerved the hearts of those who, 
for the inestimable privileges we enjoy, pledged their mutual 
co-operation, their lives, fortunes and most sacred honour.* 

Returning to the chronological order of events from which 
we have slightly departed, we find the small community on 
Watauga still living under the simple government of their 
own appointment, consisting of five commissioners elected 
bv themselves. Before this tribunal all private controver¬ 
sies were settled. Its sessions were held at stated and regu¬ 
lar periods, and as its business increased with the constant 
enlargement of the settlement, a clerk was found necessary. 
Felix Walker, Thomas Gomley, William Tatham and John 

* See State Pamphlet, published by North-Carolina, page 6 : Pitkin, Force’* 
Collections ; State Papers ; Jones, Foote, Wheeler and Martin’s North-Carolina ; 
which have all been referred to and consulted. 


I 


134 PETITION FROM WASHINGTON DISTRICT, 

Sevier, all served in that office ;* Lewis Bowyer was the 
attorney. A sheriff was also appointed, but who he was is 
not now known. The laws of Virginia were taken as the 
standard of decision. Of this court, of its decisions and pro¬ 
ceedings, little or nothing is certainly known. The records 
are, probably, all lost. No research of the writer has been 
successful in discovering them; he has examined in vain the 
several offices in Tenneseee, and also the state archives at 
Richmond and Raleigh. At the latter place, by the courtesy 
of Gov. Reed, the present Executive of North-Carolina, he 
was allowed free access to the public papers of that state. 
No trace of the records of Watauga Court was to be found: 
but his pains-taking search was richly compensated by the 
discovery, in an old bundle of papers, lying in an upper 
shelf, almost out of reach, and probably not seen before for 
seventy-five years, of a petition and remonstrance from Wa¬ 
tauga settlement, praying, among other things, to be an¬ 
nexed, whether as a county, district or other division, to 
North-Carolina. The document appears to be in the hand¬ 
writing of one of the signers, John Sevier, and is probably 
his own production. The name of the chairman, John 
Carter, is written by a palsied hand. It is remarkable that 
about sixty years afterwards, his grandson, the late Hon. W. 
B. Carter, from exactly the same Watauga locality, was 
president of the convention that formed the present consti¬ 
tution of Tennessee. The others are all names since, and 
at the present time, familiar to Tennesseans. 

This document is, throughout, replete with interest; is full 
of our earliest history ; breathes the warmest patriotism, and 
is inspired with the spirit of justice and of liberty. No 
apology is needed for presenting it entire in these pages 

“ To the Hon. the Provincial Council of North-Carolina : 

“The humble petition of the inhabitants of Washington 
District, including the River Wataugah, Nonachuckie, &c., 

* Mr. Walker was a member of Congress from the Buncombe District, N. C., 
in 1821. 

f The petition is copied literatim et verbatim. 


♦ 


RECITING THE ACTS OF THE WATAUGA ASSOCIATION. 


135 


in committee assembled, Humbly Sheweth, that about six 
years ago, Col. Donelson, (in behalf of the Colony of Virginia,) 
held a Treaty with the Cherokee Indians, in order to pur¬ 
chase the lands of the Western Frontiers; in consequence of 
which Treaty, many of your petitioners settled on the lands 
of the Wataugah, &c., expecting to be within the Virginia 
line, and consequently hold their lands by their improvements 
as first settlers; but to their great disappointment, when the 
line was run they were (contrary to their expectation) left 
out; finding themselves thus disappointed, and being too in¬ 
conveniently situated to remove back, and feeling an un¬ 
willingness to loose the labour bestowed on their planta¬ 
tions, they applied to the Cherokee Indians, and leased the 
land for the term of ten years, before the expiration of which 
term, it appeared that many persons of distinction were ac¬ 
tually making purchases forever ; thus yielding a precedent, 
(supposing many of them, who were gentlemen of the law, 
to be better judges of the constitution than we were,) and 
considering the bad consequences it must be attended with, 
should the reversion be purchased out of our hands, we next 
proceeded to make a purchase of the lands, reserving 
those in our possession in sufficient tracts for our own 
use, and resolving to dispose of the remainder for the good 
of the community. This purchase was made and the lands 
acknowledged to us and our heirs forever, in an open treaty, 
in Wataugah Old Fields ; a deed being obtained from the 
chiefs of the said Cherokee nation, for themselves and their 
whole nation, conveying a fee simple right to the said lands, 
to us and our heirs forever, which deed was for and in con¬ 
sideration of the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, (paid 
to them in goods,) for which consideration they acknowledged 
themselves fully satisfied, contented and paid; and agreed, 
for themselves, their whole nation, their heirs, &c., forever 
to resign, warrant and defend the said lands to us, and 
our heirs, &c., against themselves, their heirs, &c. 

“ The purchase was no sooner made, than we were alarmed 
by the reports of the present unhappy differences between 
Great Britain and America, on which report, (taking the 
now united colonies for our guide,) we proceeded to choose 


136 


PETITION OF WATAUGA PEOPLE 


a committee, which was done unanimously by consent of 
the people. This committee (willing to become a party in the 
present unhappy contest) resolved, (which is now on our 
records,) to adhere strictly to the rules and orders of the 
Continental Congress, and in open committee acknowledged 
themselves indebted to the united colonies their full pro¬ 
portion of the Continental expense. 

“Finding ourselves on the Frontiers, and being apprehen¬ 
sive that, for the want of a proper legislature, we might be¬ 
come a shelter for such as endeavoured to defraud their 
creditors ; considering also the necessity of recording Deeds, 
Wills, and doing other public business ; we, by consent of 
the people, formed a court for the purposes above mentioned, 
taking (by desire of our constituents) the Virginia laws for 
our guide, so near as the situation of affairs would admit; 
this was intended for ourselves, and was done by the consent 
of every individual; but wherever we had to deal with peo¬ 
ple out of our district, we have ruled them to bail, to abide 
by our determinations, (which was, in fact, leaving the mat¬ 
ter to reference,) otherways we dismissed their suit, lest we 
should in any way intrude on the legislature of the colonies. 
In short, we have endeavoured so strictly to do justice, that 
we have admitted common proof against ourselves, on ac¬ 
counts, &c., from the colonies, without pretending a right to 
require the Colony Seal. 

“ We therefore trust we shall be considered as we deserve, 
and not as we have (no doubt) been many times represented, 
as a lawless mob. It is for this very reason we can assure you 
that we petition ; we now again repeat it, that it is for want 
of proper authority to try and punish felons, we can only 
mention to you murderers, horse-thieves and robbers, and 
are sorry to say that some of them have escaped us for want 
of proper authority. We trust, however, this will not 
long be the case; and we again and again repeat it, that it 
is for this reason we petition to this Honourable Assembly. 

“ Above we have given you an extract of our proceedings, 
since our settling on Wataugah, Nonachuckie, &c., in regard 
to our civil affairs. We have shown you the causes of our first 
settling and the disappointments we have met with, the rea- 


TO BE ANNEXED TO NORTH*CAROLINA. 


137 


son of our lease and of our purchase, the manner in which 
we purchased, and how we hold of the Indians in fee simple ; 
the causes of our forming a committee, and the legality of its 
election ; the same of our Court and proceedings, and our 
reasons for petitioning in regard to our legislature. 

44 We will now proceed to give you some account of our 
military establishments, which were chosen agreeable to the 
rules established by convention, and officers appointed by the 
committee. This being done, we thought it proper to raise a 
company on the District service, as our proportion, to act in the 
common cause on the sea shore. A company of fine riflemen 
were accordingly enlisted, and put under Capt. James Robert¬ 
son, and were actually embodied, when we received sundry 
letters and depositions, (copies of which we now enclose 
you,) you will then readily judge that there was occasion for 
them in another place, where we daily expected an attack. 
We therefore thought proper to station them on our Frontiers, 
in defence of the common cause, at the expense and risque of 
our own private fortunes, till farther public orders, which we 
flatter ourselves will give no offence. We have enclosed you 
sundry proceedings at the station where our men now re¬ 
main. 

4< We shall now submit the whole to your candid and impar¬ 
tial judgment. We pray your mature aud deliberate con¬ 
sideration in our behalf, that you may annex us to your 
Province, (whether as county, district, or other division,) in 
such manner as may enable us to share in the glorious cause 
of Liberty ; enforce our laws under authority, and in every 
respect become the best members of society ; and for our¬ 
selves and constituents we hope, we may venture to assure 
you, that we shall adhere strictly to your determinations, 
and that nothing will be lacking or any thing neglected, that 
may add weight (in the civil or military establishments) to 
the glorious cause in which we are now struggling, or 
contribute to the welfare of our own or ages yet to come. 

“ That you may strictly examine every part of this our Peti¬ 
tion, and delay no time in annexing us to your Province, in 
such a manner as your wisdom shall direct, is the hearty 


138 


FIRST INHABITANTS OF WATAUGA. 


prayer of those who, for themselves and constituents, as in 
duty bound, shall ever pray. 

John Carter, Chn. John Sevier, John Jones, 

Charles Roberdson, Jas. Smith, George Rusel, 

James Robertson, Jacob Brown, Jacob Womack, 

Zach. Isbell, Wm. Been, Robert Lucas. 

The above signers are the Members in Committee assembled. 

Wm. Tatham, Clerk, P. T. 


Jacob Womack, John Brown, 

Joseph Dunham, Jos. Brown, 

RiceDurroon, Job Bumper, 

Edward Hopson, Isaac Wilson, 

Lew. Bowyer, D. Atty, Richard Norton, 


Joseph Buller, 

. Andw. Greer, 
his 

Joab ><; Mitchell, 
mark. 

Gideon Morris, 
Shad rack Morris, 
William Crocket, 
Thos. Dedmon, 
David Hickey, 
Mark Mitchell, 
Hugh Blair, 

Elias Pebeer, 

Jos. Brown, 

John Neave, 

John Robinson, 


George Hutson, 
Thomas Simpson, 
Valentine Sevier, 
Jonathan Tipton, 
Robert Sevier, 

Drury Goodan, 
Richard Fletcher, 
Ellexander Greear, 
Jos. Greear, 
-Andrew Greear, jun., 
Teeler Nave, 

Lewis Jones, 

John I. Cox, 

John Cox, jr., 
Abraham Cox, 
Emanuel Sliote, 


Christopher Cunning- Tho. Houghton, 


ham, 

Jas. Easeley, 
Ambrose Hodge, 
Dan'l Morris, 
Wm. Cox, 

James Easley, 
John Haile, 

Elijah Robertson, 
William Clark, 
his 

John M Dunham, 
mark. 

Wm. Overall, 


Jos. Luske, 

WTn. Reeves, 

David Hughes, 
Landon Carter, 
John McCormick, 
David Crocket, 
Edw’d Cox, 

Tho’s Hughes, 
William Roberson, 
Henry Siler, 
Frederick Calvit, 
John Moore, 
William Newberry, 


Adam Sherrell, 
Samuel Sherrell, junr. 
Samuel Sherrell, senr. 
Ossa Rose, 

Henry Bates, jun., 

Jos. Grimes, 
Christopher Cunning¬ 
ham, sen., 

Joshua Barten, sen., 
Joud.Bostin, sen., 
Henry Bates, jun., 
Will’m Dod, 

Groves Morris, 

Wm. Bates, 

Rob’t Mosely, 

Ge. Hartt, 

Isaac Wilson, 

Jno. Waddell, 

Jarret Williams, 
Oldham Hightower, 
Abednago Hix, 
Charles McCartney, 
Frederick Vaughn, 
Jos. McCartney, 

Mark Robertson, 
Joseph Calvit, 

Joshua Houghton, 
John Chukinbeard, 
James Cooper, 
William Brokees, 
Julius Robertson, 

John King, 

Michael Hider, 

John Davis, 

John Barley.” 


Matt. Hawkins, 

This document is without date. The original, now in the 
state archives at Raleigh, has endorsed upon it, “ Received 
August 22, 177G.” It had been probably drawn up in the 
early part of that year. Nothing has been found after the 


WATAUGA SENDS DELEGATES TO PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 139 


most careful examination, to show what action was taken 
by the Provincial Council in reference to the petition. It is 
probable, however, that in the exercise of its now omnipotent 
and unrestricted authority, the Council advised the settlers to 
send forward their representatives to the Provincial Congress 
at Halifax, as it is known they did as delegates from “ Wash¬ 
ington District, Watauga Settlement.” The name Washing¬ 
ton District, being in the petition itself, must have been 
assumed by the people petitioning, and was probably sug¬ 
gested by John Sevier, who, during his residence at Wil¬ 
liamsburg, had doubtless known Col. George Washington, 
now the commander-in-chief of the American army. It is 
not known to this writer that the authorities or people of 
any other province had previously honoured Washington by 
giving his name to one of its towns or districts—a district, 
too, of such magnificent dimensions, extending from the Al¬ 
leghany Mountains to the Mississippi. A most suitable 
tribute of respect to the exalted character and enlarged pa¬ 
triotism of the Father of his Country 1 The pioneers of 
Tennessee were, probably, the first thus to honour Wash¬ 
ington. 

The District of Washington being, as is probable, in accord¬ 
ance with the prayer of the petitioners, “ annexed” to North- 
Carolina, was thus authorized to send its representatives to 
the Provincial Congress at Halifax. That body assembled 
at that place Nov. 12, 1776, and continued in session till the 
18th of December. A Bill of Rights and a State Constitution 
were adopted. 

In the last section of the Declaration of Rights, the limits 
of the state, on the west, are made to extend “ so far as is 
mentioned in the charter of King Charles the Second, to the 
late Proprietors of Carolina and the hunting grounds are 
secured to the Indians as far as any former legislature had 
secured, or any future legislature might secure to them. 

Amongst the members of this Congress were Charles Ro¬ 
bertson, John Carter, John Haile and John Sevier, from “Wash¬ 
ington District, Watauga Settlement.”* Her remote and pa¬ 
triotic citizens, oil the extreme frontier, thus participated in 

* Womack Tva9 also elected, but did not attend. 


140 


TOPOGRAPHY OF WATAUGA. 


laying the foundation of government for the free, sovereign 
and independent State of North-Carolina. In that part of the 
Declaration of Rights adopted by the Congress, specifying 
the limits of the state, is the proviso, “ that it shall not he so 
construed as to prevent the establishment of one or more govern¬ 
ments westward of this state , by consent of the legislature This 
was inserted, probabty, at the suggestion of the young legisla¬ 
tors from Watauga. In their number—the last in the list as 
here given—was the futur^Governor of Franklin and of Ten¬ 
nessee. His fortune, as will be shown in the further pro¬ 
gress of these annals, was hereafter hewn out by his sword 
and shaped by his wonderful capacities. Could he have been, 
at this time, preparing a theatre for their future employment 
and exhibition ? 

WATAUGA. 

The topography of Watauga has become interesting, and 
the modern visitant to that early home of the pioneers of Ten¬ 
nessee and the West, lingers around and examines, with in¬ 
tense curiosity and almost with veneration, the places conse¬ 
crated as their residence or their entombment. The annalist, 
partaking deeply in this feeling, has used every effort to identify 
these localities. He has made more than one pilgrimage to 
these time-honoured and historic places. In all time to come 
they will be pointed out and recognized as the abode and rest¬ 
ing place of enterprise, virtue, hardihood, patriotism—the an¬ 
cestral monument of real worth and genuine greatness. 

“Watauga Old Fields,” already mentioned, occupied the 
site of the present Elizabethton, in Carter county. Tradition 
says it was once an ancient Indian village, of which, when 
Mr. Andrew Greer, an early hunter and explorer, first set¬ 
tled it, no trace remained but the cleared land. In confirma¬ 
tion of that tradition it may be remarked, that a short distance 
above that place, on the south side of Watauga River and im¬ 
mediately upon its bank, an ancient cemetery is seen, in which 
are deposited quite a number of human skeletons. 

“The Watauga Fort 'was erected upon the land once owned 
and occupied by an old settler, Matthew Tolbot. The land 
is now owned by Mrs. Eva Gillespie. The fort stood upon 


RESIDENCES OF THE PIONEERS. 


141 


a knoll below the present site of Mrs. Gillespie’s house, in a 
bottom, about half a mile north-east of the mouth of Gap 
Creek. The spot is easily identified by a few graves and the 
large locust tree standing conspicuously on the right of the 
road leading to Elizabethton. Let it ever be a sacrilege to 
cut down that old locust tree—growing, as it does, near the 
ruins of the Watauga fort which sheltered the pioneer and 
protected his family—where the soldiery of Watauga fought 
under Captain Robertson and Lieutenant Sevier, and where 
the Courts of the Association were held, and even-handed jus¬ 
tice was administered under the self-constituted legislature, 
judiciary and executive of the Watauga settlers. 

Besides the fort proper, there were near, and within reach 
of its guns, a court-house and jail. These were, necessarily, 
of the plainest structure, being made of round poles. In 1782 
the former was converted into a stable. 

Higher up the river, and on the north s’de of it, near the 
closing in of a ridge, upon a low flat piece of land, stood 
another fort. The land was then owned by Valentine Se¬ 
vier, Sen., now by Mr. Hart. On Doe River was a third fort, 
in the cove of that stream. The Parkinsons forted here. 
The farm is now owned by Mr. Hampton. Carter Wo 
mack had a fort near the head of Watauga ; its exact loca¬ 
tion is not now known. During an outbreak of the Indians, 
men were sent from this fort to protect settlements lower 
down the country. Another fort stood near the mouth of 
Sinking Creek, on land now owned by Bashere, then by 
Dunjain. 

RESIDENCES OF THE FIRST SETTLERS OF WATAUGA. 

James Robertson lived on the north side of the river, at 
the upper end of the island, on lands since the property of 
A. M. Carter, Esq., deceased, late of Elizabethton. Valen¬ 
tine Sevier, Jun., at one time lived where Mr. Hickey now 
resides, opposite N. G. Taylor’s store. Valentine Sevier, 
Sen., owned the land now occupied by Mr. Hart. Colonel 
John Carter’s residence was about half a mile north of Eliz¬ 
abethton, on the property still owned by his grandson, Gene¬ 
ral James J. Carter. The house of Mr. Andrew Greer was 


142 


FIRST MILLS ERECTED IN TENNESSEE. 

on Watauga River, about three miles above Elizabethton, 
near to the place where Henry Nave, Jun., now lives. Mr. 
Greer was an Indian trader, and at a very early period, per¬ 
haps 1766, came with Julius C. Dugger to the West. They 
are believed to be the first white men that settled south of 
what was afterwards ascertained to be the Virginia line. 
After them came the Robertsons, John Carter, Michael Hy- 
der, the Seviers, Dunjains, McNabbs, Matthew Tolbot, the 
Hortons, McLinns, and Simeon Bundy. The latter of these 
was the first settler on Gap Creek His house stood near the 
Big Spring, the head of that stream. Soon after the arrival 
on the Watauga of the emigrants above named, came the 
Beans, the Cobbs and the Webbs, and, subsequently, the Tip- 
tons and Taylors. Julius C. Dugger lived and died at a 
place still owned by his heirs, and known as Dugger’s Bridge, 
fourteen miles up the Watauga from Elizabethton. Mr. 
Horton lived at the Green Hill, a little south of the Watauga 
Springs. Joshua, his son, owned the present residence of 
Samuel Tipton, and another son, Richard, lived at the place 
now occupied by Mr. Renfro. Charles Robertson lived on 
Sinking Creek, on the property now owned by John Ellis. 
Ambrose Hodge lived where Wm. Wheeler now resides, on 

the road leading to Jonesboro, from Elizabethton. Mr. Ho- 

• 

neycut, whose hospitality furnished the first home to James 
Robertson, lived about Roane’s Creek, near the Watauga. 
Evan Shelby lived and died at the place now known as 
King’s Meadows, in Sullivan county, near the Virginia line* 
where his grave is still pointed out. Michael Hyder lived 
on Powder Branch, a mile south of Watauga. His son has 
built his present residence near the site of the old mansion. 
James Edens settled near the Big Springs on Gap Creek, the 
place now occupied by his son. 

The first mill erected in all the country, was on Buffalo 
Creek. . It belonged to Baptist McNabb, and stood near 
where David Pugh since lived. About the same time, an¬ 
other mill was built by Matthew Tolbot on Gap Creek. 
The property is now owned by the heirs of - Love.* 

*To one of whom, Mr. John Love, recently deceased at Charleston, S. C, the 
writer is indebted for many of these details. 



COMMENCEMENT OF CHEROKEE HOSTILITY. 


143 


In August, 4775, Rev. William Tennent informed the Pro¬ 
vincial Congress of South-Carolina, that Cameron was among 
the Over-hill Cherokees, and would soon join the disaffected 
with three thousand Cherokee gun-men, who will fight for the 
king. An Indian talk was intercepted, which contained an 
assurance from the Cherokees that they were ready to attend 
Cameron, and massacre all the back settlers of Carolina and 
Georgia, without distinction of age or sex. 

In a letter to Lord Dartmouth, under date, Boston, June 12, 
1775, Gen. Gage said : “We need not be tender of calling on 
the savages” # to attack the Americans. 

In this year an Indian trader, Andrew Greer, one of the first, 
^5 \ if not the very first settler of Watauga, being in the 
( Cherokee towns, suspected, from the conduct of Walker 
and another trader, that some mischief was intended against 
him. He returned with his furs, but left the main trading 
path and came up the Nollichucky Trace. Boyd and Dogget, 
who had been sent out by Virginia, travelling on the path 
that Greer left, were met by Indians near a creek, were killed 
by them and their bodies thrown into the water. The creek 
is in Sevier county, and has ever since been known as Boyd’s 
Creek. A watch and other articles were afterwards found 
in the creek—the watch had Boyd’s name engraved on the 
case. He was a Scotchman. This was the commencement 
of the Cherokee hostility, and was believed to be instigated 
by the agents of the British government. One of its mea¬ 
sures adopted to oppress and subjugate the disaffected Ameri¬ 
can colonies, was to arm the neighbouring tribes and to sti¬ 
mulate them against the feeble settlements on their border. 
The southern colonies had expressed a decided sympathy with 
their aggrieved brethren in Massachusetts, and lying adjacent 
to the warlike Cherokee tribe, it was desired to secure the 
alliance of these savages against them in the existing war. 
Early in the year 1776, John Stuart, the Superintendent of 
Southern Indian Affairs, received his instructions from the 
British War Department, and immediately dispatched to his 
deputies, resident among the different tribes, orders to carry 
into effect the wishes of his government. Alexander Came- 

*Am. Archives, vol. ii., folio 968. 


144 


HUMANITY OF NANCY WARD. 


ron, a Highland officer, who had fought for America in the 
French war, was at this time the Agent for the Cherokee 
nation. Receiving from Stuart his orders, he lost no time in 
convoking the chiefs and warriors, and making known to 
them the designs of his government. He informed them of 
the difficulties between the King and his American subjects, 
and endeavoured to enlist them in favour of his monarch. 

The Indians could scarcely believe that the war was real— 
a war among savages that speak the same language being 
unknown. This phenomenon confused them. The Ameri¬ 
cans, moreover, had friends in the towns, who endeavoured 
to counteract the intrigues of the Agent, and to gain time to 
apprise the frontier inhabitants of the danger which threat¬ 
ened them. But by promises of presents in clothing, the plun¬ 
der of the conquered settlements, and the appropriation to 
their use of the hunting grounds to be reclaimed from the 
whites upon the western waters, Cameron succeeded, event¬ 
ually, in gaining to the British interests a majority of the head 
men and warriors. “This formidable invasion was rendered 
much less destructive than was intended, by the address and 
humanity of another Pocahontas. Nancy Ward, who was 
nearly allied to some of the principal chiefs, obtained know¬ 
ledge of their plan of attack, and without delay communicated 
it to Isaac Thomas, a trader, her friend and a true American. 
She procured for him the means to set out to the inhabitants 
of Holston as an express, to warn them of their danger, which 
he opportunely did, and proceeded, without delay, to the Com¬ 
mittee of Safety in Virginia, accompanied by William Fallin, 
as far as the Holston settlements’* 

The westernmost settlement, late in the fall of this year, 
was in Carter’s Valley. Mr. Kincaid, Mr. Long, Mr. Love and 
Mr. Mulkey, a Baptist preacher, were the pioneers. Their 
bread-corn was brought from the neighbourhood where Abing¬ 
don now stands. During that winter they hunted and killed buf¬ 
falo, twelve or fifteen miles north-west of their settlement. They 
also cleared a few acres of land, but after they had planted 
and worked their corn over once, the rumours of a Cherokee 
invasion forced them to leave their little farms. In great 

* Haywood. 


TEST OATII ADMINISTERED TO TORIES. 


145 


haste and confusion all the families below the north fork of 
Holston recrossed that stream, and the women and children 
were conducted back as far as the present Wythe county. 

The tide of emigration had, in the meantime, brought large 
accessions to the three points, Carter’s, Watauga and Brown’s, 
and radiating from these centres, the settlers were erecting 
their cabins and opening their improvements ” at some dis¬ 
tance from each, and approximating the boundaries of the 
parent germ, the whole began to assume the appearance of 
one compact settlement. The policy pursued in Virginia 
and the Carolinas, under the direction of County Associa¬ 
tions and Committees of Safety, had driven many to the new 
settlements. A test oath was required of all suspected of 
disaffection to the American cause. To avoid the oath, and 
to escape the consequences of a refusal to take it or to sub¬ 
scribe the test, many tories had fled to the extreme frontier. 
Brown’s was the furthest point and the most difficult of 
access. In this seclusion they hoped to remain concealed: 
but whig vigilance soon ferreted them out, and a body of men, 
at the instance of John Carter, came from Virginia, went to 
Brown’s, called the inhabitants together and administered to 
them an oath to be faithful to the common cause. After 
this, Brown’s and Watauga were considered one united set¬ 
tlement, and appointed their officers as belonging to the same 
body. 

The murder of Boyd by the Indians, and a rumour of the 
intrigues practiced by Cameron, had put the frontier people 
upon their guard against meditated mischief. The Chero- 
kees had so long maintained friendly relations with them, 
that they had been lulled into a state of false security. 
While they had provided civil institutions adequate to the 
wants of the settlers, the military organization had been 
neglected. They proceeded at once to adopt defensive mea¬ 
sures, and immediately appointed Carter and Brown colonels, 
and Womack major over their respective militia. It 
was deemed advisable, also, to take further precautions for 
the protection of the settlements against any attack that 
might be contemplated by the savages, and the more exposed 

families went at once into forts and stations. 

10 


146 


DESCRIPTION OF A “ STATION.” 

A fort, in these rude military times, consisted of pieces of 
timber, sharpened at the end and firmly lodged in the ground; 
rows of these pickets enclosed the desired space, which 
embraced the cabins of the inhabitants. One block house, 
or more, of superior care and strength, commanding the • 
sides of the fort, with or without a ditch, completed the forti¬ 
fication or station, as they are most commonly called. Gene¬ 
rally the sides of the interior cabins formed the sides of the 
fort. Slight as was this advance in the art of war, it was 
more than sufficient against attacks of small arms, in the 
hands of such desultory warriors, as their irregular supplies 
of provisions necessarily rendered the Indians.* The place 
selected for a station was generally the cabin most central 
to the whole settlement to be protected by it. Often, how¬ 
ever, it was otherwise ; an elevated position, not surrounded 
by woods, cliffs or other fastnesses, from which assailants 
could deliver their fire under cover; contiguity to a spring, 
a river, or other stream of water, a supply of fuel;—all these 
had their influence in deciding the place selected for a fort. 
Sometimes the proximity of a number of adjacent settlers, 
cultivating the same plantation, or working in the same 
clearing , overbalanced other considerations. A grist mill 
was often a sine qua non in the selection of a site, and espe¬ 
cially if, in case of a protracted siege, it could be enclosed 
by the palisades or commanded by the rifles of a fort. 

The boundaries of Brown’s settlement, on the west, ex¬ 
tended down Nollichucky, below the mouth of Big Limestone 
Creek, and that neighbourhood being the weakest and first 
exposed, a fort was built at Gillespie’s, near the river, and a 
garrison was stationed in it. Another one was built at 
Watauga—another at Heaton’s, known as Heaton’s Station. 

It stood in the fork between the north and south branches of 
Holston, and about six miles from their confluence. Evan 
Shelby erected one on Beaver Creek, two miles south of the 
Virginia line. There was one, also, at Womack’s, and 
three or four miles east of it, on Holston, John Shelby also 
built a station. In Carter’s Valley there were several.f 

* Butler. 

t It is to be regretted that the site of many of the forts and stations in Tennessee 


stuart’s letter to the frontier people. 


147 


During these preparations for defence, other information 
reached the Watauga Committee, confirming the previous 
intelligence of approaching invasion. On the 18th of May 
they received a copy of a letter addressed by Mr. Stuart, 
under date May 9th, to the frontier people. The circum¬ 
stances attending its delivery were exceedingly suspicious, 
and gave rise to the gravest apprehensions. The letter and 
the affidavit of Nathan Read, who was present at Mr. 
Charles Robertson’s house at night, when it was delivered, 
are here given: 

“ Wattaga. —This day Nathan Read came before me, one of the Jus¬ 
tices of Wattaga, and made oath on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty 
God, that a stranger came up to Charles Robertson’s gate yesterday eve¬ 
ning—who he was he did not know—and delivered a letter of which 
this is a true copy. Sworn before me the 19th of May, 1776. 

John Carter. 

Attest—James Smith.’* 

“ Gentlemen— Some time ago Mr. Cameron and myself wrote you a 
letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the Indians 
respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made of them on 
the Rivers Wattaga, Nollichuckey, &c. We aresincein formed that you 
are under great apprehensions of the Indians doing mischief immediately. 
But it is not the desire of his Majesty to set his friends and allies, the 
Indians, on his liege subjects : Therefore, whoever you are that are will¬ 
ing to join his Majesty’s forces as soon as they arrive at the Cherokee 
Nation, by repairing to the King’s standard, shall find protection for 
themselves and their families, and be free from all danger whatever; 
yet, that his Majesty’s officers may be certain which of you are willing 
to take up arms in his Majesty’s just right, I have thought fit to recom¬ 
mend it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable 
ruin to themselves and families, immediately to subscribe a written paper 
acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty, King George, and that 
they are ready and willing, whenever they are called on, to appear in 
arms in defence of the British right in America; which paper, as soon 
as it is signed and sent to me, by safe hand, should any of the inhabitants 

can no longer be satisfactorily identified. Convinced as he was of the value and 
interest these sites would have given to this work, the writer has endeavoured, in 
various ways, to ascertain them, with the view of perpetuating them in a diagram 
or map, to be inserted in this volume. These endeavours have been fruitless. From 
some correspondents, in a few counties, he has procured some information on the 
subject. From others he learns that the early settlers are no longer there to 
impart the desired knowledge, and from others no reply has been received to his 
inquiries. Public attention in Tennessee is respectfully invited to this subject. 


148 


willtams’s disclosures 


be desirous of knowing how thev are to be free from everv kind of insult 
and danger, inform them, that his Majesty will immediately land an army 
in West Florida, march them through the Creek to the Chickasaw Nation, 
where five hundred warriors from each nation are to join them, and then 
come by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take 
possession of the frontiers of North-Carolina and Virginia, at the same 
time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea coast of those 
Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef, cattle, flour, pork 
or horses to spare, they shall have a good price for them by applying to 
us, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied. 

I am vours, Ac.. 

Henry Stuart.*' 

Henry was the brother of John Stuart, and Deputy Superin¬ 
tendent of Indian Affairs, and in that capacity had been sent to 
the Cherokees by Cameron. The letter was doubtless handed 
by some incognito loyalist from South-Carolina, at the sug¬ 
gestion of Col. Kirkland, to whom such negotiations were 
familiar. Charles Robertson had emigrated from that Pro¬ 
vince, and it may have been, was known to some of the dis¬ 
affected back-settlers there. They mistook their man. They 
knew the spirit neither of Robertson nor his countrymen. None 
could have been more prompt nor more vigorous in spurning 
the bribe and disregarding their threats or resisting the exe¬ 
cution of their plans. 

Mr. Jarret Williams, on his way to Virginia from the Che¬ 
rokee villages, came to Watauga and communicated addi¬ 
tional confirmation of the hostile intention of the Indians. It 
will be found in the subjoined affidavit, afterwards published 
in the “Philadelphia Packet** of Aug. 13, 1776. 

** Fincastle. ss. —The deposition of Jarret Williams, taken before me, 
Anthony Bledsoe, a Justice of the Peace for the countv aforesaid, being 
first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith : 
That he left the Cherokee Nation on Mondav night, the Sth inst. (July) ; 
that the part of the Nation called the Over-hills, were then preparing to 
go to war against the frontiers of Virginia, having purchased to the amount 
of 1000 skins, or thereabouts, for mockasons. They were also beating 
flour for a march, and making other warlike preparations. Their num¬ 
ber, from calculation made by the Raven Warrior, amounts to about six 
hundred warriors; and. according to the deponent's idea, he thinks we 
may expect a general attack every hour. They propose to take away 
negroes, horses, and to kill all kinds of cattle, sheep. Ac., for which 
purpose they are well stocked with bows and arrows : also, to destroy 
all corn, burn bouses, Ac. And he also heard, that the Valiev towns were, 
a part of them, set off; but that they had sent a runner to stop them 


OF THREATENED INVASION. 


149 


till all were ready to start. He further relates, that Alexander Cameron 
informed them that he had concluded to send Captain Nathaniel Guest, 
William Faulin, Isaac Williams and the deponent, with the Indians, till 
they came near to Nonachucky; then the Indians were to stop, and Guest 
and the other whites, above mentioned, were to go to see if there were 
any King’s men among the inhabitants ; and if they found any, they 
were to take them off to the Indians, or have a white signal in their hands, 
or otherwise to distinguish them. When this was done, they were to 
fall on the inhabitants, and kill and drive all they possibly could. That 
on Saturday, the 6th instant, in the night, he heard two prisoners were 
brought in about midnight, but the deponent saw only one. That the 
within Williams saw only one scalp brought by a party of Indians, with 
a prisoner ; but, from accounts, they had five scalps. He also says he 
heard the prisoner examined by Cameron, though he gave a very imper¬ 
fect account, being very much cast down. He further says, that the 
Cherokees had received the war-belt from the Shawnese, Mingo, Taa- 
wah and Delaware Nations, to strike the white people. That fifteen-of 
the said nations were in the Cherokee towns, and that few of the Chero¬ 
kees went in company with the Shawnese, &c. That they all intended 
to strike the settlers in Kentucky; and that the Cherokees gave the said 
Shawnese, &c., four scalps of white men, which they carried away with 
them. The said Shawnese and Mingoes informed the Cherokees that 
they then ■were at peace with every other nation ; that the French were 
to supply them with ammunition, and that they wanted the Cherokees 
to join them to strike the white people on the frontiers, which the Chero¬ 
kees have agreed to. And the deponent further saith, that before he left 
the nation, a number of the Cherokees of the Lower towns, were gone 
to fall on the frontiers of South-Carolina and Georgia; and further saith 
not. 

Jarret Williams. 

Signed before Anthony Bled$oe.' n 

The apprehension of clanger excited amongst the remote 
settlers on Holston, was increased by the report some time 
after of another trader, Robert Dews. The amount of his 
statement made on oath was, that the Indians are deter¬ 
mined on war. The Cherokees have received a letter from 
Cameron, that the Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws are 
to join against Georgia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina and 
Virginia; also that Captain Stuart had gone up the Missis¬ 
sippi with goods, ammunition, &c., for the northern nations, 
to cause them to fall on the people of the frontier.” 

Nothing could have so aroused, and exasperated, and har¬ 
monized public sentiment in Watauga, as the intelligence 
thus given, that these settlements were to be sacrificed to 
savage barbarity-, incited by British influence. No where 


150 


EXPRESS CARRIES SEVIEr’s LETTER. 


more than among a frontier people, is there a keener sense 
of justice or a warmer homage for kind treatment and right¬ 
ful authority. No where, a greater abhorrence of a flagrant 
injustice or a deeper resentment for wanton wrong and cru¬ 
elty. Every settler at once became a determined whig. On 
the great question then agitating the British Colonies, there 
was but one opinion in the West. The soldiery was armed, 
organized and prepared for the conflict, which Cameron’s 
disclosures demonstrated was at hand. 

John Sevier communicated to the officers of Fincastle 
county, the following : 

“Fort Lee, July 11, lJ^O. 

“Dear Gentlemen : Isaac Thomas, Wm. Falling, Jarot Williams and 
one more, have this moment come in by making their escape from the 
Indians, and say six hundred Indiars and whites were to start for this 
fort, and intend to drive the country up to New River before they re¬ 
turn. John Sevier.” 

Fort Lee is believed to be the name of the fort at Wa¬ 
tauga. Sevier was at the latter place at the attack upon it, 
July 2J, and probably was there at the date of this laconic 
epistle.* Thus forewarned, the Watauga Committee lost no 
time in preparing for the approaching invasion. The forts 
were strengthened, and every measure adopted that could add 
to the security of their people. Having done everything that 
could be effected by their own resources, on the 30th May, 
the Committee sent an express to Virginia for aid and sup¬ 
plies of lead and powder. To their application Mr. Preston 
replies, under date June 3rd, 1776. 

“Gentlemen : Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of Mr. 
Bryan, came to hand this evening, by your messenger. The news is 
really alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians, who are 
doubtless advised to break with the white people, by the enemies to 
American liberty who reside among them. But I cannot conceive that 
you have any thing to fear from their pretended invasion by British 
troops, by the route they mention. This must, in my opinion, be a 
scheme purposely calculated to intimidate the inhabitants, either to 
abandon their plantations or turn enemies to their country, neither of 
which I hope it will be able to effect. 

“ Our Convention on the 14th of May, ordered 500 lbs. of gunpow¬ 
der to each of the counties of Fincastle, Botetourt, Augusta and West 
Augusta. . . . And double that quantity of lead . . . They likewise 

* The writer is indebted for this letter and the official report of the battle at 
the Island Flats, to the research and politeness of L. C. Draper, Esq. 


PLAN OF CHEROKEE INVASION. 


151 


ordered 100 men to be forthwith raised in Fincastle, to be stationed 
where our Committee directs for the protection of the frontier. * * * 

I sent the several letters and depositions you furnished me, from which 
it is reasonable to believe, that when all these shall have been examined 
vigourous measures will be adopted for our protection. 

“ I have advertised our Committee to meet at Fort Chiswell on 
Tuesday, the 11th instant, and have directed the candidates for com¬ 
missions in the new companies, to exert themselves in engaging the 
number of men required until then ; I much expect we shall have further 
news from Williamsburg by the time the Committee meets. I have 
written to Col. Callaway the second time for 200 lbs. of lead, which 
I hope he will deliver the bearer. This supply I hope will be some re¬ 
lief to your distressed settlement, and as I said before, should more be 
wanted I am convinced you may be supplied. I am fully convinced that 
the expense will be repaid you by the Convention of Virginia or North- 
Carolina, on a fair representation of the case being laid before them, 
whichsoever of them takes your settlement under protection, as there is 
not the least reason that any one part of the colony should be at any 
extraordinary expense in the defence of the whole, and you may be 
assured you cannot be over stocked with that necessary article; for 
should it please Providence that the impending storm should blow over, 
and there would be no occasion to use the ammunition in the general 
defence, then it might be sold out to individuals, and the expense of 
the whole reimbursed to those who so generously contributed towards 
the purchase. 

“ I am, with the most sincere wishes for the safety of your settlement, 
your most obedient and very humble servant, 

Wm. Preston.”* 

Such was the posture of defence assumed by the inhabi¬ 
tants after the receipt of the intelligence brought by Thomas 
Fallin and Williams. The former had proceeded on his 
mission to the authorities of Virginia for succour against a 
threatened invasion. The projected incursion of the Chero- 
kees, as communicated by Nancy Ward to Thomas, was this: 
Seven hundred warriors were to attack the white settle¬ 
ments. They were to divide themselves into two divisions 
of three hundred and fifty each, under chosen leaders, one 
destined to fall upon the Watauga settlements, by a circui¬ 
tous route along the foot of the mountains. The other divi¬ 
sion, to be commanded by the Dragging-Canoe in person, 
was, by a more northwardly route, to fall upon and break 
up the settlements in the fork of the two branches of the 
Holston, and thence proceed into Virginia. 


* Original letter in this writer’s possession. 


152 


VOLUNTEERS ASSEMBLE AT HEATON^. 


The alarm produced by this intelligence hastened the com¬ 
pletion of the defences and the embodiment of such a force 
as the western, settlements of Virginia and North-Carolina 
could supply. Five small companies, principally Virginians, 
immediately assembled under their respective captains, the 
eldest of whom, in commission, was Captain Thompson. 
They marched to Heaton’s Station, where a fort had been 
built, by the advice of Captain William Cocke, in advance 
of the settlements. Here they halted, as well to protect 
the people in the station as to procure information, by their 
spies and scouts, of the position of the enemy, of their num¬ 
ber, and, if possible, of their designs. In a day or two it 
was ascertained that the Indians, in a body of three or four 
hundred, were actually on the march towards the fort. A 
council was immediately held to determine whether it was 
most advisable to await in the fort the arrival of the Indians, 
with the expectation that they would come and attack it, or 
to march out in search of them and fight them wherever 
the}' could be found. It was urged in council by Captain 
Cocke, that the Indians would not attack them in the station, 
and enclosed in their block houses, but would pass by them 
and attack the settlements in small parties; and that for 
want of protection the greater part of the women and chil¬ 
dren would be massacred. This argument decided the con¬ 
troversy, and it was determined to march out and meet them. 
The corps, consisting of one hundred and seventy men, 
marched from the station and took their course down towards 
the Long Island, with an advance of about twelve men in 
front. When they reached what are called the Island Flats, 
the advance guard discovered a small party of Indians 
coming along the road meeting them, and immediately fired 
on them ; the Indians fled and the white people pursued f6r 
some time, but did not meet the enemy. A halt was then 
made, and the men were formed in a line. A council was 
then held by the officers, in which it was concluded 
that, probably, they would not be able to meet any 
others of the enemy that day, and, as evening was drawing 
on, that it was most prudent to return to the fort. But 
before all the troops had fallen into ranks and left the place 


153 


BATTLE NEAR LONG ISLAND. 

where they had halted, it was announced that the Indians 
were advancing, in order of battle, in their rear.* Captain 
Thompson, the senior officer, who was at the head of the 
left line, ordered the right line to form for battle to the right, 
and the line which he headed, to the left, and to face the 
enemy. In attempting to form the line, the head of the right 
seemed to bear too much along the road leading to the sta¬ 
tion, and the part of the line further back, perceiving that 
the Indians were endeavouring to outflank them, was drawn 
off, by Lieutenant Robert Davis, as quickly as possible, and 
formed on the right, across the flat to a ridge, and prevented 
them from getting round the flank. The greater part of the 
officers, and not a few of the privates, gave heroic examples 
to cause the men to advance and give battle ; of the latter, 
Robert Edmiston and John Morrison made conspicuous exer¬ 
tions. They advanced some paces towards the enemy and 
began the battle by shooting down the foremost of them. 
The battle then became general. 

The Indians fought, at first, with great fury; the foremost 
hallooing, the Unacas are running, come on and scalp them. 
Their first effort was to break through the centre of our line, 
and to turn the left flank in the same instant. In both they 
failed of success, by the well directed fire of our riflemen. 
Several of their chief warriors fell, and, at length, their com¬ 
mander was dangerously wounded. This decided the vic¬ 
tory. The enemy immediately betook themselves to flight, 
leaving twenty-six of their boldest warriors dead on the field. 
The blood of the wounded could be traced in great profusion, 
in the direction of the enemy’s retreat. Our men pursued 
in a cautious manner, lest they might be led into an ambus¬ 
cade, hardly crediting their own senses that so numerous a 
foe was completely routed. In this miracle of a battle, we 
had not a man killed and only five wounded, who all reco¬ 
vered. But the wounded of the enemy died till the whole 
loss in killed amounted to upwards of forty.f The battle 
lasted not tnore than ten minutes after the line was com¬ 
pletely formed and engaged before the Indians began to 
retreat; but they continued to fight awhile in that way, to 
get the wounded off the ground. The firing during the time 

* Haywood. f Idem. 


154 


OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE BATTLE. 


of the action, particularly on the side of the white people, 
was very lively and well directed. This battle was fought 
on the 20th of July, 1776. 

An official report of this well fought battle, will be also 
1776 5 gi yel b less i n detail than the preceding, but in most of 
l the essential parts entirely agreeing with it. 

“ On the 19th our scouts returned, and informed us that they had 
discovered where a great number of Indians were making into the set¬ 
tlements ; upon which alarm, the few men stationed at Eaton’s, com¬ 
pleted a breast-work sufficiently strong, with the assistance of what men 
were there, to have repelled a considerable number; sent expresses to 
the different stations and collected all the forces in one body, and the 
morning after about one hundred and seventy turned out in search of 
the enemy. Wo marched in two divisions, with flankers on each side 
and scouts before., Our scouts discovered upwards of twenty meeting us, 
and tired on them. They returned the fire, but our men rushed on them 
with such violence that they were obliged to make a precipitate retreat. 
We took ten bundles and a good deal of plunder, and had great reason 
to think some of them were w r ounded. This small skirmish happened 
on ground very disadvantageous for our men to pursue, though it was 
with the greatest difficulty our officers could restrain their men. A coun¬ 
cil was held, and it was thought advisable to return, as we imagined there 
was a large party not far off. We accordingly returned, and had not 
marched more than a mile w r hen a number, not inferior to ours, attacked 
us in the rear. Our men sustained the attack with great bravery and 
intrepidity, immediately forming a line. The Indians endeavoured to 
surround us, but were prevented by the uncommon fortitude and vigilance 
of Capt. James Shelby, who took possession of an eminence that pre¬ 
vented their design. Our line of battle extended about a quarter of a 
mile. We killed about thirteen on the spot, whom we found, and have 
the greatest reason to believe that w T e could have found a great many 
more, had we had time to search for them. There were streams of blood 
every way ; and it was generally thought there w r as never so much exe¬ 
cution done in so short a time on the frontiers. Never did troops fight 
with greater calmness than ours did. The Indians attacked us with the 
greatest fury imaginable, and made the most vigorous efforts to surround 
us. Our spies really deserved the greatest applause. We took a great 
* deal of plunder and many guns, and had only four men greatly wounded. 
The rest of the troops are in high spirits and eager for another engage¬ 
ment. We have the greatest reason to believe they are pouring in great 
numbers on us, and beg the assistance of our friends. 

James Thompson, John Campbell, 

James Shelby, William Cocke, 

- William Buchanan, Thomas Madison. 

To Major Anthony Bledsoe, for him to be immediately sent to Colonel 

Preston.” 


LIEUTENANT MOORE AND INDIAN BRAVE. 


155 


A desperate hand-to-hand conflict took place during the 
battle. The precise spot is still pointed out in a field on the 
left of the road passing through the grounds where the battle 
took place. The combatants were Lieutenant Moore, late of 
Sullivan, and a very large chief or leader of the Cherokees. 
Moore had shot the chief, wounding him in the knee, but not 
so badly as to prevent him from standing. Moore advanced 
towards him, and the Indian threw his tomahawk but missed 
him. Moore sprung at him with his large butcher knife drawn, 
which the Indian caught by the blade and attempted to wrest 
from the hand of his antagonist. Holding on with desperate 
tenacity to the knife, both clinched with their left hands. A 
scuffle ensued in which the Indian was thrown to the ground, 
his right hand being nearly dissevered and bleeding profusely.' 
Moore still holding the handle of his knife in the right hand, 
succeeded with the other to disengage his own tomahawk 
from his belt, and ended the strife by sinking it in the skull 
of the Indian. Until this conflict was ended, the Indians 
fought with unyielding spirit. After its issue became known? 
they retreated. 

Mr. George Hufacre, late of Knox county, was in this bat¬ 
tle, and gives further particulars. He says : While the cap¬ 
tains were endeavouring to form line, some confusion ensued, 
when Isaac Shelby (a volunteer under no command and not 
in ranks) gave orders for each captain to fall into place, and 
with his company to march back a few paces and form line. 
This order was obeyed, and the line was immediately formed 
a short distance in the rear of four men left upon the eminence 
to watch the movements of the enemy. Encouraged by the 
apparent withdrawal of the troops and the small number in 
sight, the Indians made a rapid forward movement against 
the four men on the rising ground, and pursued them into the 
line now completely formed, yelling and brandishing their 
tomahawks and war clubs. Edmondson being in the centre 
company, bore the weight of the enemy’s assault several mi¬ 
nutes, and himself killed six of the most daring of the Indians. 
John Findley was one of the wounded. 

The consequences of this victory were of some importance 
to the Western inhabitants, otherwise than the destroying a 


156 


ATTACK ON WATAUGA FORT. 


number of their influential and most vindictive enemies, and 
lessening the hostile spirit of the Cherokees. It induced a 
concord and union of principle to resist the tyranny of the 
British government. It attracted the favour and attention of 
the new commonwealth ; it inspired military ideas and a 
contempt of danger from our savage enemies. The inquiry, 
afterwards, when in search of Indians, was not, how many of 
them are there? but, where are they to be found ? This spirit 
was kept up and often displayed itself on several important 
occasions during the war. # 

Another division of the Cherokees invaded the settlements 
at another point and from another direction. This was com* 
manded by Old Abraham ofChilhowee. That chieftain was 
distinguished more for stratagem and cunning, than by valour 
and enterprise. He led his division along the foot of the 
mountain by the Nollichucky path, hoping to surprise and 
massacre the unsuspecting and unprotected inhabitants upon 
that river. The little garrison at Gillespie’s Station, apprised 
of the impending danger, had prudently broken up their fort 
and had withdrawn to Watauga, taking with them such of 
their moveable effects as the emergency allowed, but leaving 
their cabins, their growing crops and the stock in the range, 
to the waste and devastation of the invaders. The Indians 
arriving at the deserted station soon after the garrison de¬ 
parted from it, hoped, by rapid marches, to overtake and 
destroy them. In the rapidity of the pursuit, the standing 
corn, stock and improvements of the settlers, remained un¬ 
touched and uninjured. The garrison reached Watauga in 
safety. The next morning, at sunrise, the Indians invested 
that place and attacked the fort, now strengthened by the* 
small reinforcement from Gillespie’s. Captain James Robert¬ 
son commanded the forces at Watauga, amounting in all to 
but forty men. Lieut. John Sevier and Mr. Andrew Greer 
were also present. The assault upon the fort was vigorous 
and sudden. But, by the unerring aim of the riflemen within 
it, and the determined bravery of men protecting their 
women and children from capture and massacre, the assail¬ 
ants were repulsed with considerable loss. No one in the 

* Haywood. 


CAPTIVITY OF MRS. BEAN. 


157 


fort was wounded. Mrs. Bean had been taken prisoner by 
the Indians on their march, the preceding day. The killed 
and wounded of the Cherokees were carried off in sight of 
the people in the fort. The number could not be ascertained, 
as the Indians remained skulking about in the adjacent woods 
for twenty days. During that time expresses had succeeded in 
escaping from the besieged fort at Watauga, and in commu¬ 
nicating to the station at Heaton’s the dangerous condition 
in which the siege involved them. Col. Russell was requested 
to send them succour : and five small companies were ordered 
to proceed to Watauga. These could ntet be well spared 
from Heaton’s—and some delay occurring, Col. Shelby raised 
one hundred horsemen and crossed the country to the relief 
of his besieged countrymen. Before his arrival at Watauga 
the siege was raised, and the Indians had hastily withdrawn. 
The attack of the Cherokees under Old Abraham, was on the 
21st of July, the next day after the Dragging-Canoe had made 
his unsuccessful march upon Heaton’s Station near Long 
Island. 

Mrs. Bean was captured near Watauga, and was taken by 
the Indians to their station camp over on Nollichucky. A 
white man was there also a prisoner. He told her she was 
to be killed, and a warrior stepped towards and cocked his 
gun as if intending to shoot her. The white man, at the 
instance of the chiefs, then began to ask Mrs. Bean some 
questions : how many forts have the white people ? how many 
soldiers in each? where are the forts? can they be starved 
out? have they got any powder? She answered these 
questions so as to leave the impression that the settlements 
could protect themselves. After conferring among themselves 
a few minutes, the chiefs told the white man to say to Mrs. 
Bean that she was not to be killed, but that she had to go 
with them to their towns and teach their women how to 
make butter and cheese. 

After she was taken into captivity Mrs. Bean was con¬ 
demned to death. She was bound, taken to the top of one of 
the mounds, and was about to be burned, when Nancy Ward, 
then exercising in the nation the functions of the Beloved 
or Pretty Woman, interfered and pronounced her pardon. 
Her life was spared. We give further details. 


158 


SEVIER ATTEMPTS TO RESCUE MOORE. 


The fort at Watauga, when attacked, had one hundred 
and fifty settlers within its enclosure. The women from the 
fort had gone out at daybreak to milk the cows and were 
fired upon, but made a safe retreat to the fort. A brisk 
fire was then made upon the garrison, and kept up till eight 
o’clock, without effect. The assault was repelled with con¬ 
siderable loss to the assailants, as was inferred from the 
quantity of blood left upon the ground. In a short time after 
the Indians renewed the attack and continued before the fort 
six days. 

In the meantirc*e, a soldier effected his escape from Wa¬ 
tauga and went to Holston express for reinforcements. A 
detachment of one hundred rangers was instantly forwarded 
under the command of Col. Wm. Russell. On their way the 
rangers fell in with a party of forty Cherokees, who were 
busy skinning a beef at a deserted plantation, fifty miles east 
of Long Island. Of these Col. Russell’s men killed five and 
took one prisoner, who was mortally wounded, and also 
made prize of twenty rifles belonging to the Indians.* 

During the time the Indians were around the fort, James 
Cooper and a boy named Samuel Moore, went out after 
boards to cover a hut. When near the mouth of Gap Creek, 
they were attacked by Indians ; Cooper leaped into the river, 
and by diving hoped to escape their arrows and bullets, but 
the water became too shallow and he was killed by them and 
scalped. The firing by the Indians and the screams of 
Cooper were heard in the fort, and Lieutenant John Sevier at¬ 
tempted to go to his succour. Captain Robertson saw that 
the Indians were superior in force to that within the fort, and 
that it would require all the men he commanded to protect the 
women and children from massacre. The firing and scream¬ 
ing without, he believed to be a feint on the part of the 
enemy to draw his men from the fortification, and he recalled 
Sevier and his party from the attempted rescue. Moore 
was carried prisoner to the Indian towns, and was tortured 
to death by burning. A few mornings after the battle a man 
named Clonse was found in the thicket below the fort, killed 
and scalped. He had probably chosen the darkness of the 

*Maryland Gazette. 


DIVISION COMMANDED BY RAVEN. 


159 


night to reach the fort from some of the settlements, and had 
been intercepted and slain. The intelligence of the defeat 
at the Island Flats had probably reached the division com¬ 
manded by Old Abraham, and occasioned the precipitate re¬ 
treat from Watauga. 

Another division of the Cherokees, commanded by Raven* 
had struck across the country, with the intention of falling 
upon the frontier people of Carter’s Valley. They came up 
Holston to tile lowest station, and finding the inhabitants 
securely shut up in forts, and hearing of the repulse at Wa¬ 
tauga and the bloody defeat at the Flats, they retreated and 
returned to their towns. 

A fourth party of Indians had crossed the country still 
lower down, and fell in upon the inhabitants scattered along 
the valley of Clinch. To this body of the enemy no oppo¬ 
sing force was presented. They divided themselves into 
small detachments, and carried fire and devastation and 
massacre into every settlement, from the remotest cabin on 
Clinch, to the Seven Mile Ford, in Virginia. One of these 
detachments made a sudden inroad upon the Wolf Hills Set¬ 
tlement. A station had been built there, near the present 
town of Abingdon, at the house of Joseph Black. This 
station was a centre or rallying point for the infant settle¬ 
ments then being extended down the Holston Valley, into 
what is now Tennessee. As early as 1772, a congregation 
was organized and two churches built dmong these primitive 
people, to whom the Rev. Charles Cummings regularly 
preached. On this occasion, Mr. Cummings and four others, 
going to his field, were attacked by the Indians. At the first 
fire William Creswell, who was driving a wagon, was killed, 
and during the skirmish two others were wounded. Mr. 
Cummings and his servant, both of whom were well armed, 
drove the Indians from their ambush, and with the aid of 
some men from the fort, who, hearing the firing, came to 

* “ The Raven is one of the Cherokee favourite war names. Carolina and 
Georgia remember Quorinnali, the Raven of Huwhase-town. He was one of the 
most daring warriors of the whole nation, and by far the most intelligent, and this 
name or war appellative admirably suited his well-known character.” “ The name 
points out au indefatigable, keen, successful warrior.”— Adair. 


160 


A FRONTIER CONGREGATION. 


their relief, brought in the dead and wounded. Mr. Cres- 
well had been in the battle at Long Island. His numerous 
descendants reside in Sevier and Blount counties. 

From the period that Mr. C. commenced preaching in the 
Holston settlements, up to the time of this attack, the men 
never went to church without being armed and taking their 
families with them. On Sabbath morning, during most of 
this period, it was the custom of Mr. Cummings to dress 
himself neatly, put on his shot pouch, shoulder his rifle, mount 
his horse and ride off to church, where he met his gallant 
and intelligent congregation—each man with his rifle in his 
hand. The minister would then enter the church, walk 
gravely through the crowd, ascend the pulpit, deposit his 
rifle in a corner of it, lay off his shot pouch and commence 
the solemn services of the day. # 

The several invasions, by as many separate parties of 
Cherokee warriors, well armed, and carrying with them full 
supplies of ammunition, were ascribed to the instigation of 
British officers. The imputation is a serious one, and should 
not be made without adequate testimony. It is abhorrent to 
the feelings of civilized man; it is in direct conflict with the 
kindly sympathies of a Christian people, and it is repugnant 
to all the pleasant charities of life, to incite a blood-thirsty 
and barbarous nation to perpetrate outrage and cruelty, 
rapine and murder, havoc and war, indiscriminately upon 
valiant men, helpless women and innocent children. Not 
only was this invasion by the Cherokees imputed to British 
agency, but the details of it were traced to a concerted plan 
of attack, arranged by Gen. Gage and the Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs. 

John Stuart was sole agent and Superintendent of his 
Majesty’s Indian Affairs for the Southern District. For a 
long time he had been suspected of endeavouring to influ¬ 
ence the Indians against the American cause. In support 
of these suspicions, a gentleman from North-Carolina had 
given some particulars to the committee of intelligence, in 
Charleston, which he had collected from the Catawba In¬ 
dians. Stuart departed suddenly from Charleston, just before 
* Letter of General Campbell, of Abingdon. 


captain stuart’s letter-book. 


161 


v 


the meeting of the Provincial Congress, and went to Savan¬ 
nah. There his official letter-book was seen, by Mr. Haber¬ 
sham, in which a fall confirmation was found of the suspi¬ 
cions excited against him, and proving that his intention was, 
evidently, to arouse the resentment and stimulate the bad 
passions of the savages in their neighbourhood against 
Anglo-Americans struggling against oppression, and vindi¬ 
cating the rights of freemen. In the letter-book was found 
a despatch from Mr. Cameron, saying to Mr. Stuart, “ that 
the traders must, by some means or other, get ammunition 
among them, or otherwise they may become troublesome to 
him for the want of it.” The ammunition was, doubtless, 
furnished, and went into the outfit of the several detach¬ 
ments of warriors that soon after invaded the quiet and 
unoffending pioneers of Tennessee. 

Only one of these written disclosures of the murderous 
policy adopted by England against American citizens, had 
yet reached the frontier; but there were other sources of in¬ 
formation, not less authentic or reliable, from which the 
machinations of the enemy were soon made known. The 
traders noticed at first a spirit of suspicion and discontent, 
and directly after unmistakable evidences of fixed resentment 
and hostility. This discovery was communicated to the 
settlers, and along with the friendly interposition of the Che¬ 
rokee Pocahontas, saved the settlements from a surprise that 
might otherwise have proved fatal. 

Simultaneously with these several invasions of the frontier 
settlements of Virginia and North-Carolina by the Cherokees, 
that warlike nation was carrying into execution the mur¬ 
derous policy instigated by British officers against South- 
Carolina and Georgia. A plan for compelling the colonies 
to submission, had been concerted between the British com¬ 
mander-in-chief, General Gage, and the Superintendent of 
Southern Indian Affairs, John Stuart. That plan shall be 
given in the words of a British historian 

“ British agents were again employed, in engaging the Indians to 
make a diversion, and to enter the Southern Colonies on their back and 
defencless parts. Accustomed to their dispositions and habits of mind, 

* C. Stedman, History American War, vol. 1. 

11 


1G2 PREPARATIONS TO INVADE 

*** 

the agents found hut little difficulty in bringing them over to their pur¬ 
pose, by presents and hopes of spoil and plunder. A large body of men 
was to be sent to West Florida, in order to penetrate through the terri¬ 
tories of the Creeks, Chickasaws and Cherokees. The warriors of these 
nations were to join the body, and the Carolinas and Virginia were im¬ 
mediately to be invaded. At the same time the attention of the colo¬ 
nies was to be diverted, by another formidable naval and military force, 
which was to make an impression on the sea coast. But this under¬ 
taking was not to depend solely on the British army and Indians. It 
was intended to engage the assistance of such of the white inhabitants of 
the back settlements, as were known to be well affected to the British 
cause. Circular letters were accordingly sent to those persons by* Mr. 
Stuart, requiring not only the well affected, but also those who wished 
to preserve their property from the miseries of a civil war, to repair to 
the royal standard as soon as it should be erected in the Cherokee 
country, with all their horses, cattle and provisions, for which they should 
be liberally paid.” 

A part only of this complicated plan was executed. Sir 
Peter Parker appeared with a British squadron in May, 
off the coast of North-Carolina, and early in June prepared 
to attack Charleston with a large naval and military force. 
The Indians were true to their engagement. Being informed 
that a British fleet with troops had arrived off Charleston, 
they proceeded to take up the war club, and with the dawn 
of day on the first day of July, the Cherokees poured down 
upon the frontiers of South-Carolina, massacring without 
distinction of age or sex, all persons who fell into their 
power. Several white men with whom Cameron and Stuart 
had been intriguing, painted and dressed as Indians, marched 
with and directed their attacks upon the most defenceless 
points of the frontier. The news of the gallant defence at 
Sullivan’s Island, and the repulse of Sir Peter Parker, in the 
harbour of Charleston, on the 28th of June, arrived soon after 
that glorious victory, and frustrated in part the plan as con¬ 
certed. 

Preparations were immediately made, to march with an 
imposing force upon the Cherokee nation. The whole fron¬ 
tier, from Georgia to the head of Holston in Virginia, had 
been invaded at once ; and the four southern colonies, now 
on the point ot becoming sovereign and independent states, 
assumed an offensive position, and determined in their turn 
to invade and destroy their deluded and savage enemies. 


THE CHEROKEE NATION. 


163 


The Cherokee nation at this time occupied, as places of resi- 
1776 \ ^ ence or as h un ^ n » grounds, all the territory west and 
l north of the upper settlements in Georgia, and west of 
the Carolinas and South-western Virginia. They were the 
most warlike and enterprising of the native tribes, and, ex¬ 
cept the Creeks, were the most numerous. Intercourse with 
the whites had made them acquainted with the use of small 
arms and some of the modes of civilized warfare. They had 
made some advances in agriculture. They, lived in towns of 
various sizes—their government was simple, and in time of 
war especially, the authority of their chiefs and warriors was 
supreme. Their country was known by three great geo¬ 
graphical divisions : The Lower Towns, the Middle Settle¬ 
ments and Vallies, and the Over-hill Towns. 

The number of warriors were, in the 


Middle Settlements and Vallies, 

- 

- 

00 

Jr- 

CO 

In Lower Towns, - 

- 

- 

356 

In Over-hill Towns, - 

- 

- 

lol 


Total Cherokee men in Towns, - - - 1991 

To these may be added such warriors as lived in the less 
compact settlements, estimated at five hundred. * 

To inflict suitable chastisement upon the Cherokees, seve¬ 
ral expeditions were at once made into their territories. Colo¬ 
nel McBury and Major Jack, from Georgia, entered the Indian 
settlements on Tugaloo, and defeating the enemy, destroyed 
all their towns on that river. General Williamson, of South- 
Carolina, early in July began to embody the militia of that 
state, and before the end of that month was at the head of 
an army of eleven hundred and fifty men, marching to meet 
Cameron, who was, with a large body of Esseneca Indians and 
disaffected white men, encamped at Oconoree. Encounter¬ 
ing and defeating this body of the enemy, he destroyed their 
town and a large amount of provisions. He burned Sugaw 
Town, Soconee, Iveowee, Ostatoy, Tugaloo and Brass Town. 
He proceeded against Tomassee, Chehokee and Eustustie, 
where, observing a recent trail of the enemy, he made pur¬ 
suit and soon met and vanquished three hundred of their 
warriors. These towns he afterwards destroyed. 

* Drayton. 



164 


GENERAL RUTHERFORD’S ARMY. 


In the meantime, an army had been raised in North-Caro- 
lina, under command of General Rutherford, and a place of 
joining their respective forces had been agreed upon by that 
officer and Colonel Williamson, under the supposition that 
nothing less than their united force was adequate to the reduc¬ 
tion of the Middle Settlements and Yallies. Colonel Martin 
Armstrong, of Surry county, in August raised a small regiment 
of militia and marched with them to join General Rutherford. 
Benjamin Cleveland was one of Armstrong’s captains. Wil¬ 
liam (afterwards general) Lenoir was Cleveland’s first lieu¬ 
tenant, and William Gray his second lieutenant. Armstrong’s 
regiment crossed John’s River at McKenney’s ford, passed 
the Quaker Meadows and crossed the Catawba at Greenlee’s 
ford, and at Cathey’s Fort joined the army under General 
Rutherford, consisting of above two thousand men. The Blue 
Ridge was crossed by this army at the Swannanae Gap, and 
the march continued down the river of the same name to its 
mouth, near to which they crossed the French Broad. From 
that river the army marched up Hominy Creek, leaving Pis- 
gah on the left and crossing Pigeon a little below the mouth 
of the East Fork. Thence through the mountain to Richland 
Creek, above the present Waynesville, and ascending that 
creek and crossing Tuckaseigee River at an Indian town. 
They then crossed the Cowee Mountain, where they had an 
engagement with the enemy,in which but one white man was 
wounded. The Indians carried off their dead. From thence 
the army marched to the Middle Towns on Tennessee River, 
where they expected to form a junction with the South-Caro- 
lina troops under General Williamson. Here, after waiting 
a few days, they left a strong guard and continued the march 
to the Hiwassee towns. All the Indian villages were found 
evacuated, the warriors having fled without offering any 
resistance. Few were killed or wounded on either side, and 
but few prisoners taken by the whites—but they destroyed all 
the buildings, crops and stock of the enemy, and left them in 
a starving condition. This army returned by the same route 
it had marched. They destroyed thirty or forty Cherokee 
towns. # The route has since been known as Rutherford’s 
Trace. 

* Gen. Lenoir’s letter to this writer. 


GENERAL CHRISTIAN INVADES CHEROKEE NATION. 


165 


While the troops commanded by McBury, Williamson and 
Rutherford, were thus desolating the Lower Towns and 
Middle Settlements of the Cherokees, another army, not less 
valiant or enterprising, had penetrated to the more secure, 
because more remote, Over-hill Towns. We have seen that 
the great chieftains of these interior places, Dragging-Canoe, 
Old Abram of Chilhowee, and Raven, had, at the head of 
their several commands, fallen upon Watauga and the other 
infant settlements, and although signally repulsed, some of 
them had united with another detachment, under another 
leader, and were spreading devastation and ruin upon the 
unprotected settlements near the head of Holston and Clinch? 
in Virginia. The government of that state, indignant at 
aggressions so unprovoked and so offensive, soon acted in a 
manner suitable to her exalted sense of national honour. 
Orders were immediately given to Col. William Christian to 
raise an army and to march them at once into the heart of 
the Cherokee country. The place of rendezvous was the 
Great Island of Holston. This service was undertaken with 
the greatest alacrity, and so active were the exertions of the 
officers and men that by the first of August several compa¬ 
nies had assembled at the place appointed. This prepara¬ 
tory movement was itself sufficient to drive off the Indians 
who still remained lurking around the settlements. Soon 
after Col. Christian was reinforced by three or four hundred 
North-Carolina militia, under Col. Joseph Williams, Col. 
Love and Major Winston. To these were added such gun¬ 
men as could be spared from the neighbouring forts and 
stations. The whole army took up the line of march for the 
Cherokee towns, nearly two hundred miles distant. Crossing 
the Holston at the Great Island, they marched eight miles 
and encamped at the Double Springs, on the head waters of 
Lick Creek. Here the army remained a few days, till the 
reinforcement from Watauga should overtake it. The whole 
force now amounted to eighteen hundred men, including 
pack-horse men and bullock drivers. All were well armed 
with rifles, tomahawks and butcher knives. The army was 
all infantry, except a single company of light horse. While 
on the march the precaution was taken to send forward 


166 


ARMY WADES FRENCH BROAD, 


sixteen spies to the crossing place of the French Broad. The 
Indians had boasted that the white men should never cross 
that river. Near the mouth of Lick Creek were extensive 
cano-brakes, which, with a lagoon or swamp of a mile long, 
obstructed the march. The army succeeded, however, in 
crossing through this pass. The packs and beeves did not 
get through till midnight. At the encampment that night, 
Alexander Harlin came in and informed Col. Christian that 
a body of three thousand warriors were awaiting his arrival 
at French Broad, and would certainly there dispute his pas¬ 
sage across that stream. He was ordered into camp with 
the spies. At the bend of Nollichucky the camps of the 
enemy were found by the spies, deserted, but affording 
unerring evidence that the Indians were embodied in large 
numbers. This, with the message of Harlin, put the com¬ 
mander on his guard, and the march was resumed, next day, 
with every precaution and preparation against a surprise. 
Harlin was dismissed with a request from Col. Christian that 
he would inform the Indians of his determination to cross 
not only the French Broad, but the Tennessee, before he 
stopped. The route to be pursued was unknown and through 
a wilderness. Isaac Thomas, a trader among the Cherokees, 
acted as the pilot. He conducted the army along a narrow 
but plain war path up Long Creek to its source, and down 
Dumplin Creek to a point a few miles from its mouth, where 
the war path struck across to the ford of French Broad, near 
what has since been known as Buckingham’s Island. As 
they came down Dumplin, and before they reached the river, 
the army was met by Fallen, a trader, having a white flag 
in his rifle. Christian directed that he should not be dis¬ 
turbed and that no notice should be taken of his embassy. 
He departed immediately, and gave to the Indians informa¬ 
tion that the whites, as numerous as the trees, were march¬ 
ing into their country. Arrived at the river, Col. Christian 
ordered every mess to kindle a good fire and strike up tent, 
as though he intended to encamp there several days. During 
the night a large detachment was sent down the river to an 
island, near where Brabson’s mill now stands, with direc¬ 
tions to cross the river at that place, and to come up the 


near Buckingham’s island. 


167 


river, on its southern bank, next morning. This order was 
executed with great difficulty. The ford was deep, and the 
water so rapid as to require the men to march in platoons of 
four abreast, so as to brace each other against the impetu¬ 
ous stream. In one place the water reached nearly to the 
shoulders of the men, but the ammunition and the guns were 
kept dry. 

Next morning the main body crossed the river near the 
Big Island. They marched in order of battle, expecting an 
attack from the Indians, who were supposed to be lying 
about in ambush ; but to their surprise no trace was found 
even of a recent camp. The detachment met no molestation 
from the enemy, and, joining the main body, a halt was made 
one day, for the purpose of drying the baggage and provi¬ 
sions which had got wet in crossing the river. 

When it was understood in the Cherokee nation that 
Christian was about to invade their territory, one thousand 
warriors assembled at the Big Island of French Broad to 
resist the invaders. The great war path, which led through 
it, was considered as the gate to the best part of their coun¬ 
try ; and the island being the key to it, the Indians deter¬ 
mined to maintain and defend that point to the last extremity. 
From that place, a message was sent by Fallen, as already 
mentioned, addressed to the commanding officer, not to at¬ 
tempt the crossing, as a formidable host of their braves 
would be there to dispute the passage. After the departure 
of the messenger, a trader named Starr, who was in the 
Indian encampment, harangued the warriors in an earnest 
tone. He said that the Great Spirit had made the one race 
of white clay and the other of red ; that he had intended the 
former to conquer and subdue the latter, and that the pale 
faces would not only invade their country, but would over¬ 
run and occupy it. He advised, therefore, an immediate 
abandonment of their purpose of defence, and a retreat to 
their villages and the fastnesses of their mountains. The 
trader’s counsels prevailed — all defensive measures were 
abandoned, and, without waiting for the return of their mes¬ 
sengers, the warriors dispersed, and the island was found 
deserted and their encampments broken up and forsaken. 


168 


ARMY CROSSES TENNESSEE. 


The next morning the army resumed its march. The route 
led along the valley of Boyd’s Creek and down Ellejay to Lit¬ 
tle River. From there to the Tennessee River not an Indian 
was seen. Col. Christian supposed that, as the Cherokee 
settlements and towns were upon the opposite bank, he 
would meet a formidable resistance in attempting to cross 
it. When the troops came within a few miles of the ford, 
he called upon them to follow him in a run till they came to 
the river. This was done, and, pushing through, they took 
possession of a town called Tamotlee, above the mouth of 
Telico. The army, pack horses, &c., were all safely crossed 
over before night, and the encampment was made in the 
deserted town. Next morning they marched to the Great 
Island Town, which was taken without resistance. The 
fertile lands in the neighbourhood furnished a supply of corn, 
potatoes and other provisions, and the Indian huts made 
comfortable bivouacs for the troops. The commander, for 
these reasons, made this place, temporarily, head-quarters 
and a centre for future operations. A panic had seized the 
Cherokee warriors, and not one of them could be found. 
Small detachments were, therefore, from time to time, sent 
out to different parts of the nation, and finding no armed 
enemy to contend against, they adopted, as not a less effec¬ 
tual chastisement of the implacable enemy, the policy of 
laying waste and burning their fields and towns. In this 
manner Neowee, Telico, Chilhowee and other villages were 
destroyed. Occasionally, during these excursions, a few 
warriors were seen, escaping from one town to a place of 
greater safety, and were killed. No males were taken pri¬ 
soners. These devastations were confined to such towns as 
were known to have advised or consented to hostilities, while 
such, like the Beloved Town, Chota, as had been disposed to 
peace, were spared. Col. Christian endeavoured to convince 
the Cherokees that he warred only with enemies. He sent 
out three or four men with white flags, and requested a talk 
with the chiefs. Six or seven immediately came in. In a 
few days several others, from the more distant towns, came 
forward also and proposed peace. It was granted, but not 
to take effect till a treaty should be made by representatives 


A CONDITIONAL PEACE AGREED UPON. 


169 


from the whole tribe, to assemble the succeeding May, at 
Long Island. A suspension of hostilities was, in the mean¬ 
time, provided for, with the exception of two towns high up 
in the mountains, on Tennessee River. These had burnt a 
prisoner, a youth named Moore, whom they had taken at 
Watauga. Tuskega and the other excepted town were 
reduced to ashes. 

Colonel Christian finding nothing more to occupy his army 
longer, broke up his camp at Great Island Town, marched 
to Chota, recrossed the Tennessee and returned to the settle¬ 
ments. In this campaign of about three months, not one man 
was killed. A few, from inclement weather and undue fatigue, 
became sick. No one died. The Rev. Charles Cummings 
accompanied the expedition as chaplain, and was thus the 
first Christian minister that ever preached in Tennessee. A 
pioneer of civilization, of learning and of religion—let his 
memory not be forgotten ! 

Most of the troops commanded by Christian were disbanded 
at Long Island, where they had been mustered into service. 
A portion of them were retained and went into winter quar¬ 
ters. A new fort was erected there, which, in honour of the 
patriotic Governor of Virginia, was called “Fort Henry. 1 ’ Its 
ruins are still pointed out on the lands of Colonel Nether- 
land. Supplies of provisions were brought to it from Rock 
Bridge and Augusta counties, in wagons and on pack-horses. 

Captain Thompson, who commanded a company at Long 
Island in July preceding, was with his company in this cam¬ 
paign, and formed the life-guard of the commanding general. 

In the centre of the Cherokee towns, taken by Christian’s 
troops, was found a circular tower, rudely built and covered 
with dirt, thirty feet in diameter and about twenty feet high. 
This tower was used as a council house and as a place for 
celebrating the green corn dance and other national ceremo¬ 
nials. Within it were beds, made of cane, rather tastefully 
arranged around its circumference. Each tower had a single 
entrance, a narrow door. There was neither window nor 
chimney. 

The unexpected invasions made by the hitherto peaceable 
Cherokees upon the infant settlements, retarded for a time 


170 


NEW FLOOD OF EMIGRANTS. 


the rapid growth and enlargement by which they had been, 
for five years, so signally distinguished. But the remarkable 
success that had followed the unaided efforts of some of the 
stations, to repulse the assailants and to defend themselves, 
left little ground of apprehension for the future. Not one 
emigrant deserted the frontier or crossed the mountain for 
safety. On the other hand, the campaign that had been carried 
into the heart of the enemy’s country, had done more for the 
new settlements than the mere security it afforded from pre¬ 
sent assault or future invasion. The volunteers who com¬ 
posed the command of Christian were, many of them, from 
the more interior counties of North-Carolina and Virginia. 
In their marches they had seen and noticed the fertile vallies, 
the rich uplands, the sparkling fountains, the pellucid streams, 
the extensive grazing and hunting grounds, and had felt the 
genial influences of the climate of the best part of East Ten¬ 
nessee. Each soldier, upon his return home, gave a glowing 
account of the adaptation of the country to all the purposes 
of agriculture. The story was repeated from one to another, 
till upon the Roanoke and the Yadkin the people spoke fami¬ 
liarly of the Holston, the Nollichucky, the French Broad, Lit¬ 
tle River and the Tennessee. Particular places were selected, 
springs designated and points chosen as centres for future 
settlements. A flood of emigration followed to strengthen, 
build up and enlarge the little community already planted 
across the mountain. 

Notwithstanding these accessions to their strength, the 
frontier people continued their accustomed vigilance. A gar¬ 
rison was still maintained in Fort Henry. The military com¬ 
mand of the country was in the hands of Col. Arthur Camp¬ 
bell, of Washington county, Virginia, under the belief that 
the settlements were included within the limits of that state. 
Col. Campbell ordered Captain Robertson to keep the Wa¬ 
tauga people assembled in two places for mutual protection 
and safety—he designated Patton’s and Rice’s Mills as the 
most suitable points, on account of the weakness of the set¬ 
tlement below the fort, and of the danger to which they might 
soon be exposed. 

In addition to these precautionary measures, it was ordered 


LETTER FROM COLONEL ROBERTSON 


171 


by the authorities of Virginia that four hundred men, under 
the command of Col. Evan Shelby and Major Anthony Bled¬ 
soe, should be stationed on the south-western frontiers, at such 
places as would most effectually protect the inhabitants 
against the Indians. A part of the Cherokees were known 
to be still hostile—their towns had been destroyed and their 
country laid waste, but their warriors had survived, and some 
of them still panted for revenge, and had resolved to repu¬ 
diate any participation in the contemplated treaty. 

A letter is preserved from Col. Charles Robertson, Trustee 
of the Watauga Association. In it will be found some infor¬ 
mation never before published. It follows : 

Washington District, 27th April, 1777. 
His Excellency Richard Caswell, 

Captain General of North-Carolina : 

Sir : The many hostilities committed by the Cherokee and Creek In¬ 
dians on this frontier, since the departure of the gentlemen delegates 
from this county, merit your Excellency’s consideration. I will give 
myself the pleasure to inform you of the particulars of this distressed 
place, and of our unhappy situation. There have been several murders 
committed lately, and on the 10th of this instant one Frederick Calvatt 
was shot and scalped, but is yet living ; and on the day following Capt. 
James Robertson pursued the enemy with nine men, killed one and re¬ 
took ten horses, and on his return in the evening was attacked by a 
party of Creeks and Cherokees, who wounded two of his men. Rob¬ 
ertson returned the fire very bravely, but was obliged to retreat on account 
of their superior numbers, still kept the horses and brought them in. 
On the 27th of March last, Col. Nathaniel Guess brought letters from 
the Governor of Virginia, which letters were sent by an Indian woman 
to the Cherokee nation, soliciting them to come in, in eighteen days, to 
treat for peace ; accordingly there came a party of about eighty-five fel¬ 
lows, (but none of the principal warriors that had first begun the war,) 
and at their arrival’the commanding officer at Fort Patrick Henry sent 
for me to march some troops to that garrison, as a guard during the 
treaty. Accordingly I went, and on the 20th ult. the talks began, and 
the articles of the treaty were as follows: first, a copy of the governor’s 
letter was read to them, promising them protection, such as ammuni¬ 
tion, provision, and men to build forts, and guard and assist them 
against any nation, white or red; and in return the Commissioners re¬ 
quired the same from them, to which the Indians replied, they could not 
fight against their Father, King George, but insisted on Col. Christian’s 
promise to them last fall, that if they would make a peace they should 
lie neutral and no assistance be asked from them by the states. The Com¬ 
missioners then asked some of them to go to Williamsburgh, not as hos- 


172 


TREATY AT LONG ISLAND. 


tages, but to see their goods delivered, to obviate any suspicion of false 
reports. A number of about ten agreed to go ; the Commissioners then 
told them that Virginia and South-Carolina gave them peace and pro¬ 
tection, and North-Carolina offered it: to which the Indians replied, 
they heai’d the talks from South Carolina, and they and the talks from 
Virginia were very good. The Indians then promised to try and bring 
in the Dragging Canoe and his party, (a party that lies out, and has refused 
to come in, but says they will hold fast to Cameron’s talks,) and they still 
made no doubt but they could prevail on him, and said that he had sent 
his talk with them, and what they agreed to he would abide by. But 
t^e Little Carpenter, in private conversation with Capt. Thomas Price, 
contradicted it, and said that the Canoe and his party were fighting 
Capt. Robertson a few days before ; and the last day of the talks there 
arrived an express from Clinch River, informing us of two men being 
killed, to which the Indians replied, to keep a sharp look out, for there 
were a great many of their men out; and several of their women pre¬ 
sent declared that the talks was before the time to get guns and am¬ 
munition and continue the war as formerly Accordingly they de¬ 
manded them, which was the finishing of the talk, and in sixty days 
they w r ere to come in to treat and confirm the peace, and if they could 
not bring in the Dragging Canoe, they send word laying the blame of 
the late murder on the Creeks. 

This, sir, is a true state of the whole proceedings of which I have the 
honour to inform your Excellency, conscious you will take every prudent 
method for our security. 

I am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Charles Robertson. 

N. B. There has been to the number of about twelve persons killed, 
since the delegates departed. 

But the Cherokee nation at large was reduced to great 
want and suffering. Their national pride being humbled 
and their martial spirit subdued, they made overtures of 
peace. Two separate treaties were made. The one at 
Dewitt’s Corner with Commissioners from South-Carolina 
and Georgia, by which large cessions of country on the Sa¬ 
vannah and Saluda Rivers were made. The other was held, 
according to the agreement made between Col. Christain 
and several of the chiefs of the Over-hill Towns, at Long- 
Island. It was conducted by Waightstill Avery, Joseph 
Winton and Robert Lanier, Commissioners on the part of 
North-Carolina, and Col Preston, Col. Christian and Col. 
Evan Shelby on the part of Virginia, and the Head-men and 
warriors for the Cherokee Indians. By this treaty Brown’s 
line was established as the boundary line between the con- 


CHICKAMAUGAS REFUSE TO SIGN THE TREATY. 


173 


tracting parties, and the Indians relinquished their lands as 
low down Holston as the mouth of Cloud’s Creek. 

During the progress of the negotiation, the Commissioners 
reproached the Cherokees with a breach of good faith, on 
account of some massacres that had been perpetrated du¬ 
ring the suspension of hostilities. They excused themselves by 
ascribing these murders to the Chickamaugas, a tribe settled 
on a creek of that name, whose chieftain, the Dragging Ca¬ 
noe, had refused to accept of peace on the terms offered by 
Col. Christian. 

The whole treaty and the proceedings during the negotia¬ 
tion, are found in Haywood, Appendix, page 488, and onward. 
It is deemed to be sufficient here to give the boundaries as 
agreed upon between North-Carolina and the Cherokees, as 
found in Article V of the treaty. 

ARTICLE V. 

That the boundary line between the State of .North-Carolina and 
the said Over-hill Cherokees shall forever hereafter be and remain as 
follows, (to wit:) Beginning at a point in the dividing line which 
during this treaty hath been agreed upon between the said Over-hill 
Cherokees and the State of Virginia, where the line between that state 
and North-Carolina (hereafter to be extended) shall cross or intersect 
the same, running thence a right line to the north bank of Holston 
River at the mouth of Cloud’s Creek, being the second creek below the 
Warrior’s Ford, at the mouth of Carter’s Valley, thence a right line to 
the highest point of a mountain called the High Rock or Chimney Top, 
from thence a right line to the mouth of Camp Creek, otherwise called 
Mc’Nama’s Creek, on the south bank of Nolichucky River, about ten 
miles or thereabouts below the mouth of Great Limestone, be the same 
more or less, and from the mouth of Camp Creek aforesaid a south-east 
course into tlie mountains which divide the hunting grounds of the 
middle settlements -from those of the Over-hill Cherokees. 

The Commissioners of North Carolina appointed Captain James 
Robertson temporary agent for North-Carolina, and in written instruc¬ 
tions directed him to repair to Chota in company with the warriors re¬ 
turning from the treaty, there to reside till otherwise ordered by the 
governor. He was to discover if possible, the disposition of the Drag¬ 
ging Canoe towards this treaty, as also, of Judge Friend, the Lying Fish 
and others, who did not attend it, and whether there was any danger of 
a renewal of hostilities by one or more of these chiefs. He was also to 
find out tne conversations between the Cherokees and the southern, 
western and northern tribes of Indians. He was to search in all the 
Indian towns for persons disaffected to the American cause, and have 
them brought before some justice of the peace, to take the oath of fidelity 
to the United States, and in case of refusal to deal with them as the law 
directed. Travellers into the Indian nation without passes, such as the 


174 


WATAUGA DYNASTY TERMINATES, AND THE 


third article of the treaty required, were to he secured. He was imme¬ 
diately to get into possession all the horses, cattle and other property, 
belonging to the people ofNorth-Carolina, and to cause them to be re¬ 
stored to their respective owners. He was to inform the government of 
all occurrences worthy of notice, to conduct himself with prudence and 
to obtain the favour and confidence of the chiefs ; and in all matters with 
respect to which, he was not particularly instructed, he was to exercise his 
own discretion, always keeping in view the honour and interest of the 
United States in general, and of North-Carolina in particular. These 
instructions were dated on the same day the treaty was signed, the 20th 
of July, 1777. The commissioners addressed a letter to the chiefs and 
warriors of the Middle, Lower and Valley towns, on the 21st of July, in¬ 
forming them of the treaty of peace which they had just signed, and of 
the intention of the commissioners to recommend to the governor the 
holding of a treaty with them, of which he should give due notice to 
them of the time and place. They promised protection and safety to 
the chiefs and warriors who should attend it, and a suspension of hostili¬ 
ties in the meantime, and they requested that the messengers who 
should be sent from North-Carolina to their towns, might be protected 
from insult, be permitted to perform their business, and to return in 
safety. 

In April of this year an act was passed by the Legislature 
( of North-Carolina, for the encouragement of the mili- 
l tia and volunteers in prosecuting the war against that 
part of the Cherokees who still persisted in hostilities. At 
the same session an act was passed for the establishment of 
courts of pleas and quarter sessions, and also for appointing 
and commissioning justices of the peace and sheriffs for the 
several courts in the district of Washington, in this state. 

No frontier community had ever been better governed than 
the Watauga settlement. In war and in peace, without legisla¬ 
tors or judicial tribunals, except those adopted and provided 
by themselves, the settlers had lived in uninterrupted har¬ 
mony—acting justly to all, offering violence and injury to 
none. But the primitive simplicity of patriarchal life, as 
exhibited by a small settlement in a secluded wilderness, 
uncontaminated by contact with the artificial society of 
older communities, was forced to yield to the stern commands 
of progress and improvement. The hunter and pastoral 
stages of society were to be merged into the agricultural and 
commercial, the civil and political. Hereafter, Watauga, 
happy, independent, free and self-reliant, the cradle of the 
Great West, is merged into and becomes a part ofNorth-Caro¬ 
lina ! 


RULE OF NORTH-CAROLINA BEGINS. 


175 


CHAPTER III. 

TENNESSEE—AS PART OF NORTH-CAROLINA, AND THE 
PARTICIPATION OF HER PIONEERS IN THE 
REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

* 

The general assembly of North-Carolina in November, 
seventeen hundred and seventy-seven, formed Washington dis¬ 
trict into a county of the same name, assigning to it the bound¬ 
aries of the whole of the present great State of Tennessee.* 
By an act passed at the same session, establishing Entry Ta¬ 
kers’ offices in the several counties, “ lands which have ac¬ 
crued or shall accrue to the state by treaty or conquest ,” are 
subject to entry, &c.f 

At the same session of the assembly, provision was made 
for opening a land-office in Washington county, at the rate of 
forty shillings per hundred acres, with the liberal permission 
to each head of a family to take up six hundred and forty 
acres himself, one hundred acres for his wife, and the same 
quantity for each of his children. The law provided that the 
Watauga settlers should not be obliged to pay for their occu¬ 
pancies till January of 1779, and then for any surplus entered 
above the quantity before mentioned, the purchaser was re¬ 
quired to pay five pounds per hundred.J 

The facility of taking up the choice lands of the country, 
induced great numbers of persons, principally those without 
means, to emigrate to the frontier. A poor man, with seldom 
more than a single pack-horse on which the wife and infant 
were carried, with a few clothes and bed-quilts, a skillet and 
a small sack of meal, was often seen wending his way along 
the narrow mountain trace, with a rifle upon his shoulder— 
the elder sons carrying an axe, a hoe, sometimes an auger 

* For the boundaries of Washington county, and all counties subsequently 
erected out of it, see Appendix at end of volume. 

\ Iredell’s Revisal, page 292, chap, i., sec. 3. 

t Haywood. 


176 


CHARACTER OF PIONEERS. 


\ 

and a saw, and the older daughters leading or carrying the 
smaller children. Without a dollar in his pocket when he 
arrived at the distant frontier, the emigrant became at once 
a large land-holder. Such men laid the foundation of society 
and government in Tennessee. They brought no wealth with 
them—but what was far better, they had industrious and fru¬ 
gal habits, they had hardihood and enterprise, and fearlessness 
and self-reliance. With such elements in the character of its 
pioneers, any community will soon subdue the wilderness to 
the purposes of agriculture. 

Hitherto emigrants had reached the new settlements upon 
pack-horses and along the old trading paths or narrow traces 
that had first been blazed by hunters. No wagon road had 
been opened across the mountains of North-Carolina to the 
West. The legislature of this year appointed commissioners 
to lay off and mark a road from the court-house of Washington 
county into the county of Burke. After that road was opened, 
emigrants of larger property began to reach the country, and 
some of the settlements assumed the appearance of greater 
comfort and thrift. The first house covered with shingles was 
put up this year. It stood a few miles east of the present 
Jonesboro’, near “The Cottage,” the residence of J. W. 
Deaderick, Esq. 

Under the provisions of an act passed for encouraging the 
militia and volunteers to prosecute the war against the In¬ 
dians, the militia of Washington county was, for the greater 
part of this year, in the service of the state. This enabled 
every able-bodied man between eighteen and fifty years of 
age to secure the lands he wished to own. It had the fur¬ 
ther effect of keeping the frontier well guarded. Companies 
of rangers were kept upon the most exposed points to scour 
the woods and cane-brakes, and to pursue and disperse small 
parties of ill-disposed Indians who, hovering about the settle¬ 
ments, occasionally killed and plundered the. inhabitants. 
Under the protection of these rangers, the settlements were 
widened and extended down Nollichucky below the mouth of 
Big Limestone, and down Holston to the treaty line. Indeed, 
the frontiers were so well guarded that the Indians consi¬ 
dered their incursions as perilous to themselves as they could 


REINFORCEMENT FROM IIOLSTON TO BOONESBOROUGII. 177 

be to the white inhabitants, and for a great part of the year 
forbore to make them.* 

John Carter was appointed Colonel of Washington county, 

[ and in the execution of his duties as commandant, his 
( authority had been interfered with by men acting under 
the orders of General Rutherford. Bringing this subject to 
the notice of Governor Caswell, Col. Carter uses this inde¬ 
pendent language: “Your Excellency may be assured that I 
will do everything in my power for regulating the militia, 
for the defence of our frontier, and for the benefit of the 
United States, but if my dignity is to be sported with under 
those circumstances, I have no need of your commission as 
commanding officer for Washington District. 

“N. B. I have just received intelligence of the Little 
Carpenter being at the Long Island, with twenty-five or thirty 
young warriors. They declare the greatest friendship, and 
say they have five hundred young warriors ready to come 
to the assistance of Virginia and North-Carolina when called 
for, if to fight the English or any Indians that want war with 
the white people of these two states.” 

During the summer of this year the Indians invaded the 
Kentucky settlements. On the 4th of July two hundred of 
them appeared before Boonesborough and commenced one 
of the most memorable sieges in the annals of border war¬ 
fare. It continued till September, although relieved by a 
reinforcement of forty riflemen from Holston. During the 
siege an Indian was killed, and upon his body was found a 
proclamation by Henry Hamilton, British Lieutenant-Go¬ 
vernor and Commandant at Detroit, in which he offered pro¬ 
tection to such of the inhabitants as would abandon the cause 
of the revolted colonies, but denounced vengeance against 
those who should adhere to them. Captain Logan, with a 
select party of woodsmen, left the fort by night and set out 
for Holston to procure further supplies and reinforcements. 
With a sack of parched corn for their fare, Logan’s party, 
travelling by night, on foot, by unfrequented ways, and con¬ 
cealing themselves in secluded vallies by day, eventually 


12 


* Haywood. 


178 


WARM SPRINGS DISCOVERED. 


succeeded in making the journey of two hundred miles, 
appealed to the patriotism of the pioneers of Tennessee, and 
returned to the relief of the beleaguered forts with supplies 
and one hundred riflemen.* 

During this summer two of the spies that were kept out in 
( advance of the settlements, viz, Henry Reynolds and 
i Thomas Morgan, discovered the Warm Springs on 
French Broad. They had pursued some stolen horses to the 
point opposite, and leaving their own horses on the north 
bank, waded across the river. As they reached the southern 
shore they passed through a little branch, the tepid water of 
which attracted their attention. The next year the Warm 
Springs were resorted to by invalids. 

The frontier people had been so far relieved from appre¬ 
hension of Indian hostility, as to dispense during the summer 
of this year, with a portion of the guards heretofore main¬ 
tained for their protection. These were disbanded and re¬ 
turned to the quiet pursuits of planting and working their 
crops. They were lulled into a false security and had neg¬ 
lected to take the usual measures of protection and defence, 
which the exposed condition of the border settlements de¬ 
manded. This relaxation of their ordinary watchfulness and 
care, invited aggression and a renewal of the outrages and 
massacres which had been before experienced. The settle¬ 
ments being thus thrown off their guard, a portion of the 
militia discharged and little or no regular armed force being 
at hand, another source of annoyance and injury presented 
itself. The tories from the disaffected counties of North- 
Carolina and other states, had come in great numbers to the 
frontier, and there combining with thieves and robbers, 
prowled around the feebler neighbourhoods, and for a time 
committed depredation and murder with impunity. Their 
number was considerable, and they boasted that they were 
able to look down all opposition and to defy all restraint. 

In this emergency we have again to mention another in¬ 
stance of self-reliance, so characteristic of the pioneer people. 
A combination of lawless men had been formed, formidable 
alike for their number and for their desperate character. The 

* Monette. 


SUMMARY PUNISHMENT OF TORIES. 


179 


laws could not reach ; them they escaped equally detection 
and punishment. 

The law-abiding and honest people of the gountry took the 
affair into their own hands, appointed a committee, invested 
it with unlimited power, and authorized it to adopt any mea¬ 
sure necessary to arrest the growing evil. The names of this 
committee of safety are not given, but it is known that under 
its direction and authority two companies of dragoons, num¬ 
bering about thirty each, were immediately organized and 
equipped, and were directed to patrol the whole country, 
capture and punish with death all suspected persons, who 
refused submission or failed to give good security for their 
appearance before the committee. Slighter offences were 
atoned for by the infliction of corporeal punishment; to this 
was superadded, in cases where the offender was able to pay 
it, a heavy fine in money. Leaders in crime expiated their 
guilt by their lives. Several of these were shot; some of 
them at their execution disclosed the names and hiding places 
of their accomplices. These were in their turn pursued, 
arrested and punished, and the country was in less than two 
months restored to a condition of safety, and the disturbers of 
its quiet preserved their lives only by secrecy or flight. 

Isam Yearley, a loyalist on Nollichucky, was driven out of 
the country by a company of whigs, of which Captain Wm. 
Bean, Isaac Lane, Sevier and Robertson, were members. 
The same company afterwards pursued a party of tories, 
who under the lead of Mr. Grimes, on Watauga, had killed 
Millican, a whig, and attempted to kill Mr. Roddy and Mr. 
Grubbs. The latter they had taken to a high pinnacle on 
the edge of the river, and threatened to throw him off. He 
was respited under a promise that they should have all his 
property. These tories were concealed high up Watauga in 
the mountain, but Captain Bean and his whig comrades fer- 
retted them out, fired upon and wounded their leader, and 
forced them to escape across the mountain. Capt. Grimes 
was hung after King’s Mountain battle, in which he was 
taken prisoner.* 

* Others of Bean’s company -were Joseph Duncan, John Condley, Thomas Hardi- 
man, Wm. Stone, Michael Massingale, John and George Bean, Edmond Bean, 
Aquilla and Isaac Lane, James Roddy, and Samuel and Robert Tate. 


180 


COURTS CONFISCATE THE PROPERTY OF TORIES. 


The occasion for this summary mode of preserving order 
and promoting the welfare of the people, having thus been 
removed, the committee laid down its functions and ceased to 

a 

exist. It had accomplished the purposes for which it had 
been created, and the extraordinary powers with which the 
sovereign people had invested it, were surrendered, and jus¬ 
tice was again administered through the regular channels. 

The exercise of these rigorous and sanguinary measures 
may be, at this day, viewed by some with a degree of disap¬ 
probation and regret. This feeling, however, will be quali¬ 
fied by a recollection of the peculiar condition of the new 
community in which they transpired, and the circumstances 
of the general country at the period of their adoption. 
Wicked and unprincipled men had chosen to commit their 
outrages and depredations upon infant settlements, feeble, 
immature and just germinating into political life. They 
had selected, too, a period for perpetrating their crimes, when 
the whole energies of their patriotic countrymen across the 
mountain were called into requisition in support of the con¬ 
flict for Independence ; and it is a proud reflection, that in 
these times of trial and embarrassment, patriotism, enlarged 
and lofty, was the sentiment of the pioneers of Tennessee. 
Their courage never quailed, and their energies never 
faltered amid the gloom that enveloped their Atlantic coun¬ 
trymen. Under these difficulties at home, under such dis¬ 
couragements abroad, did the patriots of Nollichucky and 
Watauga discharge their high duties to themselves and to 
their bleeding country. The tories were hunted up and pun¬ 
ished or driven from amongst them, while the refugee whigs 
were cordially welcomed, and found shelter and protection 
in these distant retreats. 

The energetic conduct of the people and the patriotic impul¬ 
ses that engendered it, received also the cordial sanction and 
concurrence of the legal tribunals of the country. In some 
instances the action of the county courts may have assumed 
or encroached upon the legislative prerogative. Some ex¬ 
tracts from the Journals of the first courts held in the country, 
may not be uninteresting to the curious, and are here pre¬ 
served : 


FIRST RECORDS OF WASHINGTON COUNTY. 181 

“Washington County, Feb. 23. —Court Journals. —At a court 
begun and held for the county of Washington, Feb. 23, 1778, Present, 
John Carter, Chairman, John Sevier, Jacob Womack, Robert Lucas, 
Andrew Greer, John Shelby, George Russell, Wm. Been, Zachariali Isbell, 
John McNabb, Thomas Houghton, William Clark, John McMahan, Ben¬ 
jamin Gist, John Chisholm, Joseph Willson, Wm. Cobb, James Stuart, 
Michael Woods, Richard White, Benjamin Willson, James Robertson 
and Valentine Sevier, Esqs. On Tuesday, next day, John Sevier was 
chosen Clerk of the county; Valentine Sevier, Sheriff; James Stuart, 
Surveyor; John Carter, Entry-Taker ; John McMahan, Register,; Jacob 
Womack, Stray-Master and John McNabb, Coroner. 

“ Wm. Cocke, by W. Avery, moved to be admitted Clerk of Washing- 
ton county, which motion was rejected by the Court, knowing that John 
Sevier is entitled to the office. 

“ The State vs. - , ) It is the opinion of the court that the 

In Toryism. \ defendant be imprisoned during the pre¬ 

sent war with Great Britain, and the Sheriff take the whole of his estate 
into custody, which must be valued by a jury at the next court—one 
half of said estate to be kept by said Sheriff for the use of the State, and the 
other half to be remitted to the family of defendant.” 

The court thus exhibited a marked instance of judgment and 
mercy in the same Order—combining patriotism with justice 
and humanity. 

At-term of Washington County Court, “ On motion of E. Dun¬ 

lap, State Attorney, that J. H., for his ill practices in harbouring and 
abetting disorderly persons who are prejudicial and Inimical to the Com¬ 
mon Cause of Liberty, and frequently disturbing our Tranquility in 
General, Be imprisoned for the term and time of one year. 

“ The Court duly considering the allegations Alledged and objected 
against the said J. IT., are of opinion that for his disorderly practices as 
aforesaid, from time to time, and to prevent the further and future prac¬ 
tice of the same pernicious nature, do order him to be imprisoned for the 
term of one year, & Is, accordingly, ordered into the custody of the 
Sheriff.” * 

The jurisdiction of the court seems to have extended not 
only to the persons of political offenders but to their property 
also, whether in possession or expectancy. We extract again 
from the minutes : 

“ On motion of E. Dunlap, Esq., that a sum of money of fifteen hun¬ 
dred pounds, current money due from R. C. to said J. H. for two negroes, 
be retained in the hands of said C., as there is sufficient reason to believe 
that the said TI.’s estate will be confiscated to the use of the State for his 
misdemeanors, &c. 


* Journal of Washington County Court. 





182 


FIRST CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 


“The Court considering the case, are of opinion that the said monies 
ought to be retained. 

“ On motion that Commissioners ought to be appointed to take into 
possession such property as shall be confiscated, &c. 

“The Court on taking the same under consideration, do Nominate and 
Appoint John Sevier, Jesse Walton and Zachariah Isbell, Esqs., for the 
aforesaid purpose.” 

Amidst these scenes of civil disorder and violence, the chris- 
( tian ministry began to shed its benign influence. Ti- 
( dence Lane, a Baptist preacher, organized a congrega¬ 
tion this year. A house for public worship was erected on Buf¬ 
falo Ridge. About the same time, Rev. Samuel Doak was 
preaching through Washington and Sullivan counties. 

The second term of the Washington County Court was held 
May 25, 1778, at the house of Charles Robertson. Ephraim 
Dunlap was admitted as Attorney: Valentine Sevier was 
appointed Sheriff; John Sevier, Jesse Walton and Zachariah 
Isbell, entered into bond for faithful performance of duties 
as Commissioners of Confiscated Estates ; Spruce McCay was 
admitted as Attorney. 

The first settlers in the Greasy Cove were Webb, Martin 
and Judd. The large bottoms on the Nollichucky were then 
dense masses of cane. Webb discovered, in a cane-brake, 
a company of Indians. They followed him to his house, and 
intimated to him that they would not permit him to stay 
there unmolested. He returned to Virginia and brought 
back to his settlement additional emigrants, and they were 
allowed to form a considerable neighbourhood without 
molestation; but higher up, above this, on Indian Creek, Mr. 
Wm. Lewis, his wife and seven children, were killed by the 
Indians, and his house was burned. One of the sons escaped, 
and a daughter was taken prisoner and was afterwards ran¬ 
somed for a gun. The Indians were pursued by a company 
of troops commanded by Nathaniel Taylor, but were not 
overtaken till they, crossing French Broad river, reached the 
inaccessible retreats beyond it. 

To counteract the intrigues of the British agents, and the 
wicked influence of disaffected Americans who had taken 
refuge in the Cherokee nation, a Superintendent of Indian 


captain Robertson’s agency to ciierokees. 


183 


Affairs was directed by Gov. Caswell to repair to their towns 
and reside among them. Captain Robertson was selected 
for that station. He carried, from the governor, a talk for 
the Raven of Chota, to be delivered to that chieftain and 
his nation by the hands of the agent and Col. McDowell. 
By this embassy the governor acknowledged the receipt of 
a peace talk from Savanuca, and gave assurances that he 
was pleased with it and desired further correspondence 
with him, and promised to use every effort for the preserva¬ 
tion of peace and to inflict adequate punishment on all who 
should violate it. He further added that, if any of the 
Indians were kept in captivity by the whites, they should be 
restored. But these conciliatory measures were misunder¬ 
stood by the deluded savages. Savanuca and some of the 
more aged chiefs were disposed to peace, but were unable 
to repress the warlike attitude of the Dragging-Canoe and 
his hostile tribe, the Chickamaugas. This tribe of the 
Cherokees, at first, occupied the borders of Chickamauga 
Creek, but afterwards extended their villages fifty miles 
below, on both sides of the Tennessee. 

The passage of this river through the several ranges of 
the Cumberland Mountains, forms one of the most remark¬ 
able features in American topography. It is unique, roman¬ 
tic and picturesque—presenting views at once variegated, 
grand, sublime and awful. At the Great Look Out or Chatta¬ 
nooga Mountain, commences a series of rapids, where, in its tor¬ 
tuous windings along the base of several mountain ranges, the 
Tennessee River, contracted into a narrow channel, hemmed 
in by projecting cliffs and towering precipices of solid stone, 
dashes with tumultuous violence from shore to shore, crea¬ 
ting, in its rapid descent over immense boulders and masses 
of rock, a succession of cataracts and vortices. Beautiful 
and interesting in the extreme to the beholder, these rapids 
constitute a formidable obstacle to navigation, which, even 
yet, is not entirely overcome by the agency of steam. Che¬ 
rokee tradition is prolific of accident and disaster to the 
navigation of the aborigines. It is fabled that a fleet of 
Indian canoes, rowed by Uchee warriors, and destined for 
an invasion of the Shawnees, at the mouth of the Ohio, was 


184 


CAVE OF NICAJACK. 


engulphed in the Whirlpool, now known as the Suck. Civi¬ 
lization, skill and experience have diminished these obstacles 
to commerce and navigation, but three quarters of a century 
since it was an achievement of no ordinary kind to pass 
through them, though at high tide. Even now, the voyageur 
must be fearless and vigilant. 

If the channel of the river presented dangerous physical 
impediments, its environs held those of another character, not 
less formidable. Along those foaming rapids and on either 
side of the river, the shores are wild, elevated and bold, in 
some places, scarcely leaving room for a path separating the 
stream from the adjacent mountain, with here and there a 
cove running back from the river into the heights which sur¬ 
round and frown down upon it, in sombre solitude and 
gloomy silence. In these mountain gorges were fastnesses, 
dark, forbidding and inaccessible. Their very aspect invited 
to deeds of violence, murder and crime. No human eye 
could witness, no vigilance detect, no power punish, no force 
avenge them. A retreat into these dreary seclusions, stimu¬ 
lated to aggression, as they furnished a perfect immunity from 
pursuit and punishment. 

NIC-A-JACK CAVE. 

One of the secret resorts of the free-booters who infested 
this region, was an immense cavern still known as the Nic- 
a-jack Cave. It is situated in the side, or end rather, of Cum¬ 
berland Mountain, at a point near the present depot of the 
Nashville and Chattanooga Rail Road, and about thirty-six 
miles below Chattanooga. Its main entrance is on the Ten¬ 
nessee River. The cave has been thus described by an¬ 
other : “ At its mouth it is about thirty yards wide, arched 
over head with pure granite, this being in the centre about fif¬ 
teen feet high. A beautiful little river, clear as crystal, issues 
from its mouth. The distance the cave extends into the moun¬ 
tains has not been ascertained. It has been explored only four 
or five miles. At the mouth the river is wide and shallow, but 
narrower than the cave. As you proceed further up the 
stream the cave becomes gradually narrower, until it is con¬ 
tracted to the exact width of the river. It is beyond this 


THE “ NARROWS’* OF THE TENNESSEE. 185 

point explored only by water in a small canoe.” The abo¬ 
riginal name of this cavern was Te-calla-see. 

Into this vast cavern, for the purposes of concealment and 
murder, the banditti of the “ Narrows” retired with their spoils 
and their victims. The place now enlivened and enriched 
by the genius of Fulton, and in view of the Steamer and Loco¬ 
motive, was then the dismal and gloomy retreat of savage 
cruelty and barbarian guilt. 

These impregnable fortresses of nature were as yet un¬ 
occupied by the sons of the forest. The hunter avoided and 
was deterred from entering them. The Indian, in his canoe, 
glided swiftly by them, as if apprehending that the evil ge¬ 
nius of the place was there to engulph and destroy him. It 
remained for American enterprise to see and overcome them. 

About 1773 or 1774, some families in West Virginia and 
North-Carolina/attrcicted by the glowing accounts of West 
Florida, sought a settlement in that province. They came 
to the Holston frontier, built their boats, and following the 
stream, reached Natchez by water. Necessity drove them 
to employ Indians and Indian traders, as pilots through the 
dangerous passes of the Tennessee River. Occasionally a 
boat was either by accident or design shipwrecked, at some 
point between the Chickamauga Towns and the lower end 
of the Muscle Shoals. Its crew became easy victims of 
savage cruelty—its cargo fell a prey to Indian cupidity. As 
these voyages increased, and the emigrants by water multi¬ 
plied from year to year, so did the Indian settlements all 
along the rapids, also extend. The Chickamaugas were the 
first to settle there, and to become depredators upon the lives 
and property of emigrants. Conscious of guilt, unwilling to 
withhold their warriors from Robbery and murder, they failed 
to attend with the rest of their tribe at treaties of peace, and 
refused to observe treaty stipulations when entered into by 
their nation. They broke up their old towns on and near 
Chickamauga, removed lower down on the river, and laid 
the foundation of several new villages, afterwards known as 
the Five Lower Towns—Running Water, Nicajack, Long 
Island Villages, Crow Town, and Look Out, which soon be¬ 
came populous, and the most formidable part of the Cherokee 


186 


COL. EVAN SHELBY’s EXPEDITION. 


nation. They were situated near the Great Crossing on 
Tennessee, where the hunting and war parties, in their ex¬ 
cursions from the south to the north, always crossed that 
streafn. To this point congregated, with fearful rapidity, 
the worst men in all the Indian tribes. Murderers, thieves, 
pirates, banditti, not of every Indian tribe only, but depraved 
white men, rendered desperate by crime, hardened by out¬ 
lawry and remorseless from conscious guilt, fled hither and 
confederated with barbarian aborigines in a common as¬ 
sault upon humanity and justice, and in defiance of all laws 
of earth and heaven. These miscreants constituted for a 
number of years the Barbary Powers of the West—the Al¬ 
giers of the American interior. 


They had become very numerous, composing a banditti of 
more than one thousand warriors. These had refused the 
terms of peace proposed by Christian, and had perpetrated 
the greatest outrages upon the whole frontier. The Chicka- 
mauga Towns were the central points from w x hich their de¬ 
tachments were sent out for murder and plunder, and where 
guns, and ammunition, and other supplies, were received 
from their allies in Florida. It was determined to invade 
and destroy these towns. North-Carolina and Virginia, in 
conjunction, ordered a strong expedition against them, under 
the command of Colonel Evan Shelby. It consisted of one 
thousand volunteers from the western settlements of these 
two states, and a regiment of twelve months’ men under the 
command of Col. John Montgomery.* At this period 
the two governments were much straightened in their 
resources on account of the existing war of the Revolution, 
and were unable to make any advances for supplies or trans- 


m9 


* When General George Rogers Clarke, in 1778, was planning his celebrated 
expedition to Kaskaskias, Vincennes, etc., in the Illinois country, Major W. B. 
Smith was despatched to the Holston settlements to recruit men for that service. It 
was desired by the government of Virginia that the troops should be raised west of 
the Blue Ridge, so as not to weaken the Atlantic defence. Smith raised four com¬ 
panies on Holston. Montgomery’s regiment was intended as a reinforcement to 
Clarke, and was temporarily diverted from that object, and opportunely was at 
hand to assist in the reduction of the Chickamaugas. Montgomery had recently 
returned from Richmond, whither he had gone in charge of M. Rocheblave, the 
British commandant of Kaskaskias. 


NAVAL ARMAMENT DESCENDS HOLSTON. 


187 


portation necessary for this campaign. All these were pro¬ 
cured by the indefatigable and patriotic exertions, and on the 
individual responsibility, of Isaac Shelby.* 

The army rendezvoused at the mouth of Big Creek, a few 
miles above where Rogersville, in Hawkins county, now 
stands. Perogues and canoes were immediately made from 
the adjacent forest, and, on the 10th of April, the troops em¬ 
barked and descended the Holston. So rapid was the descent 
of this first naval armament down the river, as to take the 
enemy completely by surprise. They fled in all directions to 
the hills and mountains, without giving battle. Shelby pur¬ 
sued and hunted them in the woods—killed upwards of forty 
of their warriors, burnt down their towns, destroyed their 
corn and every article of provision, and drove away their 
great flocks of cattle, j* 

In this sudden invasion Col. Shelby destroyed eleven of 
their towns, besides twenty thousand bushels of corn. He 
also captured a supply of stores and goods valued at £20,000, 
which had been provided by his majesty’s agents for distri¬ 
bution, at a general Council of the Northern and Southern 
Indians, that had been called by Governor Hamilton, of De¬ 
troit, to assemble at the mouth of Tennessee.J 

shelby’s chickamauga expedition. 

Evan Shelby commanded 350 and Col. Montgomery 150 
men, on the Chickamauga expedition. Their pilot was named 
Hudson. The boats turned up the Chickamauga Creek ; 
near the mouth of a branch an Indian was taken prisoner. 
With him as their guide, the troops waded out through an inun¬ 
dated cane-break, and entered Chickamauga, a town nearly 
one mile long; Dragging Canoe and Big Fool were its 
chiefs. The Indians, five hundred in number, astonished at 
the sudden invasion of their towns by an armament by 
water, made no resistance and fled into the mountains. The 
town was burned. John McCrosky, late of Sevier county, 
took a party and followed the flying Indians across the river, 
and dispersed a camp of them which he found on Laurel 


* Haywood. 


t Idem. 


t Monette. 


188 


TROOPS RETURN NORTH OF THE RIVERS. 


Creek. Another party took Little Owl’s Town, and others 
were in like manner taken and burnt. Besides the other 
spoils, Shelby took 150 horses, 100 cattle and great quanti¬ 
ties of deer skins, owned in part by a trader named McDonald. 
These were all sold at vendue. Isaac and all the other sons 
of Col. Evan Shelby, were out on this campaign. 

This service performed, the troops destroyed or sunk their 
little vessels and the supply of provisions that was in them, 
and returned home on foot. In their march they suffered 
much for the want of provisions, which could be procured 
only by hunting and killing game. They returned on the 
north side of the Tennessee, passed by the place since known 
as the Post-Oak-Springs, crossed Emery and Clinch a little 
above their confluence, and Holston some miles above its 
junction with French Broad. These were the first troops 
that had seen the richest lands of the present Hamilton, 
Rhea, Roane, Knox, and the north part of Jefferson counties, 
and seen as they were in-all the beauty and verdure of May, 
it is not strange that a new and increasing current of emi¬ 
gration was at once turned to this beautiful and inviting 
country. 

About the time of the expedition of Shelby to Chicka- 
mauga, Gov. Hamilton was attempting to form a grand co¬ 
alition between all the northern and southern Indians, to be 
aided by British regulars, who were to advance and assist them 
in driving all the settlers from the Western waters. In the 
prosecution of this object he had advanced from Detriot and 
re-captured Vincennes, and contemplated an expedition 
against Kaskaskias, where he expected to be joined by five 
hundred Cherokees and Chickasaws. Shelby had destroyed 
the towns and killed the warriors of his allies at Chicka- 
mauga, and the coalition of the southern and northern Indians 
was thus entirely prevented. 

Col. Evan Shelby, the commander of this expedition, has 
been elsewhere mentioned, as an officer at the Kenhawa 
battle. He had been before in the military service of Vir¬ 
ginia, as a captain of rangers under Braddock, and led 
the advance under General Forbes when Fort DuQuesne 
was taken by that officer. After the successful expedition to 


JONESBORO, OLDEST TOWN IN TENNESSEE. 


189 


Chickamauga, Col. Evan Shelby was appointed by Virginia, 
a general of her militia. 

At the close of a useful life he died, and was buried near 
King’s Meadow, in Sullivan county. 

The Legislature of North-Carolina, this year, laid off and 
1779 \ established Jonesborough as the seat of justice for 
l Washington county. John Wood, Jesse Walton, George 
Russell, James Stewart and Benjamin Clerk, were appointed 
commissioners to lay out and direct its buildings. This was 
the first town in what is now Tennessee. Jonesboro’ was so 
called after Willie Jones, Esq., of Halifax, N. C., a friend to 
the growth and prosperity of the western counties. He 
was an active patriot and statesman in the days of the 
Revolution, as well as before and after. He was an intelli¬ 
gent, useful and honest legislator, exercising great candour 
and independence.* 

Commissioners were appointed this year to run the boun¬ 
dary between Virginia and North-Carolina. This was the 
more necessary, as lands near the line had not been entered 
in the proper offices, and many of the settlers did not know 
to what jurisdiction, civil or military, they belonged. At 
the October sessions of the North-Carolina Legislature, a 
new county was laid off. It was called, in honour of a 
general then commanding in the army of the United States, 
Sullivan. 

Sullivan county Records show that in February, 1780, 
the county court met at the house of Moses Looney. A 
commission was presented, appointing as Justices of the 
Peace Isaac Shelby, David Looney, William Christie, (Chris¬ 
tian?) John Dunham, William Wallace, and Samuel Smith; 
John Rhea was appointed Clerk ; Nathaniel Clark, Sheriff 
till court in course. 

Isaac Shelby exhibited his commission from Gov. Caswell, 
dated Nov. 19, 1779, appointing him Colonel Commandant 
of the county; D. Looney, one of same date, appointing 
him Major. Ephraim Dunlap was appointed State Attorney, 
and John Adair, Entry-Taker. 

The next court was to be held at the house of James Hollis. 

* Blount papers. 


190 


ATTACK ON BOILSTON’S HOUSE. 


Anthony Bledsoe had lived, in 1769, at Fort Chisel, and, 
in a short time after, with his brother Isaac and the Shelbys, 
removed further west, into what is now Sullivan county. 
His station was not far from Long Island. He was in the 
battle of the Flats. 

After the repulse of Sir Peter Parker from Charleston, the 
Southern States had a short respite from British attack and 
invasion. The conquest of the states was thereafter at¬ 
tempted from north to south. But that order was, from this 
1779 ( time, inverted, and his majesty’s arms were directed 
l against the most southern of the states. On the 29th 
Dec., 1778, Savannah, the capital of Georgia, was taken, and 
soon after British posts were established as far into the interior 
as Augusta. General Lincoln, who commanded the southern 
department, sent a detachment of fifteen hundred North- 
Carolina militia, under command of Gen. Ashe, to oblige the 
enemy to evacuate the upper part of Georgia. The detach¬ 
ment was surprised by General Provost and entirely defeated. 
By this victory of the British, their communication with their 
friends, the tories, in the back country, and with their allies 
the Cherokees, across the mountains, was restored. The 
effect of this was soon felt upon the frontier. 

Frequent conferences were held with the Cherokees to 
induce them to further outbreaks upon the western settle¬ 
ments. The Indians invaded the country soon after and 
attacked Boilston’s house, on the frontier, with the loss on 
the part of the assailants of four warriors killed and a num¬ 
ber wounded. During the attack, Williams and Hardin were 
killed. The enemy was driven off. They were pursued by 
George Doherty, Joseph Boyd and others, but escaped. 

Other mischief was attempted, but the scouts and light- 
horse companies guarded the frontier so vigilantly, that little 
injury was sustained by the settlers. The apprehension of 
danger kept up the military organization of the new country, 
made the inhabitants familiar with the duties of camp life, 
inured them to toil and exposure, deprivation and endurance, 
and kindled into a flame that martial spirit, which in the 
course of the next year they were called upon to exhibit with 
such advantage to the country and such honour to themselves. 


FURTHER EXPLORATION OF CUMBERLAND. 


191 


Stopping the order of current events, we return to the 
{ further exploration and settlement of that part of Ten- 
( nessee west of the Cumberland Mountain. By the 
treaty of Watauga, in March 1775, the Cherokees had ceded 
to Richard Henderson & Company all the lands lying between 
the Kentucky and Cumberland Rivers. Although that treaty 
had been repudiated by the proclamations of Lord Dunmore 
and Governor Martin, and settlements upon the ceded terri¬ 
tory had been inhibited, the Company, regardless of conse¬ 
quences, proceeded to take possession of their illegal purchase. 
The spirit of emigration from Virginia and North-Carolina 
was aroused, and pioneers were anxious to lead the way in 
effecting settlements. 

Boon and Floyd and Callaway opened the way, and Benja¬ 
min Logan, who resided some time on Holston, soon followed ; 
and with a host of other valiant and enterprising men erected 
forts, built stations, repelled, with unsurpassed heroism and 
self-sacrifice, hostile invasion, and contemporaneously with 
the pioneers of Tennessee laid the foundations of society and 
government in Kentucky. 

A portion of Henderson’s purchase on the Lower Cumber¬ 
land, was within the supposed boundary of North-Carolina. 
It was at first reached through the old route by the way of 
Cumberland Gap, and explorers continued to pass through 
it on their way to what is now called Middle Tennessee. 
Amongst others, Mansco * renewed his visit in Nov., 1775, 
and came to Cumberland River, in company with other hunt¬ 
ers of the name of Bryant. They encamped at Mansco’s Lick. 
Most of them became dissatisfied with the country, and re¬ 
turned home. Mansco and three others remained and com¬ 
menced trapping on Sulphur Fork and Red River. 

But finding themselves in the neighbourhood of a party of 
Blackfish Indians, they deemed it essential to their own safety 
to ascertain where they were encamped and what was their 
number. Mansco was selected to make the discovery. He 
came cautiously upon their camp on the river, and standing 
behind a tree was endeavouring to count them. He could see 
but two, and supposed the rest were out of camp, hunting. 

* Condensed or copied from Haywood. 


192 


ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN DE MUMBRUNE. 


At the moment when he was about to retire, one of the In¬ 
dians took up a tomahawk, crossed the stream and went upon 
the other side. The other took up his gun, put it upon his 
shoulder, and came directly towards the place where Mansco 
stood. He hoped the advancing Indian would go some other 
way, but he continued to come in a straight line towards the 
spot where he lay concealed, and had come within fifteen 
steps of him. There being no alternative but to shoot him ? 
Mansco cocked and presented his gun, and aiming at the most 
vital part, pulled trigger, and fired. The Indian scream¬ 
ed, threw down his gun and made for the camp ; but he passed 
it and pitched headlong down the bluff dead, into the river. 
The other Indian ran back to the camp, but Mansco outran 
him, and picking up an old gun tried to shoot, but he could 
not get it to fire, and the Indian escaped. Mansco broke the 
old gun and returned in haste to his comrades. The next 
day they all came to the Indian camp, found the dead warrior, 
took away his tomahawk, knife and shot-bag, but could not 
find his gun. The other Indian had returned, loaded his 
horses with his furs, and was gone. They pursued him all that 
day and all night, with torches of dry cane, but could not 
overtake him. Returning to Mansco’s Lick, they soon after 
began their journey towards the settlements on New-River, 
but were detained four weeks by snow, which was waist- 
deep. After that melted, they resumed their journey and 
arrived safe at home. 

Thomas Sharp, Spencer and others, allured by the flatter¬ 
ing accounts they had received of the fertility of the soil, 
and of the abundance of game which the country afforded, 
determined to visit it. They came, in the year 1776, to 
Cumberland River, and built a number of cabins. Most of 
them returned, leaving Spencer and Holliday, who remained 
in the country till 1779. 

Captain De Mumbrune who, as late as 1823, lived in 
Nashville, hunted in that country as early as 1775. He was 
a native of France. He fixed his residence, during the sum¬ 
mer, at the place since known as Eaton’s Station. He saw 
no Indians, during that season, in the country, but immense 
numbers of buffalo and other game. In February, 1777, he 


FIRST PLANTATION IN MIDDLE TENNESSEE. 


193 


arrived, after a trip to New-Orleans, at Deacon’s Pond, near 
where Palmyra now stands, and found there six white men 
and one white woman, who, in coming to the country, had 
taken water where Rockcastle River disembogues into the 
Cumberland, and descended it, hunting occasionally upon its 
banks. In their excursions they had seen no Indians, but 
immense herds of buffaloes. One of their companions, Wil¬ 
liam Bowen, had been overran by a gang of these animals, 
and died from the bruises he received. John Duncan and 
James Ferguson were of this company. They afterwards 
went down the river, and were cut off at Natchez, in 1779. 
A settlement of less than a dozen families was formed 

) near Bledsoe’s Lick, isolated in the heart of the 
1778 \ 

) Chickasaw nation, with no other protection than their 
own courage, and a small stockade inclosure.* 

About the same time, a number of French traders ad¬ 
vanced up the Cumberland River, as far as “the Bluff,” 
where they erected a trading post and a few log cabins, 
with the approbation of the Chickasaws.f 

The Lower Cumberland continued to be visited and ex¬ 
plored further. Richard Hogan, Spencer, Holliday and 
others, came this year from Kentucky in search of good 
lands, and with the intention of securing some for themselves 
as permanent settlements, they planted a small field of corn 
in the spring of 1778. This first plantation, in Middle Ten¬ 
nessee, was near Bledsoe’s Lick. A large hollow tree stood 
near the Lick. In this Spencer lived. He was pleased with 
the prospects for further settlement which the situation af¬ 
forded, and could not be induced to relinquish them and re¬ 
turn home, as Holliday in vain persuaded him to do. The 
former, however, determined to leave the wilderness, but 
having lost his knife, was unwilling to undertake his long 
travel without one with which to skin his venison and cut 
his meat. With back-woods generosity and kindness, Spen¬ 
cer accompanied his comrade to the Barrens of Kentucky, 
put him on the right path, broke his knife and gave him half 
of it, and returned to his hollow tree at the Lick, where he 
passed the winter. Spencer was a man of gigantic stature, 

* Flint. f Martin’s Louisiana. 


13 


1 


194 capt. Robertson’s first colony at french lick. 

and passing one morning the temporary cabin erected at a 
place since called Eaton’s Station, and occupied by one of 
Captain DeMumbrune’s hunters, his huge tracks were left 
plainly impressed in the rich alluvial. These were seen by 
the hunter on his return to the camp, who, alarmed at their 
size, immediately swam across the river, and wandered 
through the woods until he reached the French settlements 
on the Wabash. 

Nearly ten years had now elapsed since the germ of a 
i J civilized community had been planted in Upper East 
l Tennessee. No settlement had yet been permanently 
fixed on the Lower Cumberland. A hunter’s camp, and the 
lonely habitation of Spencer, were all that relieved the soli¬ 
tude or lightened the gloom of that western wilderness. 
But the cheerlessness of barbarian night was about to be 
dissipated by the dawn of civilization and improvement. In 
the early spring of 1779, a little colony of gallant adventu¬ 
rers, from the parent hive at Watauga, crossed the Cumber¬ 
land Mountain, penetrated the intervening wilds, and pitched 
their tents near the French Lick, and planted a field of corn 
where the city of Nashville now stands. This field was at 
the spot where Joseph Park since resided, and near the lower 
ferry. These pioneers were Captain James Robertson, George 
Freeland, William Neely, Edward Swanson, James Hanly, 
Mark Robertson, Zachariah White, and William Overhall. 
A negro fellow also accompanied them. To their number 
was added, immediately after their arrival at the Lick; a 
number of others conducted by Mansco, who had ten years 
before visited, and explored, and hunted in the country. 
These emigrants also planted corn preparatory to the remo¬ 
val of their families in the succeeding autumn. Captain 
Robertson, during the summer, went to the Illinois to pur¬ 
chase the cabin rights from General Clarke. After the crop 
was made, Overhall, White and Swanson, were left to keep 
the buffaloes out of the unenclosed fields of corn, while the 
rest of the party returned for their families. 

Mansco, Frazier, and other early hunters and explorers, 
upon their previous return to the older settlements,had diffused 
an account of the fertility of the Cumberland lands, the 


Robertson’s second colony. 


195 


abundance of game and the salubrity of the climate. This 
account was now confirmed and extended, by the experi¬ 
ment that had been made by the parties under Robertson 
and Mansco, in planting and raising a crop. Cumberland 
became the theme of eager conversation in every neighbour¬ 
hood, and great numbers prepared to emigrate to this land 
of future plenty and of promise. Under the lead of Mansco, 
several families removed and settled at Mansco’s Lick, Bled¬ 
soe’s Lick, and other places. John Rains and others, in Oc¬ 
tober of this year, leaving New River, on their way to Ken¬ 
tucky, were persuaded by Captain Robertson to accompany 
him to the French Lick. Assenting to this proposal, they 
were soon joined by several other companies of emigrants—• 
the whole amounting to two or three hundred, many of them 
young men without families—some of them took out cattle 
and other % domestic animals. The route pursued was by 
Cumberland Gap, and the Kentucky trace to Whitley’s Sta¬ 
tion, on Dick’s River; thence to Carpenter’s Station, on the 
waters of Green River ; thence to Robertson’s Fork, on the 
north side of that stream ; thence down the river to Pit¬ 
man’s Station ; thence crossing and descending that river to 
Little Barren, crossing it at the Elk Lick ; thence passing 
the Blue Spring and the Dripping Spring to Big Barren; 
thence up Drake’s Creek to a bituminous spring; thence to 
the Maple Swamp ; thence to Red River, at Kilgore’s Sta¬ 
tion ; thence to Mansco’s Creek; and from there to the 
French Lick. 

The inclemency of the season, the great number of the 
emigrants, the delay inseparable from travelling over a new 
route, part of it mountainous, all of it through a wilderness, 
without roads, bridges or ferries, prevented the arrival of the 
Cumberland colonists at their point of destination till the 
beginning of the year 1780. The winter had been intensely 
cold, and has always been remembered and referred to as 
the cold winter by all countries in the northern hemisphere, 
between the thirty-fifth and seventieth degrees of latitude, 
and is decisive of the chronology that fixes the arrival of these 
emigrants in seventeen hundred and eighty.* The Cumber- 

* Haywood. 


196 


FORTS AND BLOCK-HOUSES ERECTED NEAR THE BLUFF. 


1780 


land was found frozen over. Snow had fallen early 
in November, and it continued to freeze for many 
weeks after the emigrants reached the bluff. Some of 
them settled on the north side of the river, at Eaton’s Station, 
where Page afterwards resided. These annals would be im¬ 
perfect without their names. Some of them are given from 
Haywood. They are Frederick Stump, Senr., Amos Eaton, 
Hayden Wells, Isaac Roundsever, William Loggins, and — 
Winters. The names of others are not recollected. Here 
they built cabins, cleared ground and planted corn. The 
cabins were built with stockades from one to the other, with 
port holes and bastions. But most of the company crossed 
immediately after their arrival, over the river upon the ice, 
and settled at the Bluff where Nashville now stands. They 
were admonished by the existing condition of things in Ken¬ 
tucky on one side, and the hostilities many of them had wit¬ 
nessed from the Cherokees on the other, that their settlement 
could not long escape the aggression of the savages around 
them. They prudently erected block-houses in lines—the 
intervals between which were stockaded—two lines were 
built parallel to each other, and so were other two lines, the 
whole forming a square within. Freeland’s Station, where 
McGavock since resided, was at this time also erected. Here 
were also block-houses and stockades. Mr. Rains settled 
the place since known as Deaderick’s plantation. Among 
the emigrants that built their cabins at the bluff, were some 
from South-Carolina. These were John Buchanan, Alexan¬ 
der Buchanan, Daniel Williams, John Mulherrin, James 
Mulherrin, Sampson Williams, Thomas Thompson, besides 
others whose names are not given. 

While Robertson and his co-emigrants were thus reaching 
Cumberland by the circuitous and dangerous trace 
through the wilderness of Kentucky, others of their 
countrymen were Undergoing greater hardships, enduring 
greater sufferings, and experiencing greater privations upon 
another route, not less circuitous and far more perilous, in 
aiming at the same destination. Soon after the former had 
left the Holston settlements, on their march by land, several 


1779 


197 


JOURNAL OF THE “ADVENTURE.” 

boats loaded with emigrants and their property left Fort 
Patrick Henry, near Long Island, on a voyage down the 
Holston and Tennessee, and up the Ohio and Cumberland. 
The journal of one of them, “ The Adventure,” has been 
preserved.* It was kept by Col. John Donelson, the projec¬ 
tor of the enterprise. His grandson, Captain Stockley Do¬ 
nelson, who resides near “ the Hermitage,” in Davidson 
county, has the original journal still in possession. The de¬ 
tails of so new and remarkable an adventure by water, are 
full of interest, and the journal is, therefore, given entire. 

Journal of a voyage, intended by God’s permission, in the good 
boat Adventure, from Fort Patrick Henry on Holston River, to the 
French Salt Springs on Cumberland River, kept by John Donaldson. 

December 22, 1779.—Took our departure from the fort and fell down 
the river to the mouth of Reedy Creek, where we were stopped by the 
fall of water, and most excessive hard frost; and after much delay and 
many difficulties we arrived at the mouth of Cloud’s Creek, on Sunday 
evening, the 20th Febuary, 1780, where we lay by until Sunday, 27th, 
when we took our departure with sundry other vessels bound for the 
same voyage, and on the same day struck the Poor Valley Shoal, 
together with Mr. Boyd and Mr. Rounsifer, on which shoal we lay that 
afternoon and succeeding night in much distress. 

Monday, February 28 th, 1780.—In the morning the w r ater rising, 
we got off the shoal, after landing thirty persons to lighten our boat. 
In attempting to land on an island, received some damage ana lost sun¬ 
dry articles, and came to camp on the south shore, where we joined 
sundry other vessels also bound down. 

Tuesday , 29 th .—Proceeded down the river and camped on the north 
shore, the afternoon and following day proving rainy. 

Wednesday, Mai'cli 1st .—Proceeded on and camped on the south 
shore, nothing happening that day remarkable. 

March 2 d —Rain about half the day ; passed the mouth of French 
Broad River, and about 12 o’clock, Mr. Henry’s boat being driven on the 
point of an islandf by the force of the current was sunk, the whole cargo 
much damaged and the crew’s lives much endangered, which occasioned 
the whole fleet to put on shore and go to their assistance, but with much 
difficulty bailed her, in order to take in her cargo again. The same 
afternoon Reuben Harrison went out a hunting and did not return that 
night, though many guns were fired to fetch him in. 

Friday, 3d .—Early in the morning fired a four-pounder for the lost man, 
sent out sundry persons to search the woods for him, firing many guns that 


* For a copy of it this writer is indebted to the politeness of L. C. Draper, Esq. 
t Probably William’s Island, two miles above Knoxville. 


198 


adventure” joins clinch river company. 


day and the succeeding night, but all without success, to the great grief 
of his parents and fellow travellers. 

Saturday, 4 th .—Proceeded on our voyage, leaving old Mr. Harrison 
with some other vessels to make further search for his lost son ; about 
ten o’clock the same day found him a considerable distance down the 
river, where Mr. Ben. Belew took him on board his boat. At 3 o’clock, 
P. M., passed the mouth of Tennessee River, and camped on the south 
shore about ten miles below the mouth of Tennessee. 

Sunday , 5 th .—Cast off and got under way before sunrise; 12 o’clock 
passed the mouth of Clinch ; at 12 o’clock, M. came up with the Clinch 
River Company, whom we joined and camped, the evening proving 
rainy. 

Monday , Gth .—Got under way before sunrise; the morning proving 
very foggy, many of the fleet were much bogged—about 10 o’clock lay 
by for them ; when collected, proceeded down. Camped on the north 
shore, where Capt. Hutching’s negro man died, being much frosted in 
his feet and legs, of which he died. 

Tuesday, Ifh .—Got under way very early, the day proving very 
windy, a S.S.W., and the river being wide occasioned a high sea, 
insomuch that some of the smaller crafts were in danger; therefore came 
to, at the uppermost Chiccamauga Town, which was then evacuated, 
where we lay by that afternoon and camped that night. The wife of 
Ephraim Peyton was here delivered of a child. Mr. Peyton has gone 
through by land with Capt. Robertson. 

Wednesday, 8th .—Cast off at 10 o’clock, and proceed down to an 
Indian village, which was inhabited, on the south side of the river ; they 
insisted on us to “ come ashore,” called us brothers, and showed other 
signs of friendship, insomuch that Mr. John Caffrey and my son then on 
board took a canoe which I had in tow, and were crossing over to them, 
the rest of the fleet having landed on the opposite shore. After they 
had gone some distance, a half-breed, who called himself Archy Coody, 
with, several other Indians, jumped into’a canoe, met them, and advised 
them to return to the boat, which they did, together with Coody and 
several canoes which left the shore and followed directly after him. 
They appeared to be friendly". After distributing some presents among 
them, with which they seemed much pleased, we observed a num¬ 
ber of Indians on the other side embarking in their canoes, armed and 
painted with red and black. Coody immediately made signs to his com¬ 
panions, ordering them to quit the boat, which they did, himself and 
another Indian remaining with us and telling us to move off instantly. 
We had not gone far before we discovered a number of Indians armed 
and painted proceeding down the river, as it were, to intercept us. 
Coody, the half-breed, and his companion, sailed with us for some time, 
and telling us that we had passed all the towns and were out of danger, 
left us. But we had not gone far until we had come in sight of another 
town, situated likewise on the south side of the river, nearly opposite a 
small island. Here they again invited us to come on shore, called us 
brothers, and observing the boats standing off for the opposite channel, 
told us that “ their side of the river was better for boats to pass.” And 


199 


PASSES THE “ NARROWS”-FIRED UPON BY INDIANS. 

here we must regret the unfortunate death of young Mr. Payne, on 
board Capt. Blackemore’s boat, who was mortally wounded by reason of 
the boat running too near the northern shore opposite the town, where 
some of the enemy lay concealed, and the more tragical misfortune of 
poor Stuart, his family and friends to the number of twenty-eight per¬ 
sons. This man had embarked with us for the Western country, but 
his family being diseased with the small pox, it was agreed upon be¬ 
tween him and the company that he should keep at some distance in 
the rear, for fear of the infection spreading, and he was warned each 
night when the encampment should take place by the sound of a horn. 
After we had passed the town, the Indians having now collected to a 
considerable number, observing his helpless situation, singled off from 
the rest of the fleet, intercepted him and killed and took prisoners the 
whole crew, to the great grief of the whole company, uncertain how 
soon they might share the same kite; their cries were distinctly heard 
by those boats in the rear. 

We still perceived them marching down the river in considerable 
bodies, keeping pace with us until the Cumberland Mountain withdrew 
them from our sight, when we were in hopes we had escaped them. 
W r e were now arrived at the place called the Whirl or Suck, where the 
river is compressed within less than half its common width above, by 
the Cumberland Mountain, which juts in on both sides. In passing 
through the upper part of these narrows, at a place described by Coody, 
which he termed the “ boiling pot,” a trivial accident had nearly ruined 
the expedition. One of the company, John Cotton, who was moving 
down in a large canoe, had attached it to Robert Cartwright’s boat, into 
which he and his family had gone for safety. The canoe was here over¬ 
turned, and the little cargo lost. The company pitying his distress, 
concluded to halt and assist him in recovering his property. They had 
landed on the northern shore at a level spot, and were going up to the 
place, when the Indians, to our astonishment, appeared immediately over 
us on the opposite cliffs, and commenced firing down upon us, which 
occasioned a precipitate retreat to the boats. We immediately moved 
off, the Indians lining the bluffs along continued their fire from the 
heights on our boats below, without doing any other injury than wound¬ 
ing four slightly. Jennings’s boat is missing. 

We have now passed through the Whirl. The river widens with a 
placid and gentle current; and all the company appear to be in safety 
except the family of Jonathan Jennings, whose boat ran on a large rock, 
projecting out from the northern shore, and partly immersed in water 
immediately at the Whirl, where we were compelled to leave them, 
perhaps to be slaughtered by their merciless enemies. Continued to sail 
on that day and floated throughout the following night. 

Thursday, 9 th .—Proceeded on our journey, nothing happening wor¬ 
thy attention to-day; floated till about midnight, and encamped on the 
northern shore. 

Friday, 10th .—This morning about 4 o’clock we were surprised by the 
cries of “ help poor Jennings,” at some distance in the rear. He had dis¬ 
covered us by our fires, and came up in the most wretched condition. He 
states, that as soon as the Indians discovered his situation they turned 


200 


INTREPIDITY OF MRS. JENNINGS. 


their whole attention to him, and kept up a most galling fire at his boat. 
He ordered his wife, a son nearly grown, a young man who accompa¬ 
nied them, and his negro man and woman, to throw all his goods into 
the river, to lighten their boat for the purpose of getting her off, himself 
returning their fire as well as he could, being a good soldier and an ex¬ 
cellent marksman. But before they had accomplished their object, his 
son, the young man and the negro, jumped out of the boat and left them. 
He thinks the young man and the negro were wounded before they left 
the boat.* Mrs. Jennings, however, and the negro woman, succeeded in 
unloading the boat, but chiefly by the exertions of Mrs. Jennings, who 
got out of the boat and shoved her off, but was near falling a victim to 
her own intrepidity on account of the boat starting so suddenly as soon 
as loosened from the rock. Upon examination, he appears to have made 
a wonderful escape, for his boat is pierced in numberless places with bul¬ 
lets. It is to be remarked, that Mrs. Peyton, who was the night before 
delivered of an infant, which was unfortunately killed upon the hurry 
and confusion consequent upon such a disaster, assisted them, being fre¬ 
quently exposed to wet and cold then and afterwards, and that her health 
appears to be good at this time, and I think and hope she will do well. 
Their clothes were very much cut with bullets, especially Mrs. Jennings’s. 

Saturday , 1 \th .—Got under way after having distributed the family 
of Mrs. Jennings in the other boats. Row T ed on quietly that day, and 
encamped for the night on the north shore. 

Sunday , 12th .—Set out, and after a few r hour’s sailing we heard the 
crowing of cocks, and soon came within view of the town ; here they 
fired on us again without doing any injury. 

After running until about 10 o’clock, came in sight of the Muscle Shoals. 
Halted on the northern shore at the appearance of the shoals, in order 
to search for the signs Capt. James Robertson was to make for us at that 
place. He set out from Holston early in the fall of 1779, w r as to pro¬ 
ceed by the way of Kentucky to the Big Salt Lick on Cumberland River, 
with several others in company, was to come across from the Big Salt 
Lick to the upper end of the shoals, there to make such signs that we 
might know he had been there, and that it was practicable for us to go 
across by land. But to our great mortification we can find none—from 
which we conclude that it would not be prudent to make the attempt, 
and are determined, knowing ourselves to be in such imminent danger, 
to pursue our journey down the river. After trimming our boats in the 
best manner possible, w r e ran through the shoals before night. When 
we approached them they had a dreadful appearance to those who had 
never seen them before. The water being high made a terrible roaring, 

* The negro was drowned. The son and the young man swam to the north 
side of the river, where they found and embarked in a canoe and floated down the 
river. The next day they were met by five canoes full of Indians, who took them 
prisoners and carried them to Chickamauga, where they killed and burned the 
young man. They knocked Jennings down and were about to kill him, but were 
prevented by the friendly mediation of Rogers, an Indian trader, who ransomed 
him with goods. Rogers had been taken prisoner by Sevier a short time before, 
and had been released ; and that good office he requited by the ransom of Jen¬ 
nings. 


ATTACK ON THE FLEET BELOW THE SHOALS. 


201 


which could he heard at some distance among the drift-wood heaped 
frightfully upon the points of the islands, the current running in every 
possible direction. Here we did not know how soon we should be dashed 
to pieces, and all our troubles ended at once. Our boats frequently 
dragged on the bottom, and appeared constantly in danger of striking. 
They warped as much as in a rough sea. But by the hand of Provi¬ 
dence we are now preserved from this danger also. I know not the length 
of this wonderful shoal; it had been represented to me to be 25 or 30 
miles. If so, we must have descended very rapidly, as indeed we did, 
for we passed it in about three hours. Came to, and camped on the 
northern shore, not far below the shoals, for the night. 

Monday , 13th. —Got under way early in the morning, and made a 
good run that day. 

Tuesday , 1HA.—Set out early. On this day two boats approaching 
too near the shore, were tired on by the Indians. Five of the crews were 
wounded, but not dangerously. Came to camp at night near the mouth 
of a creek. After kindling tires and preparing for rest, the company 
were alarmed, on account of the incessant barking our dogs kept up; 
taking it for granted that the Indians were attempting to surprise us, 
we retreated precipitately to the boats; fell down the river about a 
mile and encamped on the other shore. In the morning I prevailed on 
Mr. Caffrey and my son to cross below in a canoe, and return to the 
place ; which they did, and found an African negro we had left in the 
hurry, asleep by one of the fires. The voyagers returned and collected 
their utensils which had been left. 

Wednesday , 1 5th. —Got under way and moved on peaceably the five 
following days, when we arrived at the mouth of the Tennessee on Mon¬ 
day, the 20tb, and landed on the lower point immediately on the bank of 
the Ohio. Our situation here is truly disagreeable. The river is very high, 
and the current rapid, our boats not constructed for the purpose of stem¬ 
ming a rapid stream, our provision exhausted, the crews almost worn 
down with hunger and fatigue, and know not what distance we have to 
go, or what time it will take us to our place of destination. The scene 
is rendered still more melancholy, as several boats will not attempt to 
ascend the rapid current. Some intend to descend the Mississippi to 
Natchez ; others are bound for the Illinois—among the rest my son-in- 
law and daughter. We now part, perhaps to meet no more, for I am 
determined to pursue my course, happen what will. 

Tuesday, 21 st. —Set out, and on. this day laboured very hard and 
got but a little way; camped on the south bank of the Ohio. Passed the 
two following days as the former, suffering much from hunger and fa¬ 
tigue. 

Friday , 24i th. —About 3 o’clock came to the mouth of a river which I 
thought was the Cumberland. Some of the company declared it could 
not be—it was so much smaller than was expected. But I never heard 
of any river running in between the Cumberland and Tennessee. It 
appeared to flow with a gentle current. We determined, however, to 
make the trial, pushed up some distance and encamped for the night. 

Saturday , 2 5th. —To-day we are much encouraged; the river grows 
wider; the current is very gentle, and we are now convinced it is the 


202 


HAPPY MEETING OF TIIE VOYAGERS 


Cumberland. I have derived great assistance from a small square sail 
■which was fixed up on the day we left the mouth of the river: and to 
prevent any ill-effects from sudden flaws of wind, a man was stationed 
at each of the lower corners of the sheet with, directions to give way 
whenever it was necessary. 

Sunday , 2 6th. —Got under way early; procured some buffalo-meat; 
though poor it was palatable. 

Monday , 2lth. —Set out again; killed a swan, which was very deli¬ 
cious. 

Tuesday , 28th. —Set out very early this morning; killed some buffalo. 

Wednesday , 29th. —Proceeded up the river ; gathered some herbs on 
the bottoms of Cumberland, which some of the company called Shawnee 
salad. 

Thursday , 3 0th. —Proceeded on our voyage. This day we killed 
some more buffalo. 

Friday , 31s£.—Set out this day, and after running some distance, met 
with Col. Richard Henderson, who was running the line between Virgi¬ 
nia and North-Carolina. At this meeting we were much rejoiced. He gave 
us every information we wished, and further informed us that he had 
purchased a quantity of corn in Kentucky, to be shipped at the Falls of 
Ohio for the use of the Cumberland settlement. We are now without 
bread, and are compelled to hunt the buffalo to preserve life. Worn out 
with fatigue, our progress at present is slow. Camped at night near the 
mouth of a little river, at which place and below there is a handsome 
bottom of rich land. Here we found a pair of hand-mill stones set up 
for grinding, but appeared not to have been used for a great length of 
time. 

Proceeded, on quietly until the 12th of April, at which time we came 
to the mouth of a little river running in on the north side, by Moses Rem 
foe and his company called Red River, up which they intend to settle. 
Here they took leave of us. We proceeded up Cumberland, nothing 
happening material until the 23d, when we reached the first settlement 
on the north side of the river, one mile and a half below the Big Salt 
Lick and called Eaton’s Station, after a man of that name, who with 
several other families, came through Kentucky and settled there. 

Monday , April 24th. —This day we arrived at our journey’s end at 
the Big Salt Lick, where we have the pleasure of finding Capt. Robert¬ 
son and his company. It is a source of satisfaction to us to be enabled 
to restore to him and others their families and friends, who were entrusted 
to our care, and who, sometime since, perhaps, despaired of ever meeting 
again. Though our prospects at present are dreary, we have found a few 
log cabins which have been built on a cedar bluff above the Lick, by Capt. 
Robertson and his company. 

The distance traversed in this inland voyage, the extreme 
pso ^ danger from the navigation of the rapid and unknown 
l rivers, and the hostile attacks from the savages upon 
their banks, mark the emigration under Col. Donelson as one 
of the greatest achievements in the settlement of the West. 


WITH THE COLONISTS AT THE BLUFF. 


203 


The names of these adventurous navigators and bold pio¬ 
neers of the Cumberland country are not, all of them, recol¬ 
lected ; some of them follow: Mrs. Robertson, the wife of 
James Robertson, Col. Donelson, John Donelson, Jun„ Robert 
Cartwright, Benjamin Porter, James Cain, Isaac Neely, John 
Cotton, Mr. Rounsever, Jonathan Jennings, William Crutch¬ 
field, Moses Renfroe, Joseph Renfroe, James Renfroe, Solo¬ 
mon Turpin, - Johns, Sen., Francis Armstrong, Isaac 

Lanier, Daniel Dunham, John Bo}^d, John Montgomery, John 
Cockrill and John Caffrey, with their respective families ; 
also, Mary Henry, a widow, and her family, Mary Purnell 
and her family, John Blackmore and John Gibson. 

These, with the emigrants already mentioned as having 
arrived with Robertson by the way of the Kentucky trace', 
and the few that had remained at the Bluff to take care of 
the growing crops, constituted the, nucleus of the Cumber¬ 
land community in 1780. Some of them plunged, at once, 
into the adjoining forests, and built a cabin with its necessary 
defences. Col. Donelson, himself, with his connexions, was 
of this number. He went up the Cumberland and settled 
upon Stone’s River, a confluent of that stream, at a place 
since called Clover Bottom, where he erected a small fort 
on its south side. The situation was found to be too low, 
as the water, during a freshet, surrounded the fort, and it 
was, for that reason, removed to the north side. 

Dr. Walker, the Commissioner on the part of Virginia, 
for running the boundary line between that state and North- 
Carolina, arrived at the Bluff. He was accompanied, by 
Col. Richard Henderson and his two brothers, Nathaniel and 
Pleasant. Col. Henderson erected a station also, on Stone’s 
River, and remained there some time, selling lands under 
the deed made to himself and partners by the Cherokees, at 
Watauga, in March, 1775, as has been already mentioned. 
He sold one thousand acres per head at ten dollars per thou¬ 
sand. His certificate entitled the holder, at a future time, 
to further proceedings in a land office.* The purchase of 
“ Transylvania in America,” as made by Henderson and his 
associates, without any authority from the states of North- 


* Haywood. 



204 


EXTREME DEARTH ON THE FRONTIER. 


Carolina and Virginia, was, in itself, null and void, so far as 
it claimed to vest the title of lands in those individuals. The 
associates could be recognized only as private citizens, 
having no right to make treaties with or purchase lands 
from the Indians. This treaty was, however, considered as 
an extinguishment of the Indian title to the lands embraced 
within the boundaries mentioned in it. The legislatures of 
the two states, for this reason, and as a remuneration for the 
expenditures previous and subsequent to the treaty of Wa¬ 
tauga, allowed, to the Transylvania Company, a grant of 
two hundred thousand acres from each state. 

One of the great sources of Indian invasion and of hostile 
instigation, had been broken up by the capture of the British 
posts on the Wabash and in the Illinois country, and the 
captivity of Colonel Hamilton, who was now a prisoner at 
Williamsburg. Many of. the western tribes had entered into 
treaties of peace and friendship with Col. Clarke, which 
presaged a temporary quietude to the frontier people. The 
repeated chastisements of the Cherokees by the troops under 
Sevier and Shelby, seemed, for a time, to secure the friend¬ 
ship of that nation. The news of this condition of western 
affairs gave a new impulse to emigration, and the roads and 
traces to Kentucky and Cumberland were crowded with 
hardy adventurers, seeking home and fortune in their distant 
wilds. This rapid increase of population exhausted the 
limited supply of food in the country, and a dearth ensued. 
Corn, and every other article of family consumption, became 
remarkably scarce. The winter had been long and exceed¬ 
ingly cold. The cattle and hogs designed for the use of the 
emigrants in their new settlements, had perished from star¬ 
vation and the inclemency of the season. The game in the 
woods was, from like causes, poor and sickly, and, though 
easily found and taken, was unfit for food. This scarcity 
prevailed throughout the whole frontier line for five hundred 
miles, and was aggravated by the circumstance that no 
source of supply was within the reach of the suffering peo¬ 
ple. In the neighbouring settlements of Kentucky, corn 
was worth, in March, of 1780, one hundred and sixty-five 
dollars a bushel, in continental money, which price it main- 


EXPOSED CONDITION OF THE COLONY. 


205 


tained until the opening spring supplied other means of 
sustenance.* 

Such were the circumstances under which the pioneers of 
the Lower Cumberland formed the first permanent white 
settlement in Middle Tennessee. Their position was that of 
hardship and danger, toil and suffering. As has been well said 
by anotherf in reference to Kentucky : they were posted in 
the heart of the most favourite hunting ground of numerous 
and hostile tribes of Indians on the north and on the south ; 
a ground endeared to them by its profusion of the finest 
game, subsisting on the luxuriant vegetation of this great 
natural park. It was, emphatically, the Eden of the Red 
Man. Was it then wonderful, that all his fiercest passions 
and wildest energies, should be aroused in its defence, against 
an enemy, whose success was the Indian’s downfall ? 

The little band of emigrants at the Bluff were in the centre 
of a vast wilderness, equi-distant from the most war-like and 
ferocious tribes on this continent—tribes that had frequently 
wasted the frontiers of Carolina, Virginia and Pennsylvania, 
with the tomahawk and with fire, and that were now aided, 
in the unnatural alliance of Great Britain, by the arts and 
treasures furnished by the agents of that government. To 
attack and invasion from these tribes, the geographical po¬ 
sition of the Cumberland settlers gave a peculiar exposure 
and a special liability. Three hundred miles of wilderness 
separated them from the nearest fort of their countrymen on 
Holston. They were, perhaps, double that distance from 
their seat of government in North-Carolina, while all the 
energies of the parent state were employed in the tremendous 
struggle for Independence, in the cause of which she had so 
early and so heartily engaged. This forlorn situation of the 
settlement at the Bluff became more perilous, as it was so 
accessible by water from the distant hostile tribes. De¬ 
scending navigation could bring, with great rapidity, the 
fleets of canoes and perogues, from the Ohio and its western 
tributaries, loaded with the armed warriors of that region; 
while upon the Tennessee River, with equal celerity, the 
Cherokee and Creek braves could precipitate themselves to 

* Monette. f Butler. 


206 


PERMANENT SETTLEMENT AT THE BLUFF. 


the different landings on that stream, and co-operating with 
their confederates from the north, unite in one general stroke 
of devastation and havoc. Had this been done at the period 
of the first emigration, the Bluff settlement could have been 
annihilated. Happity, the protracted and inclement winter 
that inflicted its inhospitable severity and such great hard¬ 
ships upon the first emigrants, protected them from attack, 
by confining their enemies to their towns and wigwams. 
Early in January, a small party of Delaware Indians came 
from the direction of the Cany Fork, and passed by the head 
of Mill Creek, and encamped on one of its branches, which 
has since been called Indian Creek. The Indians proceeded 
to Bear Creek of Tennessee, and continued there during the 
summer. At this time they offered no molestation to the 
whites. Before the next irruption of the Indians, time was 
given for the erection of defences, and Robertson’s second 
colony was planted—consisting, like the first at Watauga, of 
intrepid men and heroic women—fit elements for the founda¬ 
tion of a great and flourishing state. And here, at the Bluff, 
with its little garrison and rude stations—in the centre of a 
wide wilderness, and overshadowed by the huge evergreens 
and the ancient forest around it—amidst the snows, and ice, 
and storms of 1780, was fixed the seat of commerce, of 
learning and the arts—the future abode of refinement and 
hospitality, and the cradle of empire. 

When the first settlers came to the Bluff in 1779-’80, Hay¬ 
wood says the country had the appearance of one which had 
never before been cultivated. There was no sign of any 
cleared land, nor other appearance of former cultivation. 
Nothing was presented to the eye but one large plain of 
woods and cane, frequented by buffaloes, elk, deer, wolves, 
foxes, panthers, and other animals suited to the climate. The 
lands adjacent to the French Lick, which Mansco, in 1769, 
when he first hunted here, called an old field, was a large 
open space, frequented and trodden by buffaloes, whose large 
paths led to it from all parts of the country and there con¬ 
centred. On these adjacent lands was no under-growth nor 
cane, as far as the water reached in time of high water. 
The country as far as to Elk River and beyond it, had not a 


ANCIENT REMAINS ON CUMBERLAND. 


207 


single permanent inhabitant, except the wild beasts of the 
forest; but there were traces, as everywhere else, of having 
been inhabited many centuries before by a numerous popu¬ 
lation. At every lasting spring is a large collection of graves, 
made in a particular way, the whole covered with a stratum 
of mould and dirt, eight or ten*inches deep. At many springs 
is the appearance of walls enclosing ancient habitations, the 
foundations of which were visible whenever the earth was 
cleared and cultivated—to these walls entrenchments were 
sometimes added. The walls sometimes enclose six, eight, 
or ten acres of land, and sometimes they are more extensive. 

We have thus traced the stream of emigration from the 
Atlantic to the West. We have seen a few enterprising and 
adventurous men, clustering together on the banks of the 
remote and secluded Watauga, felling the forest, erecting 
the cabin, forming society and laying the foundation of go¬ 
vernment. We have seen the plain and unpretending emi¬ 
grant from the Yadkin, and his hunter associates, combining 
the wisdom and virtue of the pioneer condition, and provi¬ 
ding laws and regulations suited to the wants of the new 
community around them. We have seen the patriotism and 
chivalry of the extreme western settlement rally at the sound 
of danger. Leaving their own frontier exposed, they mag¬ 
nanimously returned to the defence of a sister colony, and on 
the rugged Kenhawa, met and repulsed the savage invader. 
We have seen Robertson negotiate an enlargement of his 
border, and effect a peaceable extension of the settlements. 
We have seen the fortress erected, the station built, and the 
enemy repulsed. We have seen armaments by land and wa¬ 
ter boldly penetrate to the centre of the warlike Cherokee 
nation, and the soldiery of the Watauga bivouac upon the 
sources of the Coosa. The first settlement in Tennessee 
planted, defended, secure and prosperous, we have seen its 
founder and patriarch lead forth a new colony, through ano¬ 
ther wilderness, to experience upon another theatre, new pri¬ 
vations, and undergo new dangers, and perform new achieve¬ 
ments upon the remote Cumberland. There, for the present, 
we shall leave them, and return to the eastern settlements. 
Here was the cradle of the great State of Tennessee, where 


208 


REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 


its infancy was spent and its early manhood formed. The 
vigorous shoots sent out from the parent stem—the colonies 
that have gone abroad from the old homestead and peopled 
the great West—have ever been worthy of their ancestry. 
Their rapid growth and enlargement, their unexampled pros¬ 
perity and achievement, are noticed with feelings of parental 
fondness and pride. In no spirit of senile arrogance is the 
claim upon their filial piety asserted for veneration and re¬ 
gard to their East Tennessee forefathers. Through them our 
proud state claims to be one of the “Old Thirteen,” and to 
be identified with them in the cause of independence and 
freedom. 

On a preceding page, it has been mentioned that the capi¬ 
tal of Georgia was in the possession of the British, and that 
their posts had been extended up the Savannah River, as 
high as Augusta. Simultaneously with the arrival of the 
enemy in Georgia, was that of General Lincoln in South- 
Carolina, and the war of the Revolution was at once trans¬ 
ferred from the Northern to the Southern States. 

It was hoped that by the co-operation of our generous 
ally, France, all that had been lost in the south would be 
recovered at a single blow ; and that by the combined forces 
of Lincoln and Count D’Estaing, the army under Provost, and 
then concentrated at Savannah, would be captured. That 
place was attacked on the 8th of October, but the result 
blasted all the high hopes of the combined armies ; and 
their failure was the precursor of the loss of Charleston and 
the reduction of the Southern States. D’Estaing soon after 
left the coast. The southern army was nearly broken up ; 
sickness had diminished the number of the Carolina regi¬ 
ments, while those from the north were daily becoming- 
weaker, by the expiration of the term of their enlistment. 
The quiet possession of Georgia by the enemy, brought to 
their aid many of the Indians, and of the loyalists who had 
fled from the Carolinas and Georgia and taken refuge among 
them. These were now emboldened to collect from all quar¬ 
ters, under cover of Provost’s army. These either united 
with it, or joined in formidable bodies to hunt up and de¬ 
stroy the whig inhabitants. Many of these were forced, in 


CHARLESTON CAPITULATES. 


209 


their turn, to forsake their plantations, and transport their 
families beyond the mountains to the securer retreats of Wa¬ 
tauga and Nollichucky. It became evident that all that was 
wanting to complete British ascendancy in the South, was 
the possession of Charleston. Should that metropolis, and 
the army that defended it, be captured, the reduction of the 
whole state, and probably of North-Carolina also, would 
ensue. To attain these objects, ten thousand chosen men, 
with an immense supply of arms and munitions of war, 
were landed, on the eleventh of February, 1780, on John’s 
Island, the command of which was taken by Sir Henry 
Clinton. The assembly of South-Carolina was in session ; 
and though the regular troops in the state did not then 
amount to one thousand men, and the defences of the city 
were in a dilapidated or unfinished condition, it was resolved 
with one voice to defend the capital to the last extremity. 
Governor Rutledge was invested with dictatorial powers, 
and measures were taken to hasten the arrival of reinforce¬ 
ments from the interior of the state and from North-Caro¬ 
lina. The besieged at no time amounted to four thousand 
men, and yet had to defend an extent of works that could 
not be well manned by less than ten thousand. Besides, 
they were badly furnished, and, before the siege was over, 
were even suffering for food. Yet the defence was pro¬ 
tracted, under every discouragement and disadvantage, from 
the 29th of March to the 12th of May, when General Lincoln 
found himself obliged to capitulate. The fall of the metro¬ 
polis was soon after succeeded by the rapid conquest of the 
interior country, and, from the seacoast to the mountains, 
the progress of the enemy was almost wholly an uninter¬ 
rupted triumph. The inhabitants generally submitted, and 
were either paroled as prisoners, or took protection as Bri¬ 
tish subjects. A few brave and patriotic men, under gal¬ 
lant and indomitable leaders, remained in arms, but were 
surprised and cut to pieces by Tarleton and Webster, or, 
for security from their pursuit, withdrew into North-Caro¬ 
lina. The march of the enemy was continued towards the 
populous whig settlements, and garrisons were established at 
prominent points of the country, with the view of pushing 
14 


210 


CLARKE GALLANTLY ATTACKS THE ENEMY. 


their conquest still further into the interior. South-Carolina 
was considered a subdued British province, rather than an 
American state, and Sir Henry Clinton, believing the conquest 
complete, invested Lord Cornwallis with the chief command, 
and sailed for New-York. 

But, in the midst of the general submission of the inhabitants, there 
remained a few unconquerable spirits, whom nothing but death could 
quell. These were Sumpter, Marion and Williams, in South-Carolina, 
and Clarke and Twiggs, in Georgia. The three last had never submit¬ 
ted, and were ever in motion, harassing and waylaying the enemy. But 
their force was seldom considerable. Sumpter and Marion, after the 
capitulation of Charleston, had retired into North-Carolina, to recruit 
their commands and gather the means of carrying on that partizan war¬ 
fare in which they afterwards became so conspicuous.” * 

When Georgia was overrun by the British, Colonel Clarke, 
( with about one hundred of his valiant but overpowered 
l countrymen, sought safety in the remote settlements 
on the Watauga and Holston. Here their representations 
of the atrocities perpetrated by the loyalists induced many of 
the frontier men to return with Clarke and retaliate the inju¬ 
ries he and his associates had suffered. Clarke thus rein¬ 
forced, approached the British camp, placed his men near the 
road that lead to it, and sent forward a small detachment of 
his men to draw out the enemy into his ambuscade. The 
stratagem succeeded. On the approach of the British and loy¬ 
alists, Robert Bean, of Watauga, fired at and killed the com¬ 
manding officer. Many of his men suffered the same fate. 
The enemy was repulsed, and in their retreat before Clarke 
several were killed, while he sustained the loss of but a sin¬ 
gle Georgian. Here began a lasting friendship between the 
Georgians and the Western settlers. 

The successes of the British army had stimulated into life 
the hitherto dormant disaffection of some of the inhabitants 
of North-Carolina. That army was now approaching, in its 
career of conquest and victory, the southern boundary of that 
state. Some who had hitherto worn the mask of friendship, 
became now the avowed enemies of the American cause. In 
the settlements beyond the mountain a few tories had taken 
refuge. To watch their motions as well as those of the Indians, 


* Johnson. 


GEN. RUTHERFORD CALLS FOR THE WESTERN RIFLEMEN. 211 


it was found necessary to embody scouting parties of armed 
men. One of these killed Bradley, a disaffected citizen from 
Halifax county, and notorious for his crimes and his frequent 
and artful escapes from justice. With him was also taken 
another confederate in guilt, Halley. They were both taken 
and shot by Robert Sevier’s company of horsemen. Another 
tory named Dykes, was also captured. He and others had 
concerted a plan to come to the house of Col. Sevier and mur¬ 
der him. The wife of Dykes, who had in time of distress 
been treated by Sevier with great kindness and humanity, dis¬ 
closed to him the meditated mischief. Dykes himself was 
immediately hung. This was done by Jesse Green and John 
Gibson, two of the Regulators. An act of oblivion was passed 
for their relief. 

Thus the vigilance and efforts of the Western settlers were 
not confined to the protection and defence of their own seclu¬ 
ded homes. They had left parents and kindred and country¬ 
men east of the Alleghanies, and their hearts yet yearned for 
their safety and welfare. The homes of their youth were 
pillaged by a foreign soldiery, and the friends they loved were 
slain or driven into exile. Above all, the great cause of 
American freedom and independence was in danger, the coun¬ 
try was invaded by a powerful foe, and the exigencies of Ca¬ 
rolina called aloud for every absent son to return to her res¬ 
cue and defence. The call was promptly obeyed. And the 
mountain men—the pioneers of Tennessee—were the first to 
resist the invaders, and restrained not from the pursuit of the 
vanquished enemy till they reached the coast of the Atlantic. 

After the destination of the large armament under Sir 

( Henry Clinton was ascertained to be Charleston, Gen. 

( Rutherford, of North-Carolina, issued a requisition for 
the militia of that state to embody for the defence of their sis¬ 
ter state. That order reached Watauga, and the following 
proceedings were immediately had in that small but patriotic 
and gallant community. They are copied from the original 
manuscript in the possession of this writer. They are almost 
illegible from the ravages of time and exposure, but even now 
plainly shew the bold and characteristic chirography of Col. 
Sevier and the commissioned officers under him. There is 


212 MEETING OF COL. SEVIER AND OTHER MILITIA OFFICERS. 


no preamble, no circumlocution —Nothing but action, prompt 
and decisive action, and the names of the actors : 

“ At a meeting of sundry of the Militia Officers of Washington County, 
this 19th day of March, 1780: Present, John Sevier, Colonel, Jonathan 
Tipton, Major, Joseph Willson, John McNabb, Godfrey Isbell, Win. Trim¬ 
ble, James Stinson, Robert Sevier, Captains, and Landon Carter, Lieute¬ 
nant, in the absence of Valentine Sevier, Captain. 

“ In order to raise one hundred men, agreeable to command of the 
Hon. Brigadier Rutherford, to send to the aid of South-Carolina. 

“ It is the opinion of the officers, that each company in this county do 
furnish eight effective men, well equipt for war, except Samuel Williams’s 
company, which is to furnish four men well equipt as aforesaid. 


Jno. McNabb, 
Jonathan Tipton, 
Godfrey Isbell.” 


John Sevier, 
Joseph Willson, 
Wm. Trimble, 
James Stinson, 


On the same page is a list of captains. They are “ Cap¬ 
tains McKnabb, Sevier, Hoskins, Been, Brown, Isbell, Trim¬ 
ble, Willson, Gist, Stinson, Davis, Patterson, Williams.” 

A similar requisition was made upon Isaac Shelby, the 
Colonel of Sullivan county. He was then absent in Ken¬ 
tucky. Fortunately General Rutherford was hurried off 
with such reinforcements as were near at hand, and the 
militia of these remote counties were not, with him, placed 
under the command of General Gates in the ill-advised and 
badly arranged engagement near Camden. Well was it for 
the future fame of Sevier and Shelby; well was it for the 
cause in which, soon afterwards, they acquired distinction 
for themselves and led their comrades in arms to victory and 
glory, that they were still left in their mountain recesses to 
quicken the patriotic impulses, and arouse the martial spirit of 
their countrymen, and lead them forth against the enemies of 
their country and of freedom. This duty they were soon called 
to perform. Col. Charles McDowell, in the absence of 
General Rutherford, succeeded in command, and immediately 
forwarded a despatch to Sevier and Shelby, informing these 
officers of the surrender of Charleston and the main south¬ 
ern army, and that the enemy had overrun South-Caro¬ 
lina and Georgia, and were rapidly approaching the limits 
of North-Carolina ; a'nd requesting them to bring to his aid 
all the riflemen that could be raised, and in as short time as 


COLONEL SHELBY AND HIS RIFLEMEN. 


213 


possible. Sevier had already enrolled, under the requisition 
of General Rutherford, one hundred of the militia of Wash¬ 
ington county. At his call, another hundred immediately 
volunteered, and, with these two hundred mounted riflemen, 
he started, at once, across the mountain for the camp of Mc¬ 
Dowell. The despatch to Shelby reached him the l(3th of 
June, in Kentucky, where he was locating and surveying 
lands. He immediately returned home, determined to go to 
the aid of his bleeding country and sustain the struggle in 
which she was engaged, till her independence should be 
secured. His appeal to the chivalry of Sullivan county was 
met by a hearty response, and early in July he found himself 
at the head of two hundred mounted riflemen, whom he 
rapidly led to the camp of McDowell, near the Cherokee 
ford of Broad River, in South-Carolina. Sevier, with his 
regiment, had arrived there a few days before. 

In the meantime, the British army had advanced to Ninety- 
Six, Camden and Cheraw, in South-Carolina. At the for- 
1>780 ( mer place Nesbitt Balfour commanded, and, on the 
l 15th July, issued the following proclamation: 

“ Notwithstanding the extraordinary lenity shown the misled inhabi¬ 
tants of this province, that they may now plainly see their true interest 
is to unite sincerely with his Majesty’s forces to suppress every invader 
of the public tranquillity, I have certain information that some persons 
who have been received into his Majesty’s protection, forgetting every 
tie of honour and gratitude, and led by the hope of enriching them¬ 
selves by plundering the peaceable inhabitants, and are engaged in the 
work of subverting his Majesty’s mild and just government, have f * 
* * and are now actually in arms, with a body of rebels, assembled 

against the peace of this province. 

“ This is, therefore, to give notice that every inhabitant of this province 
who is not at his own home by the 24th instant, or cannot make it 
appear that he is absent on lawful business, is hereby declared an out¬ 
law and is to be treated accordingly, and his property, of whatsoever 
kind, confiscated, and liable to military execution.” 

Lord Cornwallis meeting with little obstruction in his vic¬ 
torious march, contemplated an extension of his conquest 
through North-Carolina. He had instructed the loyalists of 
that state not to rise until his approach to its southern bound- 

\ The original, from which this is copied, is here illegible. It was taken from 
a tory officer by Col. Sevier. 


214 


CAPTURE OF COLONEL MOORE. 


ary would favour their concentration with bis forces, and at 
the same time intimidate the whigs. As he approached Cam¬ 
den, Col. Patrick Moore appeared at the head of a large band 
of disaffected Americans from Tryon (since Lincoln) county, 
and erecting the royal standard, invited to it all the loyalists 
in that section of North and South-Carolina lying between 
the Catawba River and the mountains. The rapid successes 
of the enemy and his near approach, encouraged the rising of 
the tories, and Colonel Moore, after an uninterrupted march, 
took post in a strong fort built by General Williamson, about 
four years before, during the Cherokee war. It was sur¬ 
rounded by a strong abbatis and was otherwise well provided 
with defences. It stood upon the waters of Pacolet River. 

Soon after the arrival of Sevier and Shelby at the Chero¬ 
kee ford, Col. McDowell detached them, and Col. Clarke, of 
Georgia, with about six hundred men, against Moore. His 
post was more than twenty miles distant. The riflemen took 
up the line of march at sunset, and at the dawn of day next 
morning surrounded the fort. Shelby sent in one of his men 
(William Cocke, Esq.) and made a peremptory demand of 
the surrender of the fort. Moore replied that he would de¬ 
fend it to the last extremity. The lines of the assailants were 
immediately drawn in, within musket-shot of the enemy all 
round, with a determination to make an assault upon the 
fort. But before proceeding to extremities a second message 
was sent in. To this Moore replied, that he would surrender 
on condition that the garrison be paroled not to serve again 
during the war. The assailants were as humane as they were 
brave; and to save the effusion of the blood of their deluded 
countrymen, the terms were agreed to. The fort was sur¬ 
rendered. Ninety-three loyalists and one British sergeant- 
major were in the garrison, with two hundred and fifty stand 
of arms, all loaded with ball and buckshot, and so disposed of 
at the port-holes that double the number of the whigs might 
have been easily repulsed. 

As confirming the accuracy of the account as here given 
of the surrender of Colonel Moore, the subjoined letter is 
here for the first time published. It was taken amongst the 
spoils at King’s Mountain, and is now so worn as to be nearly 


OTHER MEASURES TAK^N TO EMBODY THE LOYALISTS. 215 


illegible : the writer’s name is no longer upon it. It may he the 
despatch of Major Ferguson himself to Lord Cornwallis, apolo¬ 
gizing for the conduct of some loyalist then under censure. 
Speaking of the fort and garrison commanded by Col. Moore, 
the writer says: 

“ It had an upper line of loop-holes and was surrounded by a very 
strong abbatis, with only a small wicket to enter by. It had been put 
in thorough repair at the request of the garrison, which consisted of the 

neighbouring militia that had come to -, and was defended by 

eighty men against two or three hundred banditti without cannon, and 

each man was of opinion that it was impossible. 

. . . . The officer next in command and all the others, gave their 

opinion for defending it, and agree in their account that Patrick Moore, 
after proposing a surrender, acquiesced in their opinion and offered to go 
and signify as much to the rebels, but returned, with some rebel officers, 
whom he put in possession of the gate and place, who were instantly 
followed by their men, and the fort full of rebels to the surprise of the 
garrison. He plead cowardice, I understand. 

• • •••••••••• 

“ Mr. Gibbs is a very loyal man and has suffered much in this rebel¬ 
lion., . -Maj. Gibbs’s fidelity and zeal for the 

King’s service is undoubted. I have only laid the above circumstances 
before your Lordship, as a proof of the very bad consequences to the pub¬ 
lic service.Lordship, measures that may 

follow from the mistaken humanity of easy, well-meaning men to the 
utter subversion of all justice and policy.” 

This bold incursion of the mountain men, together with 
the capture of the garrison under Moore, induced Lord Corn¬ 
wallis to detach from his main army some enterprising offi¬ 
cers, with a small command, to penetrate through the 
country, embody the loyalists and take possession of the 
strongest posts in the interior. This had become the more 
necessary as the advance of the American army under 
De Kalb, and afterwards under Gates, began to inspirit the 
desponding whigs and at the same time restrained the vigor¬ 
ous co-operation of the tories with the British troops. Mea¬ 
sures were, therefore, adopted to embody and discipline the 
zealous loyalists, and for this purpose Col. Ferguson, an 
active and intelligent officer, and possessing peculiar quali¬ 
fications for attaching to him the marksmen of Ninety-Six, 
was despatched into that district. 

w To a corps of one hundred picked regulars, he soon succeeded in 
attaching twelve or thirteen hundred hardy natives ; his camp became 








216 FERGUSON SECURES THE ALLEGIANCE OF THE INHABITANTS. 

the rendezvous of the desperate, the idle and vindictive, as well as of the 
youth of the loyalist, whose zeal or ambition prompted them to military 
service. There was a part of South-Carolina which had not yet been 
trodden by a hostile foot, and the projected march through this unex¬ 
plored. and as yet undevastated region, drew many to the standard of 
Ferguson. This was the country which stretches along the foot of the 
mountain towards the borders of Korth-Carolina. The jnogress of the 
British commander and his unnatural confederates, was marked with 
blood and lighted up with conflagrations.”* 

Astonished by the bold and unexpected incursion of the 
western volunteer riflemen, under Shelby and Sevier, and 
apprehending that the contagion of their example and their 
presence might encourage the whigs of Carolina to resume 
their arms, Ferguson and the loyalists took measures to 
secure the allegiance of the inhabitants by the following 
written agreement, entered into and signed by disaffected 
American militia officers. The original is now before the 
writer. It was found in the possession of a tory colonel, by 
Sevier, at King’s Mountain. 

“ As the public safety and the preservation of our freedom and pro¬ 
perty depends upon our acting together in support of the royal cause, 
and in defence of our country against any enemy who may attack us ; 
it is the unanimous opinion of the officers and men of Gibbs’, Plummer’s, 
Cunningham’s, dairy’s, King’s and Kirkland’s battalions of militia, and 
also of all the officers and men of Colonel Mills’s battalion of North-Caro- 
nians, assembled under the command of Major Ferguson at Brannon’s 
Settlement, August 13, 1780: That every man who does not assemble 
when required, in defence of his country, in order to act with the other 
good subjects serving in the militia, exposes his comrades to unnecessary 
danger, abandons the royal cause and acts a treacherous part to the country 
in which he lives ; and it is the unanimous opinion that whoever quits 
his battalion, or disobeys the order of the officers commanding, is a 
worse traitor and enemy to his king and country, than those rebels who 
are again in arms after having taken protection, and deserves to be 
treated accordingly ; and we do, therefore, empower the officers com¬ 
manding in camp as well as the officers commanding our several bat¬ 
talions of militia, from time to time, to cause the cattle and grain of 
all such officers and men, as basely fail to assemble and muster as re¬ 
quired in times of public danger, or who quit their battalions without 
leave, to be brought to camp for the use of those who pay their debt 
to the country by their personal services ; and we do also empower the 
said commanding officers, and do require of them, that they will secure 
the arms and horses of such delinquents, and put them into the possession 
of men who are better disposed to use them in defence of their country, 


* Johnson. 


SHELBY AND CLARKE AT THE CEDAR SPRING. 


217 


and that they will bring such traitors to trial, in order that they may be 
punished as they deserve and turned out of the militia with disgrace. 
The above resolutions agreed to by every man of the above mentioned 

regiments, as well as by the men of - and Philip’s regiment, 

who were at camp at Edward Moverley’s, this 16th day of August, 
1780. Zach. Gibbs, Major, John Hamilton, Major, Thos. D. Hill, jun., 
Adjt., John Philips, L. C., W. T. Turner, L. Colonel, Daniel Plummer, 
Major. 

“ It was also this day unanimously, Resolved, by every officer and man 
now in camp, of all the above mentioned regiments, that whatever man 
should neglect to assemble and do his duty in the militia, when sum¬ 
moned for public service, shall be made to serve in the regular troops ; it 
being the unanimous opinion of every man present, that it is the duty 
of all who call themselves subjects, to assist in defence of the country one 
way or the other.” 

By such means as these were the whigs dispirited and 
the ranks of the British and tories hourly enlarged. 

As he advanced, Ferguson increased his command till it 
^ ( amounted to above two thousand men, in addition to 

( a small squadron of horse. To watch their move¬ 
ments, and, if possible, to cut off their foraging parties, Col. 
McDowell, not long after the surprise and capture of Moore, 
detached Cols. Shelby and Clarke, with six hundred mounted 
riflemen. Several attempts were made by Ferguson to sur¬ 
prise this party, but, in every instance, his designs were 
baffled. However, on the first of August, his advance of 
six or seven hundred men came up with the party of Shelby 
and Clarke, at a place called Cedar Spring, where they had 
chosen to fight him. A sharp conflict of half an hour ensued, 
when Ferguson came up with his whole force, and the 
Americans withdrew, carrying off the field of battle twenty 
prisoners, with two British officers. The killed of the enemy 
was not ascertained. The American loss was ten or twelve 
killed and wounded. Among the latter was Col. Clarke, on 
the neck, slightly, with a sabre. 

McDowell’s policy was to change his camp frequently. 
He now lay at Smith’s ford of Broad River. Here he re¬ 
ceived information that a party of four or five hundred tories 
were encamped at Musgrove’s mill, on the south side of Eno- 
ree River, about forty miles distant. He again detached 
Shelby and Clarke, together with Col. Williams, of South- 
Carolina, who had joined his command, to surprise and dis- 



218 


BATTLE AT MUSGROVe’s MILL. 


perse them. Ferguson lay, with his whole force, at that 
time, exactly between. The detachment amounted to six 
hundred horsemen. These took up their line of march, just 
before sundown, on the evening of the eighteenth of August. 
They went through the woods until dark, and then took a 
road leaving Ferguson’s camp some three or four miles to 
the left. They rode very hard all night, and at the dawn of 
day, about half a mile from the enemy’s camp, were met by 
a strong patrol party. A short skirmish followed, when 
the enemy retreated. At that moment a countryman, living 
just at hand, came up and informed the party that the enemy 
had been reinforced the evening before with six hundred 
regular troops, under Col. Ennes, which were destined to 
join Ferguson’s army. The circumstances of this informa¬ 
tion were so minute that no doubt could be entertained of 
its truth. For six hundred men, fatigued by a night ride of 
forty miles, to march on and attack the enemy, thus rein¬ 
forced, seemed rash and improper. To attempt an escape 
by a rapid retreat, broken down as were both men and 
horses, was equally hopeless, if not impossible. The heroic 
determination was, therefore, instantly formed to make the 
best defence they could under the existing circumstances. 
A rude and hasty breast-work of brush and old logs was 
immediately constructed. Captain Inman was sent forward 
with about twenty-five men to meet the enemy and skirmish 
with them as soon as they crossed the Enoree. The sound 
of their drums and bugles soon announced their movements, 
and induced the belief that they had cavalry. Inman was 
ordered to fire on them, and retreat according to his own 
discretion. This stratagem, which was the suggestion of 
the captain himself, drew the enemy forward in disorder, as 
they believed they had driven the whole party. When they 
came up within seventy yards, a most destructive fire from 
the riflemen, who lay concealed behind their breast-work of 
logs, commenced. It was one whole hour before the enemy 
could force the Americans from their slender defences, and 
just as they began to give way in some points, the British 
commander, Col. Ennes, was wounded. All his subalterns, 
except one, being previously killed or wounded, and Captain 


THE BRAVE CAPTAIN INMAN KILLED. 


219 


Hawsey, the leader of the loyalists on the left, being shot 
down, the whole of the enemy’s line began to yield. The 
riflemen pursued them close, and drove them across the river. 
In this pursuit the gallant Inman was killed, bravely fight¬ 
ing the enemy hand to hand. In this action Col. Shelby 
commanded the right, Col. Clarke, the left, and Col. Williams, 
the centre. 

The battle lasted one hour and a half. The Americans 
lay so closely behind their little breast-work that the enemy 
entirely over-shot them, killing only six or seven, amongst 
whom the loss of the brave Captain Inman was particularly 
regretted. His stratagem of engaging and skirmishing with 
the enemy until the riflemen had time to throw up a hasty 
breast-work—his gallant conduct during the action, and his 
desperate charge upon their retreat—contributed much to the 
victory. He died at the moment it was won. The number 
of the enemy killed and wounded was considerable. The 
tories were the first to escape. Of the British regulars un¬ 
der Col. Ennes, who fought bravely to the last and prolonged 
the conflict even against hope, above two hundred were 
taken prisoners. 

The Americans returned immediately to their horses, and 
mounted with a determination to be in Ninety-Six before 
night. This was a British post less than thirty miles distant, 
and not far from the residence of Col. Williams, one of the 
commanders. It was considered best to push their successes 
into the disaffected regions before time would allow rein¬ 
forcements to reach them. Besides, by making their next 
expedition in the direction of Ninety-Six, they would avoid 
Ferguson’s army, near whose encampment they would have 
necessarily to pass on their return to McDowell’s head-quar¬ 
ters, at Smith’s Ford. At the moment of starting, an express 
from McDowell rode up in great haste, with a short letter in 
his hand from Governor Caswell, dated on the battle ground, 
apprising McDowell of the defeat of the American grand 
army under General Gates, on the sixteenth, near Camden, 
advising him to get out of the way, as the enemy would, no 
no doubt, endeavour to improve their victory to the greatest 
advantage, by cutting up all the small corps of the Ameri- 


i 


220 


THE AMERICANS RETIRE ACROSS THE MOUNTAIN. 


can armies. Fortunately, Col. Shelby was well acquainted 
with the hand-writing of Governor Caswell, and knew what 
reliance to place upon the intelligence brought by the ex¬ 
press. The men and horses were fatigued by the rapid 
march of the night, as well as the severe conflict of the 
morning. They were now encumbered with more than two 
hundred British prisoners and the spoils of victor}'. Besides 
these difficulties that surrounded the American party, there 
was another that made extrication from them, dangerous if 
not impossible. A numerous army under an enterprising 
leader lay in their rear, and there was every reason to be¬ 
lieve that Ferguson would have received intelligence of the 
daring incursion of the riflemen, and of the defeat of his 
friends at the Enoree. The delay of an hour might have 
proved disastrous to the victors. The prisoners were imme¬ 
diately distributed among the companies, so as to leave one 
to every three men, who carried them alternately on horse¬ 
back. They rode directly towards the mountains, and con¬ 
tinued the march all that day and night, and the succeeding 
day, until late in the evening, without ever stopping to re¬ 
fresh. This long and rapid march—retreat it can scarcely be 
called, as the retiring troops bore with them the fruits of a 
well earned victory—saved the Americans. For, as was af¬ 
terwards ascertained, they were pursued closely until late in 
the evening of the second day after the action, by Major Du- 
poister, and a strong body of mounted men from Ferguson’s 
army. These became so broken down by excessive fatigue, 
in hot weather, that they despaired of overtaking the Ameri¬ 
cans and abandoned the pursuit. 

Shelby having seen the party and its prisoners beyond the 
reach of danger, retired across the mountains. He left the 
prisoners with Clarke and Williams, to be carried to some 
place of safety to the North, for it was not known then that 
there was even the appearance of a corps of Americans any 
where south of the Potomac. So great was the panic after 
the defeat of Gates, and the disaster of Sumpter, that McDow¬ 
ell’s whole army broke up. He, with several hundred of his 
followers, yielding to the cruel necessity of the unfortunate 
circumstances which involved the country, retired across the 


DEPRESSED CONDITION OF THE AMERICAN CAUSE. 


221 


mountains, and scattered themselves among the hospitable 
settlers in the securer retreats of Watauga and Nollichucky. 

At this period a deep gloom hung over the cause of 
{ American Independence, and the confidence of its 
i most steadfast friends was shaken. The reduction of 
Savannah, the capitulation of Charleston and the loss of the 
entire army under General Lincoln, had depressed the hopes 
of the patriot whigs, and the subsequent career of British 
conquest and subjugation of Georgia and South-Carolina, 
excited serious apprehension and alarm for the eventual 
success of the American cause. At the urgent appeal of the 
patriotic Governor Rutledge, Virginia had sent forward rein¬ 
forcements under Col. Buford. His command was defeated 
and his men butchered by the sabres of Tarleton. At Cam¬ 
den a second southern army, and commanded by General 
Gates, was dispersed, captured and signally defeated by 
Cornwallis. 

But besides these disasters, there were other circumstances 
that aggravated the discouraging condition of American 
affairs. The finances of Congress were low ; the paper cur¬ 
rency had failed ; its depreciation was every where sinking 
with a rapid proclivity still lower ; the treasuries of the states 
were exhausted and their credit lost ; a general distress per¬ 
vaded the country ; subsistence and clothing for the famish¬ 
ing and ill-clad troops, were to be procured only by impress¬ 
ment ; and the inability of the government, from the want of 
means, to carry on the war, was openly admitted. British 
posts were established, and garrisons kept up at numerous 
points in the very heart of the country, and detachments 
from the main army were with profane impudence rioting 
through the land in an uninterrupted career of outrage, ag¬ 
gression and conquest. Under the protection of these, the 
'loyalists were encouraged to rise against their whig coun¬ 
trymen, to depredate upon their property, insult their fami¬ 
lies, seek their lives and drive them into exile upon the 
Western waters. This was the general condition of Ameri¬ 
can affairs in the South, immediately after the defeat near 
Camden. General Gates endeavouring to collect together 
the shattered fragments of his routed army, made a short 


222 


CORNWALLIS ADVANCES TO CHARLOTTE. 


halt at Charlotte. He afterwards fell back further and 
made his head-quarters at Hillsboro’. 

After the discomfiture of the American army at Camden, 
and the defeat and dispersion of Sumpter’s corps, Lord Corn¬ 
wallis waited only for supplies from Charleston, before he 
proceeded to North-Carolina, which he now scarcely con¬ 
sidered in any other light than as the road to Virginia. A 
junction with the royal forces in that state, was expected at 
so early a day as to give time for prosecuting further opera¬ 
tions against Maryland and Pennsylvania. The expectation 
of some went so far as to count upon a junction with the 
royal army in New-York, and the subjugation of every state 
south of the Hudson, before the close of the campaign.* 
Elated with such delusive prospects of conquest and renown, 
from achievements so magnificent and romantic, Lord Corn¬ 
wallis, until provisions for his army arrived, resumed at Cam¬ 
den the consideration of civil affairs, hoping to give quiet 
and stability to the province he had subdued. Finding that 
many Americans, after swearing allegiance to the British 
government, had, on the approach of Gates, revolted, he 
thought it necessary to prevent further defection by severity 
towards the most active and forward in violation of their 
oaths. The estates of such were sequestered. Instant death 
was denounced against those, who after taking protection, 
should be found in arms against the king. Other measures 
were at the same time adopted, to secure the submission of 
the whigs. Some of the most influential of these, in defiance 
of the terms of surrender and the faith of treaty, were torn 
from their families, hurried into transports and conveyed to 
the fortress of St. Augustine. Among these was General 
Rutherford, whose offence was that while a prisoner at Cam¬ 
den, he manifested no signs of penitence for his rebellion, nor 
of submission to his captors. The lives and property of the 
whigs were subjected to a military despotism. 

Having completed these arrangements in South-Carolina, 
his lordship, on the eighth of September, marched towards 
North-Carolina ; and as he passed through the most hostile 
and populous districts, he sent Col. Tarleton and Major Fer- 

* Ramsay. 


FERGUSON TAKES POST AT RUTHERFORDTON. 


223 


guson to scour the country to his right and left. Arrived at 
Charlotte, and conceiving it to be a favourable situation for 
further advances, he made preparations for establishing a 
post at that place. While he was thus engaged, the com¬ 
manders of his detachments were proceeding in their respec¬ 
tive expeditions. The detachment under Ferguson, as has 
been already seen, had been for several weeks on the left of 
the main army, watching the movements of McDowell, 
Sevier, Shelby, Sumpter and Williams, and Clarke and 
Twiggs. His second in command, Dupoister, had followed 
in close pursuit the mountain men as they retired, after their 
victory at Enoree, to their mountain fastnesses. Ferguson 
himself, with the main body of his army, followed close upon 
the heels of Dupoister, determined to retake the prisoners or 
support his second in command, if he should overtake and 
engage the escaping enemy. Finding that his efforts were 
fruitless, Ferguson took post at a place then called Gilbert 
Town, near the present Rutherfordton, in North-Carolina. 
From this place he sent a most threatening message by 
Samuel Philips, a paroled prisoner, that if the officers west 
of the mountains did not lay down their opposition to the 
British arms, he would march his army over, burn and lay 
waste their country and hang their leaders. 

Patrick Ferguson, who had sent this insolent message, 
was at the head of a large army. Of the loyalists compo¬ 
sing a part of his command, some had previously been 
across the mountain, and were familiar with the passes by 
which these heights were penetrated. One of them had been 
subjected to the indignity of a coat of tar and feathers, in¬ 
flicted during the past summer, by the light horsemen of 
Captain Robert Sevier, on Nollichucky. He proposed to act 
as pilot to the command, which now stood at the foot of the 
Blue Ridge, ready to carry into execution the threat made 
by Ferguson. This gentleman had already displayed that 
combination of intrepid heroism, inventive genius and sound 
judgment, which constitute the valiant soldier and the able 
commander. In early youth he entered the British army, 
and in the German war was distinguished by a courage as 
cool as it was determined. The boasted skill of the Ameri- 


224 


FERGUSON AT NINETY-SIX. 


cans in the use of the rifle was an object of terror to the 
British troops, and the rumors of their fatal aim operated upon 
and stimulated the genius of Ferguson. His invention pro- • 
duced a new species of that instrument of warfare, which 
he could load at the breech, without using the rammer or 
turning the muzzle away from the enemy, and with such 
quickness of repetition as to fire seven times in a minute.* 

After the reduction Charleston, Lord Cornwallis called for 
the assistance of Ferguson in procuring the submission of 
South-Carolina. Among the propositions of that commander 
to secure this object, one scheme was to arm those of the 
inhabitants who were well-affected to the British cause and 
embody them for their own defence. Ferguson, now a lieu¬ 
tenant-colonel, was entrusted with the charge of marshall- 
ting the militia throughout the upper districts. Under 
his direction and conduct, a military force, at once nu¬ 
merous and select, was enrolled and disciplined. These 
he divided into two classes*; one, of the young men, who 
should be ready to join the king’s troops to repel any enemy 
that infested the country ; another, of the aged and heads of 
families, who should unite in the defence of their houses, 
farms and neighbourhoods.f 

“ In completing this organization, Ferguson had advanced to Ninety- 
Six, and, with a large body of troops, was, with his usual vigour and 
success, acting against small detachments of Americans, who, under all 
the discouragements that surrounded them, still remained true to the 
cause of independence, and determined to maintain possession of the 
country against the overwhelming force of the British and the royal 
militia. At Ninety-Six Ferguson received intelligence that a corps of 
Americans, under Col. Clarke, had made an attempt upon the British 
post at Augusta, and, being repulsed, was retreating by the back settle¬ 
ments to North-Carolina. To this information, the messenger further 
added that the commandant at Augusta, Col. Brown, intended to hang 
upon the rear of Clarke, and urged Ferguson to cut across his route 
and co-operate in intercepting and dispersing his party. This service 
seemed to be perfectly consistent with the purposes of Ferguson’s expe¬ 
dition, as it would give employment to his loyalists, prevent the con¬ 
centration of whig forces, and prevent their junction with Gen. Gates. 
Clarke was able, however, to elude his vigilance, and w T as present, as 
has been seen, at the battle of Enoree, and assisted in that masterly 
engagement, and the remarkable retreat by which he and his comrades 


* Bissett. 


f Idem. 


SHELBY AND SEVIER APPEAL TO THE VOLUNTEERS. 225 

escaped from Ferguson. The pursuit of the retiring Americans 
brought Ferguson so far to the left as to seem to threaten the habi¬ 
tations of the hardy race that occupied and lived beyond the moun¬ 
tains. He was approaching the lair of the lion, for many of the fami¬ 
lies of the persecuted whigs had been deposited in this asylum.”* 

The refugee whigs received a hearty welcome from their 
hospitable but plain countrymen on Watauga and Nolli- 
chucky. The door of every cabin was thrown open, and the 
strangers felt at once assured of kindness, of sympathy and 
assistance. Among the neighbours of Sevier and Shelby the 
exiles from the Carolinas and Georgia were at home. 

Among the refugees, soon after, came Samuel Philips, the 
paroled prisoner, by whom Ferguson sent his threatening mes¬ 
sage as already mentioned. It reached Shelby about the last 
of August. He immediately rode fifty or sixty miles to see 
Sevier, for the purpose of concerting with him measures suited 
to the approaching crisis. He remained with him two days. 
They came to the determination to raise all the riflemen they 
could, march hastily through the mountains and endeavour 
to surprise Ferguson in his camp. They hoped to be able, 
at least, to cripple him so as to prevent his crossing the moun¬ 
tain in the execution of his threat. The day and the place 
were appointed for the rendezvous of the men. The time was 
the twenty-fifth day of September, and the Sycamore Shoals, 
on Watauga, selected as being the most central point and 
abounding most in the necessary supplies. 

Col. Sevier, with that intense earnestness and persuasive 
address for which he was so remarkable, began at once to 
arouse the border-men for the projected enterprise. In this 
he encountered no difficulty. A spirit of congenial heroism 
brought to his standard, in a few days, more men than it was 
thought either prudent or safe to withdraw from the settle¬ 
ments: the whole military force of which was estimated at 
considerably less than a thousand men. Fully one half of 
that number was necessary to man the forts and stations, and 
keep up scouting parties on the extreme frontier. The remain¬ 
der were immediately enrolled for the distant service. A dif¬ 
ficulty arose from another source. Many of the volunteers 


15 


* Johnson. 


226 


PATRIOTISM OF MRS. SEVIER. 


were unable to furnish suitable horses and equipments. The 
iron hand of poverty checked the rising ambition of many a 
valorous youth, who 

-“had heard of battle, 

And -who longed to follow to the field some warlike chief.” 


“Here,” said Mrs. S., pointing to her son, not yet sixteen 
years old ; “ Here, Mr. Sevier, is another of our boys that 
wants to go with his father and brother to the war—but we 
have no horse for him, and, poor fellow, it is a great distance 
to walk.” Colonel Sevier tried to borrow money on his own 
responsibility, to fit out and furnish the expedition. But every 
inhabitant had expepded the last dollar in taking up his land, 
and all the money of the country' was thus in the hands of the 
Entryr-taker. Sevier waited upon that officer and represented 
to him that the want of means was likely to retard, and in 
some measure to frustrate, his exertions, to carry- out the expe¬ 
dition, and suggested to him the use of the public money in 
his hands. John Adair, Esq., late of Knox country, was the 
Entry-taker, and his reply was worthy of the times and wor¬ 
thy of the man. “ Col. Sevier, I have no authority by law to 
make that disposition of this money. It belongs to the im¬ 
poverished treasury- of North-Carolina, and I dare not appro¬ 
priate a cent of it to any purpose. But, if the country is over¬ 
run by the British, liberty is gone. Let the money go too. 
Take it. If the enemy, by its use, is driven from the country^ 
lean trust that country to justify and vindicate my conduct. 
Take it.” 

The money was taken and expended in the purchase of am¬ 
munition and the necessary equipments. Shelby and Sevier 
pledged themselves to see it refunded, or the act of the Entry- 
taker legalized by the North-Carolina legislature. That was 
scrupulously attended to at the earliest practicable moment. 
The evidence of it is before this writer, in the original receipt 
now in his possession : 


“ Rec’d., Jan’y. 31st, 1782, of Mr. John Adair, Entry-taker in the 
county of Sullivan, twelve thousand seven hundred and thirty-five dol¬ 
lars, which is placed to his credit on the Treasury Books. 

12,735 Dollars. I Per Roberi Larier - Tre “’?\ „ 

\ Salisbury Dist. 



CO-OPERATION OF COLONEL CAMPBELL. 


227 


Sevier also undertook to bring Col. McDowell and other 
field officers who with their followers were then in a state 
of expatriation amongst the western settlers, into the measure. 
In this he succeeded at once. All of them had been driven 
from their homes, which were now deserted and exposed to 
the depredations of the disorderly and licentious loyalists who 
had joined the foreign enemy. Most of them had friends and 
kindred, on whom Ferguson and his tories were even then 
wreaking their vengeance. These homes and these friends, 
they longed to rescue and protect from further violence and 
desecration. 

To Shelby was assigned the duty of securing the co-ope¬ 
ration of the riflemen of Western Virginia. These had, in 
many a past campaign, with the pioneers of Tennessee, 
bivouaced and fought and triumphed together over a savage 
foe, and it was now deemed essential to the preservation of 
liberty and independence to obtain the aid of these gallant 
men in resisting the invasion of the common country. Shel¬ 
by accordingly hastened home, wrote a letter to William 
Campbell, colonel commandant of Washington county, Vir¬ 
ginia, and sent it by his brother, Moses Shelby, to the house 
of Campbell, a distance of forty miles. In this letter Col. 
Shelby stated what had been determined on by Sevier and 
himself, and urged Campbell to join them with his regiment. 
That gallant officer, true to the general cause, but most loyal 
to Virginia, replied, by the same messenger, that he did not 
approve of the measures that had been adopted, and that he 
should pursue his original intention and march his men down 
by way of the Flower Gap, and get on the southern borders 
of Virginia, ready to meet and oppose Lord Cornwallis when 
he approached that state. With this answer Shelby was 
much disappointed. He was unwilling that the whole mili¬ 
tary force of Sullivan and Washington counties should be 
taken upon the contemplated expedition, and thus leave the 
frontier exposed to attacks from the Cherokees, from whom 
they were threatened with, and had good reason to expect, 
an immediate invasion. He, therefore, wrote a second letter 
and sent it by the same messenger, immediately back to Col. 
Campbell, giving additional reasons in favour of the projected 


228 


THE CAMP AT WATAUGA. 


campaign. To this letter Campbell replied that he would 
co-operate with his whole force. 

Col. Campbell commanded four hundred men from Vir¬ 
ginia, Col. Sevier two hundred and forty from Washington, 
and Col. Shelby two hundred and forty from Sullivan county, 
in North-Carolina. The refugee whigs mustered under Col. 
McDowell. All were well mounted, and nearly all armed 
with a Deckhard * rifle. 

The camp on Watauga, on the twenty-fifth of September, 
presented an animated spectacle. With the exception of the 
few colonists on the distant Cumberland, the entire military 
force of what is now Tennessee was assembled at the Syca¬ 
more Shoals. Scarce a single gunman remained, that day, 
at his own house. The young, ardent and energetic had 
generally enrolled themselves for the campaign against Fer¬ 
guson. The less vigorous and more aged, were left, with 
the inferior guns, in the settlements for their protection 
against the Indians ; but all had attended the rendezvous. 
The old men were there to counsel, encourage and stimulate 
the youthful soldier, and to receive, from the colonels, in¬ 
structions for the defence of the stations during their absence. 
Others were there to bring, in rich profusion, the products 
of their farms, which were cheerfully furnished gratuitously 
and without stint, to complete the outfit of the expedition. 
Gold and silver they had not, but subsistence and clothing, 
and equipment and the fiery charger—anything the frontier- 
man owned, in the cabin, the field or the range, was offered, 
unostentatiously, upon the altar of his country. The wife 
and the sister were there, and, with a suppressed sigh, wit¬ 
nessed the departure of the husband and the brother. And 
there, too, were the heroic mothers, with a mournful but 
noble pride, to take a fond farewell of their gallant sons. 

The sparse settlements of this frontier had never before 
seen assembled together a concourse of people so immense 
and so evidently agitated by great excitement. The large 

* This rifle was remarkable for the precision and distance of its shot. It was 
generally three feet six inches long, weighed about seven pounds, and ran about 
seventy bullets to the pound of lead. It was so called from Deckhard, the maker, 
in Lancaster, Pa. One of them is now in the possession of the writer. 


CAMPBELL, SHELBY, SEVIER AND m’dOWELL. 


229 


mass of the assembly were volunteer riflemen, clad in the 
home-spun of their wives and sisters, and wearing the 
hunting shirt so characteristic of the back-woods soldiery, 
and not a few of them the moccasins of their own manu¬ 
facture. A few of the officers were better dressed, but all 

■ ■—* 

in citizens’ clothing. The mien of Campbell was sterm 
authoritative and dignified. Shelby was grave, taciturn and 
determined. Sevier, vivacious, ardent, [impulsive and ener¬ 
getic. McDowell, moving about with the ease and dignity 
of a colonial magistrate, inspiring veneration for his virtues 
and an indignant sympathy for the wrongs of himself and 
his co-exiles. All were completely wrapt in the absorbing 
subject of the revolutionary struggle, then approaching its 
acme, and threatening the homes and families of the moun¬ 
taineers themselves. Never did mountain recess contain 
within it, a loftier or a more enlarged patriotism—never a 
cooler or more determined courage. 

In the seclusion of their homes in the West, many of the 
volunteers had only heard of war at a distance, and had 
been in undisputed possession of that independence for which 
their Atlantic countrymen were now struggling. The near 
approach of Ferguson had awakened them from their secu¬ 
rity, and indignant at the violence and depredations of his 
followers, they were now embodied to chastise and avenge 
them. This they had done at the suggestion and upon the 
motion of their own leaders, without any requisition from 
the governments of America or the officers of the continental 
army. Indeed, at this moment, the American army in the 
South was almost annihilated, and the friends of the Ameri¬ 
can cause were discouraged and despondent. The British 
were everywhere triumphant, and the loyalists, under the 
pretence of promoting the service of his Britannic Majesty, 
were in many sections perpetrating the greatest outrage and 
cruelty upon the whigs. The attitude of these volunteer 
detachments was as forlorn as it was gallant. At the time 
of their embodiment, and for several days after they had 
marched against the enemy, flushed with recent victories 
and confident of further conquest, it was not known to them 
that a single armed corps of Americans was marshalled for 


230 


DIVINE PROTECTION IMPLORED. 


their assistance or relief. The crisis was, indeed, dark and 
gloomy. Bat indomitable patriots were present, prepared 
and willing to meet it. The personnel of no army could have 
been better. There was strength, enterprise, courage and 
enthusiasm. The ardour and impetuosity and rashness of 
youth were there, to project and execute, with the wisdom of 
mature age, to temper and direct them ; the caution of the 
father and the irrepressible daring of the son. 

Without delay, early on the morning of the next day after 
its rendezvous at Watauga, the little army was on the march. 
Before the troops left the camp, the officers requested that 
they should assemble for the purpose of commending the army 
to Divine protection and guidance. They promptly com¬ 
plied with the request. Prayer, solemn and appropriate, was 
offered by a clergyman present, and the riflemen mounted 
their horses and started on the distant campaign. 

After leaving the rendezvous at the Sycamore Shoals, the 
troops took up the line of march; passing along the valley 
J of Gap Creek, they encamped the first night at the 
( mill of Mr. Matthew Tolbot. They pursued Bright’s 
trace across the Yellow Mountain. The staff was incom¬ 
plete ; rather, there was no staff; no quarter-master, no 
commissary, no surgeon, no chaplain. As in all their Indian 
campaigns, being mounted and unencumbered with baggage, 
their motions were rapid. Each man, each officer, set out 
with his trusty Deckhard on his shoulder. “ A shot pouch, 
a tomahawk, a knife, a knapsack and a blanket, completed 
the outfit. At night, the earth afforded him a bed and the 
heavens a covering; the mountain stream quenched his 
thirst; while his provision was procured from supplies ac¬ 
quired on the march by his gun.” Some beeves were driven 
in the rear, to furnish subsistence while in the settlements, 
but they impeded the rapidity of the march, and, after the 
first day, were abandoned. After passing the mountain, the 
troops, sparing the property of the whigs, quartered and 
subsisted upon the tories. 

On the second day, two of the men were missed. They 
had deserted, and would doubtless escape to the enemy, and 
apprise them of the approach of the mountain men, and the 


THE VOLUNTEERS CROSS THE MOUNTAIN. 


231 


route by which the march would be conducted. Owing to 
this apprehension, which was subsequently ascertained to be 
well founded, the troops, after passing the top of the Alle¬ 
ghany, left the frequented trace, and turned to the left, de¬ 
scending by a worse path than was ever before travelled by 
an army of horsemen. Reaching the foot of the mountain, 
they fell in with Colonel Cleveland, of Wilkes county, and 
Colonel Winston, of Surry county, North-Carolina, with three 
or four hundred men, who were creeping along through the 
woods, desiring to fall in with and join any party that might 
be going to oppose the enemy. 

After reaching the settled country east of the mountain, 
additions were constantly made to their numbers—of officers 
with men, and of officers without men, and of men without 
officers ; some few on horses—most of them on foot—but 
all eager to find and fight the enemy. 

The junction of the party from Wilkes and Surry took place 
about the first of October. The second day following was so 
wet that the army could not move. The delay was improved 
by the commanding officers, meeting, as if by instinct, in the 
evening and holding a council. At this meeting it was deter¬ 
mined to send to head-quarters, wherever it might be, for a 
general officer to take the command of the several corps ; and 
that in the meantime they would meet in council every day 
to determine on the measures to be pursued. Col. Shelby 
was not well satisfied with these regulations ; and in support 
of his objections, observed to the council that they were then 
in striking distance of the enemy, who lay at that time at Gil¬ 
bert Town, sixteen or eighteen miles distant—that Ferguson 
would either attack or avoid them until he gathered together 
such a force that they dared not approach. He therefore 
advised that they should act with promptness and decision, 
and proposed that they would appoint one of their own num¬ 
ber to command and march the next day and attack the 
enemy at Gilbert Town. He further proposed that Colonel 
Campbell was known to him as a gentleman of good sense 
and warmly attached to the cause of the country—was 
the only officer from Virginia and commanded the largest 
regiment in the army,—and that he would accordingly nomi- 


232 


FERGUSON LEAVES GILBERT TOWN, 


nate him as their chief. Shelby made this proposition for the 
purpose of quieting the expectations of some that Colonel 
McDowell should assume the command. He was the senior 
officer present, the army was then in his military district, and 
he had commanded during the past summer against the same 
enemy—was, moreover, a brave man and a decided friend to 
the American cause. But he was considered too far advanced 
in life and too inactive a man to take charge of such an enter¬ 
prise, against such an antagonist as was immediately before 
them. McDowell proposed that he would be the messenger 
to go for a general officer. He started immediately, and his 
brother, Joseph McDowell, took command of his men. On 
his way, about eight miles from camp, he fell in with Colonel 
James Williams, of South-Carolina, and a number of other 
field officers from that state, with near four hundred men. 
The intelligence of this opportune reinforcement McDowell 
communicated by express. 

king’s mountain. 

Gilbert Town is distinguished as the extreme point of British 
invasion in the direction of the home of the mountain men. 
To that place Ferguson, in the execution of his vain threat 
to invade and burn up their villages, had advanced and there 
erected his majesty’s standard, with the double purpose of 
securing the co-operation of the loyalists and of preventing 
the rising and concentration of the whigs. At that place he 
received intelligence of the avalanche of indignant patriotism 
accumulating along the mountain, and ready to precipitate 
itself upon and overwhelm his army. From that place, en¬ 
terprising as he was, he found it necessary to fall back and 
seek safety by a junction with the main army of Cornwallis, 
at Charlotte. Every movement of Ferguson, from the time 
he left his camp at Gilbert Town, indicated his apprehension 
of the impending danger. He commanded the loyalist militia, 
he importuned them, he held out the language of promise 
and of threatening, to stimulate their allegiance and their 
courage. He called in vain. A cloud was gathering upon 
the mountain, and his loyal militia knew that it portended a 
storm and a disastrous overthrow. Ferguson changed his 


AND RETIRES BEFORE THE RIFLEMEN. 


233 


language and appealed to them in the words of bitter reproach 
and contemptuous ridicule. On his retreat he issued a circu¬ 
lar letter to the tory leaders, informing them of an “ inunda¬ 
tion of barbarians”—calls the patriotic riflemen “ the dregs 
of mankind,” and importunes his loyalists thus : “ If you wish 
to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms in a mo¬ 
ment and run into camp. The backwater men have crossed 
the mountain, McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland 
are at their head—so that you know what you will have to 
depend upon. If you choose to be degraded for ever and ever 
by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn 
their backs upon you and look out for real men to protect 
them.” 

Ferguson, after breaking up his camp at Gilbert Town, had 
despatched Abram Collins and-Quinn, to Lord Corn¬ 

wallis, informing him of his critical situation and begging a re¬ 
inforcement. After despatching his letter, Ferguson marched, 
on the fourth, over Main Broad River to the Cow Pens. On the 
fifth he continued his march to Tate’s, since Dear’s Ferry, 
where he again crossed and encamped about a mile above. 
On the sixth, he marched about fourteen miles and formed 
his camp on an eminence, where he waited for the expected 
reinforcements, of loyalists in the neighbourhood, and of 
regulars from the royal army. The loyalty of the former 
quailed at the approach of the riflemen, and in this hour of 
need their assistance was withheld ; they remained out of 
Ferguson’s camp. 

On Wednesday, the fourth of October, the riflemen ad¬ 
vanced to Gilbert Town. But Ferguson had decamped, 
having permitted many of the loyalists to visit their families, 
under engagement to join him on the shortest notice. 
In the meantime, he took a circuitous march through the 
neighbourhoods, in which the tories principally resided, to 
gain time and avoid the riflemen until his forces could be 
collected and had joined him. This retrograde movement 
betrayed his apprehensions, and pointed out the necessity of a 
vigorous effort to overtake him. Plaving gained a know¬ 
ledge of his designs, the principal officers determined, in 
council, to pursue him with all possible despatch. Accord- 



234 


WILLIAMS, HAMBRIGIIT AND CHRONICLE, 


ingly, two nights before the action, the officers were engaged 
all night in selecting the best men, the best horses and the 
best rifles, and at the dawn of day took Ferguson’s trail? 
and pursued him with nine hundred and ten* expert marks¬ 
men, while those on foot and with weak horses were ordered 
to follow on more leisurely. 

On the pursuit, the Americans passed near where several 
large parties of tories were collecting. At the Cow Pens 
sixty men under Col. Hambright and Major Chronicle, of 
Tryon county, and Col. Williams, with the South-Carolina 
troops, joined them. Here they were informed that a body 
of six hundred tories were assembled at Major Gibbs’s, four 
miles to their right, and would join Ferguson the next day. 
These they did not take time to molest. The riflemen from 
the mountains had turned out to catch Ferguson. He was 
their object; and for the last thirty-six hours of the pursuit, 
they never alighted from their horses but once to refresh 
for an hour at the Cow Pens, although, the day of the battle 
was so extremely wet that the men could only keep their 
guns dry, by wrapping their sacks, blankets and hunting 
shirts around the locks, thus exposing their bodies to a 
heavy and incessant rain. The trail every hour became 
more fresh, and the Americans hurried with eagerness after 
the prey, which they determined should not escape their 
grasp. The advance met some unarmed men, who were 
fresh from Ferguson’s camp, a short halt was made, and 
these men were closely examined. From them it was ascer¬ 
tained that the enemy was encamped three miles before 
them, and were to march next morning to Lord Cornwallis’s 
head-quarters; his position was accurately described, and 
the route to the camp minutely given. Col. Williams and 
some of his men were well acquainted with the shape of the 
ground and the approaches to it. 

It was now after twelve o’clock; the rain had ceased, the 
clouds were passing oft, the sun shone brightly, and nature 
seemed to smile upon the enterprise at hand. It was deter- 

* I quote from the Shelby papers iu my possession, and from which many of 
the details of this expedition have been derived. Haywood has extracted from 
them also. 


JOIN TIIR ARMY, WHICH APPROACHES THE ENEMy’s CAMP. 235 

mined to march at once upon the camp, and decide the con¬ 
flict without further rest or refreshment. Each man was 
ordered to “ tie up his over-coat and blanket, throw the pri¬ 
ming out of his pan, pick his touch-hole, prime anew, ex¬ 
amine his bullets, and see that every thing was in readiness 
for battle.” While this was being done the officers agreed 
upon the general plan of attack, which was to surround the 
eminence and make a simultaneous assault upon every part 
of the camp. The men were soon in their saddles and upon 
their march. When within a mile of the battle ground an 
express from Ferguson was arrested, on whom was found a 
despatch to Lord Cornwallis, urging him to send immediate 
reinforcements and stating the number under his command ; 
and that he was securely encamped upon a hill, which, in 
in honour of his majesty, he had named King’s Mountain, and 
that if all the rebels out of h—11 should attack him, they would 
not drive him from it. The contents of the despatch were, 
with the exception of the number of the enemy, communi¬ 
cated to the riflemen, the march was resumed, their pace 
quickened and they rode in a gallop within view of the camp 
of Ferguson. 

A closer examination of the ground and the position of the 
enemy, demonstrated the feasibility of the plan of attack 
already concerted by the offioers. More minute arrange¬ 
ments were immediately made and carried into execution. 
It was decided that the troops commanded by Winston, 
McDowell, Sevier, Shelby and Campbell, being something 
more than half of the whole number of the assailants, after 
tying their horses should file to the right, and pass the moun¬ 
tain nearly out of reach of the enemy’s guns, and continue 
around it till they should meet the rest of the troops encir¬ 
cling the mountain on its other side, and led by Hambright 
and Chronicle, and followed by Cleveland and Williams; 
after which each command was to face to the front, raise 
the Indian war whoop, and advance upon the enemy. Ac¬ 
cordingly the troops moved forward, and passing up a ravine 
between two rocky knolls, came in full view of the enemy’s 
camp above them, and about one hundred poles in front. 
Here they dismounted, and having tied their horses, left a 


236 


RIFLEMEN SURROUND THE MOUNTAIN 


small guard with them. The right wing or column was led 
by Winston and Sevier, the left by Cleveland and Williams; 
the centre was composed of Campbell’s men on the right, 
and Shelby’s on the left. In this order each officer having 
formed his ranks, led off at the same time to the position as¬ 
signed him, under pilots selected from Col. Williams’s men, 
who were familiar with the ground. On its march around 
the mountain, the right column discovered that there were 
two gaps in the ridge at the enemy’s left flank—one about 
twenty poles from it, the other fifty. It was decided to pass 
through the latter. About the time they entered it, the enemy 
began to fire upon them. The fire at first did not attract 
attention, until some of Shelby’s men being wounded, that 
officer and McDowell determined to return the fire, and be¬ 
fore they had crossed the ridge, broke off towards the enemy, 
through the gap nearest to his camp, and discharged their 
rifles with great effect. The rest of the column under 
Campbell ascended the mountain, and poured in a deadly 
fire upon the enemy posted upon its summit. The firing be¬ 
came so heavy as to attract the attention of Ferguson, who 
immediately brought up a part of his regulars from the other 
end of his line, and a brisk charge was made upon the Ame¬ 
rican right by the British regulars and some of the tories. 
This charge pushed McDowell, Shelby and Campbell, down 
the mountain. At this moment, the left column under Ham- 
bright, Chronicle, Cleveland and Williams, had driven in the 
enemy’s picquets at the other extremity of the encampment, 
and advancing up the mountain, poured in a well directed 
fire on the enemy protected here by their wagons and some 
slight defences, and commanded by Ferguson himself. Du- 
poister, his second in command, was immediately recalled, 
ordered into line on the top of the ridge, and directed to make 
a charge with all the regulars upon the Americans at that 
end of the encampment. On his passage to the relief of Fer¬ 
guson, Dupoister received a galling fire from the South-Caro- 
linians under Williams. The regulars were soon rallied, 
made a desperate charge, and drove the riflemen to the foot 
of the hill. Here Major Chronicle fell. 

In the meantime, the recall of Dupoister from the charge 


AND ATTACK FERGUSON^ CAMP. 


237 


at the other extremity of the mountain, gave the appearance 
there of a retreat on the part of the enemy, and the men 
under Shelby, McDowell and Campbell, having recovered 
from the slight disorganization produced by the first charge, 
rallied to the pursuit. The cry was raised—“ huzza, boys, 
they are retreating ; come on !” They advanced with great 
firmness up the hill, almost to the lines of the encampment, 
and for some time maintained a deadly conflict with the tory 
riflemen. Ferguson, as before, decided to resort again to the 
bayonet. But the marksmen had so thinned the ranks of the 
regulars, that the expedient was adopted of trimming the 
handles of the butcher knives, and adapting them to the 
muzzles of the tory rifles, and of thus using them in the 
charge. With the number of his bayonets thus enlarged, 
Dupoister returned to his first position, and made another 
charge. It was short and feebly executed, and the regulars 
returned within their lines. 

About this time the front of the two American columns 
had met, and the army of Ferguson was surrounded by the 
riflemen. Their firing became incessant and general in all 
quarters, but especially at the two ends of the enemy’s line. 
Sevier pressed against its centre, and was charged upon by 
the regulars. The conflict here became stubborn, and drew to 
it much of the enemy’s force. This enabled Shelby and 
Campbell to reach and hold the crest of the mountain. 

On all sides, now, the fire was brisk and deadly, and the 
charges with the bayonet, though less vigorous, were fre¬ 
quent. In all cases where the enemy charged the Ameri¬ 
cans on one side of the hill, those on the other thought he 
was retreating, and advanced near to the summit. But in 
all these movements, the left of Ferguson’s line was gradu¬ 
ally receding, and the Americans were plying their rifles 
with terrible effect. Ferguson was still in the heat of 
battle ; with characteristic coolness and daring, he ordered 
Captain Dupoister to reinforce a position about one hundred 
yards distant, with his regulars ; but before they reached it, 
they were thinned too much by the American rifles, to ren¬ 
der any effectual support. He then ordered his cavalry to 
mount, with a view of making a desperate onset at their 


/ 


238 DESPERATE COURAGE AND DEATH OF FERGUSON. 

head. But these only presented a better mark for the rifle, 
and fell as fast as they could mount their horses. He rode 
from one end of his line to the other, encouraging his men 
to prolong the conflict. With desperate courage, he passed 
from one exposed point to another of equal danger. He 
carried in his wounded hand, a shrill sounding silver whistle, 
whose signal was universally known through the ranks, was of 
immense service throughout the battle, and gave a kind of 
ubiquity to his movements.* 

But the Americans having reached the top of the moun¬ 
tain, were gradually compressing the enemy, and the line of 
Ferguson’s encampment was sensibly contracted. A flag 
was raised by the tories in token of surrender. Ferguson 
rode up to it, and pulled it down. A second flag was raised 
at the other end of the line. He rode there too, and cut it 
down with his sword. He was frequently admonished by 
Dupoister to surrender ; but his proud spirit could not deign 
to give up to raw and undisciplined militia. When the se¬ 
cond flag was cut down, Dupoister renewed his admonition. 
To this he replied by declaring, he would never surrender to 
such a damned set of banditti as the mountain men. These 
men, while they admired the unyielding spirit of Ferguson, had 
noticed, that whenever his voice or whistle was heard, the 
enemy were inspirited to another rally. They believed that 
while he survived, his desperate courage would not permit 
a surrender. He fell soon after, and immediately expired. 

The forward movement of all the American columns 
brought them to a level with the enemy’s guns, which here¬ 
tofore, in most instances, had overshot their heads. The 
horizontal fire of the regulars was now considerably fatal; 
but the rapid advance of the riflemen soon surrounded both 
them and the tories, who being crowded close together, and 
cooped up into a narrow space by the surrounding pressure 
of the American troops, and fatally galled by their incessant 
fire, lost all hope from further resistance. Dupoister, who 
succeeded Ferguson in command, perceiving that farther 
struggle was in vain, raised the white flag, and exclaimed 
for quarters. A general cessation of the American fire fol¬ 
lowed ; but this cessation was not complete. Some of the 

*Foster. 



)' j 

IHl / i .1) -L > i. 




ifpafe^ 

BW« 


w» J Ti^'fc 

yff.^ ^ @ 

• t-*® ^•’•|« [ 

? 5 


„ v? *•<■ > > <* -U 


H5V> r*'W%W 

5 g|M| 

i^MI 


'Pi 

ilfcM# 

*U wM ’ 


l^v 


> 2 
i * 
% ^ 

* y 

$ - 

l -' 

$• c 

> ^ 
V , 

N - 

N S 

^ ft 

1 4 

'% 5 



















































colonel williams’s heroic charge. 


239 


young men did not understand the meaning of a white flag; 
others who did, knew that other flags had been raised before, 
and were quickly taken down. Shelby halloed out to them 
to throw down their guns, as all would understand that as a 
surrender. This was immediately done. The arms were 
now lying in front of the prisoners, without any orders how 
to dispose of them. Col. Shelby, seeing the facility with 
which the enemy could resume their guns, exclaimed : “ Good 
God ! what can we do in this confusion ?” “ We can order 

the prisoners from their arms,” said Sawyers. “Yes,” said 
Shelby, “ that can be done.” The prisoners were accord- 
ly marched to another place, and there surrounded by a 
double guard. 

The battle of King’s Mountain lasted about an hour. The 
loss of the enemy was two hundred and twenty-five killed, 
one hundred and eighty wounded, seven hundred prisoners, 
fifteen hundred stand of arms, and a great many horses and 
wagons loaded with supplies, and booty of every kind, taken 
by the plundering tories from the wealthy w T higs. 

General Bernard, an officer under Napoleon, and after¬ 
wards in the United States Engineer Service, on examining 
the battle ground of King’s Mountain, said : “ The Ameri¬ 
cans, by their victory in that engagement, erected a monu¬ 
ment to perpetuate the memory of the brave men w 7 ho had 
fallen there ; and the shape of the hill itself, would be an 
eternal monument of the military genius and skill of Col. 
Ferguson, in selecting a position so well adapted for de¬ 
fence ; and that no other plan of assault but that pursued by 
the mountain men, could have succeeded against him.”* 

The loss of the Americans was thirty killed, and about 
twice that number wounded. Of the former, was Col. Wil¬ 
liams of South-Carolina. He fell a victim to the true Pal¬ 
metto spirit, and intemperate eagerness for battle. Towards 
the close of the engagement, he espied Ferguson riding 

*The account of the battle at King’s Mountain, as given, has been taken from 
the Shelby papers, the written statements of Generals Graham and Lenoir, Mr. 
Foster’s Essay, and manuscript narratives of several of the riflemen, who partici¬ 
pated in it. The official report has been seen for the first time, by this writer, in 
“ Wheeler’s North-Carolina,” just out of press. It is given at page 243. 


240 


MONUMENT AT KING’S MOUNTAIN. 


near the line, and dashed towards him with the gallant de¬ 
termination of a personal encounter. “ I will kill Fergu¬ 
son, or die in the attempt!” exclaimed Williams, and spur¬ 
ring his horse in the direction of the enemy, received a bullet 
as he crossed their line. He survived till he heard that his 
antagonist was killed, and his camp surrendered ; and amidst 
the shouts of victory by his triumphant countrymen, said : 
“ I die contented,” and with a smile upon his countenance, 
expired. 

Major Chronicle, who, with Col. Hambright, led the left 
wing, was, in passing round the end of the mountain, much 
exposed to the fire of the enemy above them, and little more 
than one hundred yards distant. He fell early in the engage¬ 
ment, at the foot of the hill, near the junction of the two 
streams, while gallantly repulsing the British charge. A 
plain monument attests the grateful remembrance of his 
countrymen It bears this inscription : 

Sacred 

To the memory of 

MAJOR WILLIAM CHRONICLE, 

CAPT JOHN MATTOCKS, 

WILLIAM ROBB, 

AND 

JOHN BOYD, 

Who were killed at this place, on the seventh day of October, 1780, 

fighting in defence of America. 

On the other side of the monument, facing the battle ground, is in¬ 
scribed : 

COL. FERGUSON, 

An officer of his Britannic Majesty, 

Was defeated and killed 
At this place, 

On the 7th day of 

October, 1780. 

Of Col. Campbell’s regiment, Lieutenant Edmondson, two 
others of the same name and family, and ten of their asso¬ 
ciates in arms, were killed. The names of the Virginia offi¬ 
cers are Captains Dysart, Colville, Edmonston, Beattie and 
Craig; Lieutenants; Edmonston, Bowen; Ensign Robert 
Campbell, who killed the British Adjutant McGinnis at the 
head of a charging party. Captain Robert Edmonston said 
to one of his men, John McCrosky, that he did not like his 


MINOR DETAILS OF THE BATTLE. 


241 


place, and broke forward to the hottest part of the battle, 
and there received the charge of Dupoister’s regulars, dis¬ 
charged his rifle, clubbed his gun, knocked the musket out 
of the hands of one of the soldiers, and seizing him by the 
neck, made him his prisoner, and brought him to the foot of 
the hill. Returning again to the British line, he received a 
mortal wound in the breast. After the surrender, McCrosky 
went in search of his captain, and told him the battle was 
over, and the tories were defeated. Edmonston nodded satis¬ 
faction, and died. 

Of the wounded in Col. Shelby’s regiment, was his bro¬ 
ther, Moses Shelby, who, in a bold attempt to storm the ene¬ 
my’s camp, leaped upon one of the wagons out of which the 
breast-w ork was formed, and was wounded. Fagan and 
some others, suffered in the same way. Col. Snodgrass, late 
of Sullivan county, belonged to Col. Shelby’s regiment. His 
captains were Elliot, Maxwell and Webb; Lieutenant 
Sawysr.s* 

Of the regiment from Washington county, and commanded 
by Col. Sevier, the captains were his two brothers, Valen¬ 
tine Sevier, Robert Sevier, Joel Callahan, George Doherty 
and George Russell ; Lieutenant Isaac Lane. Capt. Robert 
Sevier was wounded in the abdomen, and died the second or 
third day after, and was buried at Bright’s. 

Among the privates, were four others of the Sevier family, 
viz : Abraham Sevier, Joseph Sevier, and two of Col. Se¬ 
vier’s sons, Joseph and James ; the latter in his sixteenth 
year. 

William Lenoir (since General Lenoir) was a captain un¬ 
der Winston. He was encouraging the men who had re¬ 
ceived Dupoister’s second charge, to load well, and make a 
bold push against their assailants, when he received a slight 
wound in his left arm, and another in his side, while a bul¬ 
let passed through his hair, just below the tie, without touch¬ 
ing the skin. 

In Ferguson’s possession was found, after his defeat, the 
following letter to him from Lieut. Col. Cruger, commanding at 
Ninety-Six. The original is mutilated, and a few words or 
cyphers are illegible. 

16 


242 


LETTER IN CYPHER FROM COLONEL CRUGER. 


“ 96, Tuesday Morning, Oct. 3. 

“ Sir —The night before last I returned from the Ceded Lands, having 
done that business pretty effectually. Your several letters I am now in 
possession of. This instant I received what you wrote the 30th Septem¬ 
ber. I shall repeat.for the militia to turn out their 

six months’ men ;—clear.that if you get as 

many as will defend the .... . . from so considerable force 

as you understand is coming from the mountains, is as many, in my 
opinion, as in reason we have a right to expect, Qr. will join you. Our 
force of soldiers here does not exceed in number what in your last letter 

is mentioned.to march ... I don’t see how 

you can possibly.the country and its neighbour¬ 
hood that you . . . now in. The game from the mountains is just 

what I expected. Am glad to find you so capitally suppjrted by the 
friends to government in North-Carolina. I flattered myself they would 
have been equal to the mountain lads, and that no further call for the 
defensive would have been on this part of the Province. I begin to think 
our views for the present rather large. We have been led to this, pro¬ 
bably, in expecting too much from the militia—as, for instance, you call 
for.regiments. They are but just ^ that number ; . 

“ Farewell-believe me, very sincerely and with much regard, . 

.Dr. Sir, 

“ Yr. Very humb’e Ser’vt., 

Cruger, Lieut. Col. Com’g. 96. 

Addressed, “ On his Majesty’s Service, 

Colonel Ferguson, 

Commanding Detachment 

Of his Majesty’s Troop, &c.” 

The victory at King’s Mountain was complete. Not one 
of the enemy escaped during the battle : from its commence¬ 
ment they were surrounded and could not escape. The army 
encamped upon the battle ground the night of the seventh. 
They had more prisoners than whigs with whom to guard 
them. They were in the neighbourhood of several parties of 
tories, and had reason to expect that Tarleton or some rein¬ 
forcements from Lord Cornwallis, would attempt either to 
pursue or intercept them. The next day was the Sabbath. 
Its dawn was solemnized by the burial of the dead. This 
mournful duty performed, the enemy’s wagons were drawn 
by the men across their camp fires, and after they were con¬ 
sumed the return march was commenced. 

As there was no other method of transporting the arms that 
had been capt ured, the strong and healthy prisoners were re¬ 
quired to carry them. The flints were taken from the locks. 








RIFLEMEN RETURN WITH THE PRISONERS. 


243 


and the most vigilant espionage kept over the prisoners by 
the troops, who marched the whole day at a present. No 
escape or rescue was attempted. At sundown they met the 
men they had left on foot on their hurried march to the bat¬ 
tle. The march was continued pretty close to the mountain 
till the fourteenth, when a court-martial was held at Bicker- 
staff’s Old Field, in Rutherford county, over some of the pri¬ 
soners. A few for desertion, others for greater crimes and 
enormities, were convicted and sentenced to be hung. The 
number brought under the gallows was thirty. Nine of these 
only were executed. Among these were Col. Mills, a tory 
leader, and Captain Grimes, a refugee tory from Watauga. 
The rest were respited. 

Apprehending pursuit by Lord Cornwallis, whose head¬ 
quarters were close at hand across the Catawba, in Meck¬ 
lenburg county, and determined to escape with the eight 
hundred prisoners and fifteen hundred stand of arms taken 
at King’s Mountain, the colonels led off their victorious 
troops, with their valuable spoils, to some place of safety in 
the direction of Virginia. Sevier and his comrades from the 
West recrossed the mountain, and remained in arms upon 
their own frontier. Campbell, Shelby and Cleveland, con¬ 
tinued the march, with the prisoners, in search of some posi¬ 
tion of greater security. Passing through Hillsboro’, where 
General Gates then had his head-quarters, these officers made 
out to that unfortunate commander— 

“A statement of the proceedings of the Western Army, from the 25th 

of September, 1780, to the reduction of Major Ferguson, and the 

army under his command. 

w 

“On receiving intelligence that Major Ferguson had advanced as high 
up as Gilbert Town, in Rutherford county, and threatened to cross the 
mountains to the Western waters, Col. William Campbell, with four 
hundred men from Washington county, of Virginia; Col. Isaac Shelby, 
with two hundred and forty men from Sullivan county, North-Carolina, 
and Lieutenant-Col. John Sevier, with two hundred and forty men from 
Washington county, North-Carolina, assembled at Watauga on the 25th 
of September, where they were joined by Col. Charles McDowell, with 
one hundred and sixty men from the counties of Burke and Ruther¬ 
ford, who had fled before the enemy to the Western waters. 

“We began our march on the 26th, and on the 30th, we were joined 
by Col. Cleveland, on the Catawba River, with three hundred and titty 
men from the counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having 


244 


OFFICIAL REPORT OF BATTLE. 


properly a right to the command-in-cliief, on the 1st of October we 
despatched an express to Major General Gates, informing him of our 
situation, and requested him to send a general officer to take command 
of the whole. In the meantime Col. Campbell was chosen to act as 
commandant till such general officer should arrive. 

“We reached the Cow Pens, on the Broad River, in South-Carolina, 
where we were joined by Col. James Williams, on the evening of the 
6th October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped somewhere 
near the Cherokee Ford of Broad River, about thirty miles distant from 
us. By a council of the principal officers, it was then thought advisable 
to pursue the enemy that night with nine hundred of the best horsemen, 
and leave the weak horses and footmen to follow as fast as possible. We 
began our march with nine hundred of the best men about eight o’clock 
the same evening, marched all night, and came up with the enemy 
about three o’clock, P. M. of the 'Zth, who lay encamped on the top of 
King’s Mountain, twelve miles north of the Cherokee Ford, in the con¬ 
fidence they could not be forced from so advantageous a post. Previous 
to the attack, in our march the following disposition was made : 

“Col. Shelby’s regiment formed a column in the centre on the left; 
Col. Campbell’s another on the right; part of Col. Cleveland’s regi¬ 
ment, headed by Major Winston and Col. Sevier’s, formed a large 
column on the right wing ; the other part of Col. Cleveland’s regiment 
composed the left wing. In this order we advanced, and got within a 
quarter of a mile of the enemy before we were discovered. Col. Shel¬ 
by’s and Col. Campbell’s regiments began the attack, and kept up a fire 
on the enemy while the right and left wings were advancing forward to 
surround them. The engagement lasted an hour and five minutes, the 
greatest part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on 
both sides. Our men in some parts where the regulars fought, were 
obliged to give way a small distance two or three times, but rallied 
and returned with additional ardour to the attack. The troops upon 
the right having gained the summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy 
to retreat along the top of the ridge where Col. Cleveland commanded, 
and were there stopped by his brave men. A flag was immediately 
hoisted by Captain Dupoister, the commanding officer, (Major Ferguson 
having been killed a little before,) for a surrender. Our fire immediately 
ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms—the greater part of them 
loaded—and surrendered themselves to us prisoners at discretion. It 
appears from their own provision returns for that day, found in their 
camp, that their whole force consisted of eleven hundred and twenty- 
five men, out of which they sustained the following loss :—Of the regu¬ 
lars, one major, one captain, two lieutenants and fifteen privates killed, 
thirty-five privates wounded. Left on the ground, not able to march, 
two captains, four lieutenants, three ensigns, one surgeon, five sergeants ; 
three corporals, one drummer and fifty-nine privates taken prisoners. 

“Loss of the tories, two colonels, three captains, and two hundred and 
one privates killed; one major and one hundred and twenty-seven pri¬ 
vates wounded and left on the ground not able to march ; one colonel, 
twelve captains, eleven lieutenants, two ensigns, one quarter-master, 
one adjutant, two commissaries, eighteen sergeants and six hundred pri- 


THE EXPEDITION WAS PATRIOTIC AND SUCCESSFUL. 


245 


vates taken prisoners. Total loss of the enemy, eleven hundred and five 
men at King’s Mountain. 

“Given under our hands at camp. William Campbell, 

Isaac Shelby, 

Benjamin Cleveland. 


“The loss on our side— 
Killed—1 colonel, 

1 major, 

1 captain, 

2 lieutenants, 
4 ensigns, 

19 privates. 


Wounded—1 major, 

3 captains, 

3 lieutenants, 

53 privates. 

GO total wounded. 


28 total killed.” 


On the 10th, Cornwallis ordered Tarleton to march with 
the light infantry, the British Legion and a three-pounder to 
assist Ferguson, no certain intelligence having arrived of his 
defeat. Tarleton’s instructions directed him to reinforce 
Ferguson wherever he could find him, and to draw his corps 
to the Catawba, if after the junction advantage could not be 
obtained over the mountaineers ; or upon the certainty of his 
defeat, at all events, to oppose the entrance of the victorious 
Americans into South-Carolina. Intelligence of Ferguson’s 
defeat reached Cornwallis, and he formed a sudden determi¬ 
nation to retreat from Charlotte. Tarleton was recalled, 
and North-Carolina was for the present evacuated. 

The expedition against Ferguson was chivalric in the ex¬ 
treme. It was undertaken against a distinguished and skil¬ 
ful leader, at the head of a large force which could easily have 
been doubled. It was composed of raw and undisciplined 
troops, hastily drawn together, against fearful odds and 
under the most appalling discouragements. 

The expedition was also eminently patriotic. When it 
was projected, disaster and defeat had shrouded the South 
with an impenetrable cloud of despondence and gloom. 
Ruined expectations and blasted hopes, hung like a pall over 
the paralyzed energies of the friends of America. 

The expedition was, moreover, entirely successful. The 
first object of it, Ferguson, was killed and his whole army 
either captured or destroyed. This gave new spirit to the 
desponding Americans, and frustrated the well concerted 


240 


HUNTING SI1IRT OF THE VOLUNTEERS. 


scheme of strengthening the British army by the tories in its 
neighbourhood. 

The whole enterprise reflects the highest honour upon the 
patriotism that conceived and the courage that executed it. 
Nothing can surpass the skill and gallantry of the officers, 
nothing the valour of the men who achieved the victory. 
The whole history of the campaign demonstrates that the 
men who undertook it, were not actuated by any apprehen¬ 
sion that Ferguson would attempt the execution of his idle 
threat against themselves. For, to these mountaineers, noth¬ 
ing than such a scheme would make prettier game for their 
rifles ; nothing more desirable than to entice such an enemy 
from his pleasant roads, rich plantations, and gentle climate, 
with his ponderous baggage, valuable armory, and the booty 
and spoils of his loyalists, into the very centre of their own 
fastnesses, to hang upon his flank, to pick up his stragglers, 
to cut off his foragers, to make short and desperate sallies 
upon his camp, and finally, to make him a certain prey with¬ 
out a struggle and without a loss. 

Nor was it the authority or influence of the state, that led 
to this hazardous service. Many of them knew not whether 
to any or to what state they belonged. Insulated by moun¬ 
tain barriers, and in consequent seclusion from their Eastern 
friends, they were living in the enjoyment of primitive inde¬ 
pendence, where British taxation and aggression had not 
reached. It was a gratuitous patriotism that incited the 
back-woodsmen. In those days, to know that American 
liberty was invaded, and that the only apparent alternative 
in the case was American independence or subjugation, was 
enough to nerve their hearts to the boldest pulsations of free¬ 
dom, and ripen their purposes to the fullest determination of 
putting down the aggressor.* 

From the colonels to the privates, all of the mountain men 
were attired in hunting shirts. Speaking of this costume, 
Mr. Custis says: 

“The hunting shirt, the emblem of the Revolution, is now banished 
from the national military, but still lingers among the hunters and pio¬ 
neers of the Far West. This national costume was adopted in the out- 

* Foster’s Essay. 


RESULTS OF FERGUSON’S DEFEAT. 


247 


set of the Revolution, and was recommended, by Washington, to the 
army in the most eventful period of the war of Independence. It was 
a favourite garb with many of the officers of the line. The British beheld 
these sons of the mountain and the forest, thus attired, with wonder and 
admiration. Their hardy looks, their tall athletic forms, their marching 
in Indian tile with the light and noiseless step peculiar to their pursuit of 
woodland game, but above all, to European eyes, their singular and 
picturesque costume, the hunting shirt, with its fringes, wampum belts, 
leggins and moccasins, the tomahawk and knife; these, with the well 
known death-dealing aim of these matchless marksmen, created, in the 
European military, a degree of awe and respect for the hunting shirt 
which lasted with the war of the Revolution.' And should not Ameri- 
-cans feel proud of the garb, and hail it as national, in which their 
fathers endured such toil and privation in the mighty struggle for inde¬ 
pendence—the march across the wilderness—the triumphs of Saratoga 
and King’s Mountain ? But a little while, and, of a truth, the hunt¬ 
ing shirt, the venerable emblem of the Revolution, will have disap¬ 
peared from among the Americans, and will be found only in museums, 
like ancient armour, exposed to the gaze of the curious.” 

In Tennessee, the hunting shirt is still worn by the volun¬ 
teer, and occasionally forms the costume of the elite corps 
of a battalion or regiment. It once constituted, very com¬ 
monly, a part of the citizen’s dress. It is now seldom seen 
in private life, though admirably adapted to the comeliness, 
convenience and comfort of the farmer, hunter and pedes¬ 
trian. In all the early campaigns in the West, and in the 
war of 1812, the soldiery uniformly wore it. Many of them 
did so in the war with Mexico, but the volunteer’s hunting 
shirt is evidently going out of use. 

Important results followed the defeat of Ferguson. Emis¬ 
saries* had been despatched to the loyalists on Deep and 
H avv Rivers, in advance of Lord Cornwallis, with instruc¬ 
tions to hold themselves in readiness to act in concert with 
the British army. His lordship had boasted that Georgia 
and South-Carolina were subdued, and that North-Carolina 
was but the stepping block to the conquest of Virginia. 
There was no army south of the Delaware to oppose him. 
In the realization of this boast, he had passed Charlotte and 
was advancing to Salisbury, where he had directed Ferguson 
to join him with the three or four thousand lojmlists in his 
train. On his route, Cornwallis received the intelligence of 


* Steadman. 


248 


Cornwallis’s rapid retreat. 


the catastrophe at King’s Mountain. Rumour had magnified 
the number of the riflemen, and converted their return with 
the prisoners, into a march upon himself with a force three 
thousand strong. Abandoning, for the present, his progress 
northward, he ordered an immediate retreat, marched all 
night in the utmost confusion, crossed the Catawba, and 
retrograded as far as Winnsboro’, eighty or one hundred 
miles in his rear.* There, for the present, he confined his 
operations to the protection of the country between Camden 
and Ninety-Six, nor did he attempt to advance until rein¬ 
forced by General Leslie, three months afterwards, with two 
thousand men from the Chesapeake. In the meantime, the 
whigs of North-Carolina, under General W. L. Davidson 
and Captain W. R. Davie, assembled in considerable force 
at New Providence and the Waxaw. General Smallwood, 
with Morgan’s light corps, and the Maryland line, advanced 
to the same point. General Gates, with the shattered re¬ 
mains of his army collected at Hillsboro’, also came up, and 
one thousand new levies from Virginia, under General Ste¬ 
phens, also came forward. Of these, early in December, 
General Greene assumed the command. The cloud that 
had, till the fall of Ferguson, hung over the whole South and 
enveloped the country in gloom, was dispelled, and from that 
moment the American cause began to w’ear a more promi¬ 
sing aspect. 

Referring to the signal victory obtained at King’s Moun¬ 
tain, Mr. Jefferson says: “It was the joyful enunciation of 
that turn in the tide of success, that terminated the revolu¬ 
tionary war with the seal of our independence.” 

The General Assembly of North-Carolina, at its first ses¬ 
sion after the defeat of Ferguson, held at Halifax, January 
18, 1781, passed a resolution that a sword and pistols should 
be presented to both Shelby and Sevier, as a testimony of 
the great services they had rendered to their country on the 
day of this memorable defeat The finely finished sword, 
thus presented by the State of North-Carolina to Colonel 
John Sevier, was inherited by his son, the late Colonel 

* It was upon this retreat of the enemy that Andrew Jackson, then a boy of 
fifteen, received and resented so manfully, the insult of a Eritish officer. 


SWORD PRESENTED TO SEVIER AND SHELBY. 249 

George Washington Sevier, of Davidson county, and by him 
given to the State of Tennessee. It is now in the office of 
Colonel Ramsey, Secretary of State. On one side of the 
handle is engraven—• 

STATE OF NORTH-CAROLINA 

TO 

COLONEL JOHN SEVIER. 

And upon the other side— 

KING’S MOUNTAIN, 

7tii October, 1780. 

On the third of February, of the same year, Governor 
Nash signed a commission, appointing John Sevier colonel 
commandant of Washington county. Theretofore, he had 
acted as colonel at the spontaneous desire of the troops he 
commanded. 

Though adopted in 1781, the resolve of North-Carolina 
was not carried into execution till 1813, when Governor 
Hawkins wrote to General Sevier, under date, 

Executive Office, North-Carolina, 
Raleigh, 17th July, 1813. 

Sir :—In compliance with a resolution of the General Assembly of 
this state, passed at their last session, I have the honour of tendering 
you the sword, which this letter accompanies, as a testimonial of the 
distinguished claim you have upon the gratitude of the state for your 
gallantry in achieving, with your brothers in arms, the glorious victory 
over the British forces, commanded by Colonel Ferguson, at the battle 
of King’s Mountain, on the memorable 7th of October, 1780. This 
tribute of respect, though bestowed at a protracted period, will not be 
considered the less honourable on that account, when you are informed 
that it is in unison with a resolution of the General Assembly, passed 
in the year 1781, which, from some cause not well ascertained, it is to 
be regretted, was not complied with. 

Permit me, sir, to make you an expression of the high gratification 
felt by me, at being the favoured instrument to present to you, in the 
name of the State of North-Carolina, this testimonial of gratitude, this 
meed of valour, and to remark, that contending as we are at the pre¬ 
sent time, with the same foe for our just rights, the pleasing hope may 
be entertained, that the valorous deeds of the heroes of our Revolution 
will animate the soldier of the existing war, and nerve his arm, in lau¬ 
dable emulation, to like achievements. 

I beg you to accept an assurance of the just consideration and re¬ 
spect, with which I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

WILLIAM HAWKINS. 


General John Sevier. 


250 


LEGISLATURE CALLS AGAIN 


Gen. Sevier was at that time a member of Congress from 
the Knoxville district, and replied to Governor Hawkins from 
Washington, acknowledging the honour conferred on him and 
his brothers in arms, and specially the compliment to himself, 
implied by the presentation of the elegant sword that had 
been handed to him : 

“With that memorable day,” alluding to the 7 th Oct., 1780, “ began 
to shine and beam forth the glorious prospects of our American struggle. 

.In thdse trying days I was governed by love and regard 

for my common country, and particularly for the state I then had the 
honour of serving, and in whose welfare and prosperity I shall never 
cease to feel an interest. I was then ready to hazard everything dear to 
man to secure our Independence. I am now as willing to risk all to re¬ 
tain it.It is to be lamented that the heroes and fathers 

of our Revolution have fallen into the arms of old age and death, and that 
so few of them remain to benefit the country by their advice or their ser¬ 
vices in the field. . . . Our countrymen must become acquainted 

with the arts of active warfare, and then I am proud in thinking they 
will become better soldiers than those of any other nation on the globe, 
and we will soon be able to meet the enemy at every point.” 

We shall not stop to dwell upon Morgan’s spirited affair 
( at the Cow Pens, nor Greene’s masterly retreat through 
( North-Carolina to Virginia, nor the marches and coun¬ 
ter-marches of that prudent commander and his skilful anta¬ 
gonist, Cornwallis. It is sufficient for the purposes of these 
annals to say, that the authorities of North-Carolina had 
placed a suitable estimate upon the services of the Western 
riflemen, and now, when ther own state was overrun, called 
for their aid to rescue it from foreign invasion and domestic 
outrage. The Assembly", while in session at Halifax, turned 
their eyes to Shelby and Sevier, and rested their hopes upon 
them. On the 13th of February", it was 

“ Resolved , That Colonel Isaac Shelby, of Sullivan county, and John 
Sevier, Esq., of Washington county, be informed by this resolve, which 
shall be communicated to them, that the General Assembly of this State 
are feelingly impressed with the very generous and patriotic services ren¬ 
dered by the inhabitants of the said counties, to which their influence has 
in a great degree contributed. And it is earnestly urged that they would 
press a continuance of the same active exertion; that the state of the coun¬ 
try is such as to call forth its utmost powers immediately, in order to 
preserve its freedom and independence.” 

By the same resolutions, Sevier and Shelby were requested 


UPON SHELBY AND SEVIER. 


251 


to procure again the military co-operation of Cols. Campbell 
and Preston, and their gallant riflemen, from Virginia. 

Governor Caswell, in communicating this resolution, took 
the opportunity of depicting to Shelby the melancholy cir¬ 
cumstances in which North-Carolina was involved. The 
tories were in motion all over the state—their footsteps were 
marked with blood, and their path was indicated by devasta¬ 
tion and outrage. The British army was advancing, under 
Cornwallis, through the most populous and fertile district of 
the state, and detachments from it, under different leaders, 
were committing ravages upon the lives and property of the 
inhabitants. Under this condition of things, the governor con¬ 
jured Shelby to return to the relief of his distressed country. 
Gen. Greene also addressed to the Western leaders who had 
signalized their zeal at King’s Mountain, the most earnest and 
flattering letters, reminding them of the glory already acquired 
and calling upon them to come forward once more to repulse 
the invaders. 

Col. Sevier was at this time, with most of the militia of 
Watauga and Nollichucky, engaged in protecting their own 
frontier and chastising the Cherokees, as will be elsewhere 
narrated. Neither of the Western commanders could, there¬ 
fore, go to the assistance of General Greene. A few of the 
pioneers of Tennessee, however, were under his command 
as volunteers at the hardly contested battle of the fifteenth 
of March, at Guilford Court Plouse, and are said to have 
behaved well. 

Could the safety of the frontier allowed the entire com¬ 
mands of Shelby and Sevier to have joined the army of 
Greene, the catastrophe that afterwards overtook Lord Corn¬ 
wallis at Yorktown, might have overwhelmed him at Guil¬ 
ford Court House ; as it can scarcely be doubted that the 
battle of the fifteenth of March, with the joint assistance of the 
riflemen from Watauga and Nollichucky, would have re¬ 
sulted in the complete overthrow and capture of the British 
army. Their additional numbers would have made the 
affair hard by the field of Alamance—the first blood shed in 
defence of American rights—the last great scene in the drama 
of the Revolution; and North-Carolina, so early in her 


252 


greene’s descent on south-carolina. 


declaration of independence, would have contained the field 
on which that great achievement was consummated. 

After the battle at Guilford Court House, Lord Cornwallis, 
with his crippled army, retired to Wilmington, and after re¬ 
freshing his troops there, marched by way of Halifax, into 
Virginia. His precipitate retreat from Deep River, to 
which place General Greene had followed and offered him 
battle, induced that commander to carry the war immedi¬ 
ately into South-Carolina. 

By this movement he hoped the enemy would be obliged 
to follow him or give up the posts he held in that state. In 
the prosecution of this plan he broke up his camp on the 
7th of April, and on the nineteenth, made his appearance 
before Camden. Lord Cornwallis declined to follow him, 
and directing the march of his army towards the Chesa¬ 
peake, little expectation could be entertained of a reinforce¬ 
ment from that direction, to support Greene in his descent 
upon South-Carolina. He was, of course, compelled to de¬ 
pend upon the militia of the three Southern States and the 
volunteers from the mountain. Active measures were 
promptly adopted to concentrate these forces for future 
operations. The expedition that had been carried on a short 
time previous by the frontier militia, having liberated them 
from the danger that threatened their firesides with 
Cherokee invasion and massacre, Shelby and Sevier were 
enabled to promise the assistance of the riflemen. Greene 
appointed the latter end of August, and Fort Granby, as the 
time and place of rendezvous. The volunteers promptly 
obeyed the call of their leaders, and collected in a large force 
for the purpose of rescuing South-Carolina from the enemy. 
They had actually advanced far on their way to Greene’s 
camp, when intelligence reached them that Cornwallis had 
left North-Carolina, and that the American commander, by 
cutting off the supplies bet ween Camden and Charleston, had 
compelled Lord Rawdon to evacuate the former place ; that 
the post at Orangeburg, Fort Motte, another post at Xelson's 
Ferry, Fort Granby and Georgetown, had in like manner 
been captured or evacuated in rapid succession; and that 
Col. Hampton had, with a party of dragoons, charged within 


SEVIER CROSSES THE MOUNTAIN. 


253 


five miles of Charleston. They learned, furthermore, that 
Fort Cornwallis at Augusta, had surrendered to Pickens and 
Lee, assisted by the brave riflemen of Georgia under Clarke, 
and that the British had retreated from their stronghold at 
Ninety-Six, and had contracted their operations almost en¬ 
tirely within that small extent of country which is enclosed 
by the Santee, the Congaree and Edisto ; and to all this was 
added, that the enemy were driven into Charleston. This 
information so changed the complexion of affairs in South- 
Carolina, as to admit the return of the mountain men to their 
homes, and Sevier* accordingly wrote to General Greene, 
that as his recent successes had rendered the services of the 
Western riflemen unnecessary, they had returned and dis¬ 
banded. It was on account of these considerations, that the 
troops from the mountains of Tennessee had not the good 
fortune to participate in the battle of Eutaw Springs, which 
occurred not long after they were disbanded. 

In the meantime Greene received information, through 
General La Fayette, that Lord Cornwallis’s movements in¬ 
dicated an intention of retreating from the pursuit of the 
allied army on the Chesapeake southwardly. This intention 
was supported by the simultaneous rising of all the royalists 
in the different sections of the South. They began immedi¬ 
ately to assemble and renew their ravages, and to harass 
the whigs in every quarter. At this crisis, and on the six¬ 
teenth of September, General Greene wrote to Col. Sevier, 
informing him of the posture of affairs near Yorktown, and 
of the suspicions which were entertained that Lord Corn¬ 
wallis would endeavour to escape by marching back through 
North-Carolina to Charleston; to prevent which, General 
Greene begged that the colonel would bring as large a 
body of riflemen as he could, and with as much expedition 
as was possible, and march them to Charlotte. Sevier 
immediately raised two hundred mounted riflemen in Wash¬ 
ington county, and marched with them across the mountain. 
The well affected in South-Carolina were suffering extremely 
by the cruelties which the tories were inflicting upon them. 
Sevier joined his forces to those of General Marion, on the 

* Johnson. 


254 


SEVIF.R AND SHELBY JOIN MARION, 


Santee, at Davis’s Ferry, and contributed much to keep up 
resistance to the enemy; to raise the spirits of those who 
were friendly to the American cause, and toafFord protection 
to those who were in danger from the infuriated royalists. 

Lord Cornwallis being now besieged in Yorktown, and 
his retreat through North-Carolina being no longer appre¬ 
hended, General Greene, with a view of stopping the depre¬ 
dations of the enemy, who were now committing their ra¬ 
vages in St. Stephen’s Parish, endeavoured to collect a force 
sufficient to drive them into Charleston, and only awaited for 
the arrival of the mountain men before he began his opera* 
tions. 

Col. Shelby had also been called upon by Greene, to bring 
his regiment to his relief in intercepting Cornwallis, should 
he effect his escape from the blockade by the French fleet in 
the Chesapeake bay, and attempt a retreat through the Caro- 
linas. His lordship’s surrender took place on the nineteenth 
of October, and the riflemen of Shelby were also attached 
to Gen. Marion’s command below on the Santee. To this 
both Shelby and Sevier consented with some reluctance. 
Their men were called out upon a pressing emergency, which 
no longer existed. They had been, moreover, enrolled only 
for sixty days. Much of that time had already expired, and 
the contemplated service under Marion would take them 
still further from their distant homes. Besides, Shelby was 
a member of the General Assembly of North-Carolina, from 
Sullivan county, and its session at Salem took place early 
in December. Notwithstanding these considerations, they 
promptly joined Marion early in November, with five hun¬ 
dred mounted riflemen. With these were associated, under 
the command of the same distinguished leader, the forces of 
Col. Mayhem and Col. Horry. Together they formed a most 
efficient corps of cavalry, mounted infantry and riflemen. 

The enemy, at that time under General Stewart, lay at a 
place called Ferguson’s Swamp, on the great road leading 
to Charleston. General Marion, some weeks after the arrival 
of the mountain men at his camp, received information that 
several hundred Hessians, at a British post near Monk’s 
Corner, eight or ten miles below the enemy’s main army, 


AND CAPTURE A BRITISH POST. 


255 


were in a state of mutiny, and would surrender the post to 
any considerable American force that might appear before 
it, and he loon determined to send a detachment to surprise 
it. Sevier and Shelby solicited a command in the detach¬ 
ment. Marion moved down eight or ten miles, and crossed 
over to the south side of the Santee River, from whence he 
sent a detachment of five or six hundred men to surprise the 
post, the command of which was given to Col. Mayhem, of 
the South-Carolina dragoons. The detachment consisted of 
parts of the regiments of Sevier and Shelby, one hundred 
and eighty of Mayhem’s dragoons, and twenty or thirty 
lowland militia. The line of march was taken up early in 
the morning, and the detachment marched fastly through the 
woods, crossing the main Charleston road, leaving the ene¬ 
my’s main army three or four miles to the left; and on the 
evening of the second day, struck the road again leading to 
Charleston, about two miles below the post which it was in¬ 
tended to surprise. The men lay all night upon their arms 
across the road, so as to intercept the Hessians in case the 
enemy had got notice of the approach of the Americans, and 
had ordered them to Charleston before morning. In the 
course of the night, an orderly sergeant from the main Bri¬ 
tish army rode in among the riflemen and was taken pri¬ 
soner. No material paper was found upon him that night 
(which was very dark) before he made his escape, except 
some returns, which contained the strength of the enemy’s 
main army, and their number on the sick list, which was 
very great. As soon as daylight appeared, the detachment 
advanced to the British post. Col. Mayhem sent in a con¬ 
fidential individual to demand an immediate surrender of the 
garrison, who returned in a few minutes, and reported that 
the officer commanding would defend the post to the last ex¬ 
tremity. Col. Shelby immediately proposed to Mayhem that 
he would go in himself and make another effort to obtain a 
surrender. This was readily assented to. On his approach 
to the garrison, Shelby declared to the commander that if he 
was so mad as to suffer the post to be stormed, he might rest 
assured that every soul within should be put to the sword, 
for there were several hundred mountain men at hand, who 


256 


RETURN TO MARION’S CAMP. 


would soon be in with their tomahawks upon them. The 
officer then inquired of Shelby whether they had any artil¬ 
lery. To which he replied, “we have guns that will blow 
you to atoms in a minute.” Upon which the British officer 
said, “ I suppose I must surrender,” and immediately threw 
open the gate, which Mayhem saw and advanced up quickly 
with the detachment. It was not until this moment, that 
another strong British post was seen, five or six hundred 
yards east of the one which had surrendered. It had been 
built to cover a landing on Cooper River. It was a strong 
brick house, erected at a very early period, and known to 
have been calculated for defence as well as comfort. This 
had been enclosed by a strong abbatis, and being on the 
route from Charleston to Monk’s Corner, had been used by 
the enemy as a stage for their troops and convoys, in passing 
from post to post. It was sufficiently capacious to cover a 
party of considerable magnitude, and was unassailable 
by cavalry, the only force from which sudden incursions 
could be apprehended.* The garrison consisted of about 
one hundred soldiers and forty or fifty dragoons. These 
immediately marched out as if intending a charge upon the 
riflemen. These, however, stood firm and prepared to meet 
them. A party of the horsemen were ordered to dismount, 
and approaching the abbatis, appear and act as infantry, 
while the residue of that corps, headed by the cavalry, ad¬ 
vanced boldly into the field and demanded a surrender. The 
idea of resistance was abandoned, and the place surrendered 
at discretion. One hundred and fifty prisoners were taken, 
all of whom were able to have fought from the windows of 
the large brick building and from the abbatis. Three hun¬ 
dred stand of arms were also captured, besides many stores 
of great value. Ninety of the prisoners were carried off on 
horseback behind the mounted men—the officers and such of 
the garrison as were unable to march to Marion’s camp, sixty 
miles off, were paroled. The house, with its contents and 
the abbatis, were consumed. 

General Stewart, who commanded the enemy’s main army, 
eight or ten miles above, made great efforts to intercept the 

* Johnson. 


SHELBY ATTENDS AT SALEM. 


257 


Americans and rescue their prisoners. But they arrived at 
Marion’s camp about three o’clock the morning following. 
Before sunrise, it was announced in camp that the whole 
British army was in the old field, three miles off, at the outer 
end of the causeway, which led into the camp. Sevier and 
Shelby were immediately ordered out, with their regiments, 
to attack the enemy if he approached the swamp, and to 
retreat at their own discretion. But, receiving information 
that Marion was reinforced with a large body of riflemen 
from the West, the enemy retreated, in great disorder, nearly 
to the gates of Charleston.* 

About the 28th of November, Col. Shelby obtained leave 
of absence from the army, for the purpose of attending the 
approaching session of the Legislature of North-Carolina, of 
which he was a member. It met early in December, at 
Salem, nearly four hundred miles from the then seat of war. 
He had remained in camp to the last minute that would per¬ 
mit his arrival at the seat of government at the commence¬ 
ment of the session. Laying down the sword, and relin¬ 
quishing the duties of a commander, he left the camp of 
Marion to enter another field of service and assume the 
functions of a legislator. 

Col. Sevier remained with the mountain men. Little more 
remained to be done to bring the war to a close. 

“John’s and James’s Island, with the city of Charleston and the 
Neck, were now the only footholds left to the British of all their con¬ 
quests in South-Carolina. A detachment of mounted infantry had been 
left at Monk’s Corner to watch the motions of the enemy, who, by means 
of Cooper River, had free access, in their boats and gallies, to that 
neighbourhood. To destroy this detachment, in the absence of Marion, 
a force of three hundred and fifty men were transported, by water, from 
Charleston. The unexpected return of Marion enabled him, partly, to 
defeat their enterprise. His force did not equal that which was arrayed 
against him, but he, nevertheless, resolved upon attacking it. In order 
to detain the enemy, he despatched Colonels Richardson and Sevierf 
and a part of Mayhem’s horse, with orders to throw themselves in front 
of the British and engage them until he should come up with the main 
body. The order was gallantly executed. The British advance was 

* The details of this campaign of the riflemen to South-Carolina, are taken 
from Shelby’s Narrative, now before me. They are also found in Haywood. 

\ This was probably Col Valentine Sevier. There is reason to believe that 
Col. John Sevier was, at this time, on the frontier or in the Cherokee nation. 

17 


258 GOVERNOR RUTLEDGE CONVENES THE LEGISLATURE. 

charged and driven near St. Thomas’s Muster House, by Captain Smith) 
of Mayhem’s cavalry, and their leader, Captain Campbell, with several 
others, fell in the flight/’* 

In the meantime, elections were held and Governor Rut¬ 
ledge convened the legislature of the state at Jacksonbo- 
rough, a small village about thirty-five miles from Charles¬ 
ton. This event, which once more restored the forms of 
civil government to South-Carolina, after an interregnum of 
nearly two years, took place in January, 1782.f It was not, 
however, till December 14th that Charleston was evacuated. 
But that interim furnished little opportunity for military 
adventure or achievement. The emergency that had called 
the pioneers of Tennessee from their mountain recesses, had 
ceased to exist, as soon as the common enemy was driven to 
the environs of Charleston, and civil government established 
in South-Carolina. This being accomplished, the riflemen 
returned to their distant homes and were disbanded. They 
felt a proud consciousness of having performed a patriotic 
duty, and of having rendered the country some service. 
They had rendezvoused at the western base of the Apala- 
chian Range—they had ascended its summit, and, precipi¬ 
tating themselves upon the plains below, had pursued the 
enemy to the coast of the Atlantic. They had suffered from 
the mountain snow storm and the miasmata of the low 
grounds of the Santee and Edisto. Toils and marches and 
watches, by night and by day, were cheerfully endured, and’ 
wherever the enemy could be found, his post assaulted or 
his abbatis stormed, the backwoodsman was there, ready, with 
his spirited charger, his war whoop and his rifle, to execute 
the purpose of his mission. 

A large number of negroes and a vast amount of other 
property, were taken from Georgia and South-Carolina, and 
carried away. But to the honour of the troops under Sevier 
and Shelby, no such captives or property came with them into 
the country of their residence ; their integrity was as little 
impeached as their valour. J They came home enriched by no 
spoils, stained with no dishonour; enriched only by an im¬ 
perishable fame, an undying renown and an unquestionable 

* Simms. + Idem. \ Haywood. 


GOOD NAME OF THE RIFLEMEN. 


259 


claim to the admiration and gratitude of their countrymen 
and of posterity. This has been accorded to them by a con¬ 
sent almost unanimous. The authorities of the states in whose 
service they were employed, conceded it to them. The offi¬ 
cers who commanded them, asserted it for them. The com¬ 
mander-in-chief of the southern department, attests its validi¬ 
ty by inviting them to a second campaign under his standard. 
The very impatience of Gen. Greene at their delay in reach¬ 
ing his camp at the hour of a perilous conflict, vouches for 
the value he placed upon their conduct and courage ; and 
the regret expressed by that officer at the retirement of Shelby, 
is itself an admission that he considered the co-operation of 
that leader and his regiment, as an essential element in his 
further success. In the expression of that regret no censure 
is even implied. Though the conduct of the riflemen from 
their rendezvous at Watauga to their return to the frontier, 
has generally received unqualified eulogy and approbation, 
by one historian a single part of it has been censured and a 
term of reproach used, which shall not stain these pages, by 
an idle and profane and distasteful repetition of it. The wri¬ 
ter holds the memory of these patriot heroes in too grateful 
veneration, not to repel an imputation upon their high-souled 
honour, the constancy of their patriotism, and the majesty and 
steadfastness of their public virtue. The imputation belongs 
not to Tennessee ; it contradicts all her past history ; it does 
violence to her very instincts ;—she repudiates, disclaims and 
disavows it. 

The substance of the censure alluded to is, that Shelby and 
his men returned home before the object of the campaign was 
accomplished. An injustice, no doubt unintentional, has been 
thus inflicted. These pages already contain an ample vindi¬ 
cation of the mountain men from the imputation. Rude, some 
of them may have been,—illiterate, many of them doubtless 
were ; but nothing unpatriotic, nothing unmilitary, nothing 
unsoldiery, can be imputed to them or their gallant leader. 
An honest fame belonged to them through life. Let not their 
graves be desecrated by a posthumous reproach. 

Commenting upon the return of the mountain men from 


260 


CIVIL GOVERNMENT RESTORED. 


their campaign under Marion, on the Santee, the historian 
from whom we quote, says : 

“ This . was, with some probability, attributed to the departure 

of their colonel, Shelby, who had obtained leave of absence. Something, 
too, has been said of the service not being sufficiently active for their habits: 
but reasons such as these, furnish a poor apology for soldiers who, in the 
cause of their country’s liberty, should be well pleased to encounter any 
sort of service which it may be the policy of their commander to impose. 
Marion had endeavoured to find them sufficient employment. He had 
approached and defied the enemy, but could neither tempt nor provoke 
him to leave his encampment. With numbers decidedly inferior, the 
brave partizan was chagrined to find it impossible to bring his enemy 
into the field.”'" 

And so it continued to be afterwards. The enemy never 
did again enter into the field. Small foraging parties and 
plundering detachments occasionally presented themselves. 
But this was not the entertainment to w’hich the mountain 
men had been invited. Something worthier of their mettle 
had brought them from their homes. Enterprise, adventure, 
heroism, was their sentiment—achievement their purpose. 
Nothing less than to intercept Lord Cornwallis and to cap¬ 
ture his army, was at first the object of their expedition. 
A “poor apology,” this disappointment, produced by the sur¬ 
render at Yorktown,—but yet involving in it nothing little 
or inglorious. * 

It will be recollected, too, that the time of their enrolment 
w r as for sixty days. More than that period had expired be¬ 
fore their return. The southern enemy had been driven from 
the interior and was retiring within the lines of Charleston 
and Savannah, from which the Qommander did not expect to 
drive him without the co-operation of a naval force. This 
co-operation was impossible. Civil government, too, was re¬ 
instated, and Marion and Mayhem, and other leaders, like 
Shelby, obtained leave of absence from the camp to assume 
their legislative functions. Reinforcements, too, from the 
army at Yorktown, were on their way to the support of 
Greene. The crisis was safely passed—the tug of the war 
was over, and the aid of the Western riflemen could be no 
longer needed in the South. One half of the guns and of the 


* Simms. 


a 



SEVIER DESPATCHES RUSSELL HOME. 


261 


men had been withdrawn from the exposed frontier, across 
the mountain. These were now restored to it where their 
services were wanted. No further help was afterwards re¬ 
quired from abroad. The safety of South-Carolina was left 
in the keeping of its own citizens. To defame the mountain 
men for their leaving -it, is to insult the native valour of the 
South, then and afterwards, as it still is, adequate to the 
achievement of everything but an impossibility. 

The results of the campaigns of seventeen hundred and 
1782 \ and eighty-one, sensibly affected the measures 

t of the British ministry, and rendered the American 
war unpopular in Great Britain. 

On the nineteenth of April, seventeen hundred and eighty- 
three, Peace was proclaimed in the American army, 
by the commander-in-chief, George Washington, pre¬ 
cisely eight years from the first day of the effusion of blood at 
Lexington. For more than that length of time the pioneers of 
Tennessee had been engaged in incessant war. On the tenth 
of October, seventeen hundred and seventy-four, their youth¬ 
ful heroes, Shelby and Sevier, flushed their maiden swords 
at the battle of Kenhawa, and with little intermission there¬ 
after, were constantly engaged in guarding the settlements 
or attacking and invading the savage enemy. The gallant 
and patriotic participation of the mountain men in the revo¬ 
lutionary struggle, under the same men, now become leaders, 
has been just related. To preserve the chain of these trans¬ 
actions unbroken, it has been found necessary to depart from 
the chronological order of events, which has been gene¬ 
rally pursued in these annals. To that order we again 
return. 

On the return march of the army from King’s Mountain, 
Sevier, apprehending an outbreak from the Cherokees 
in the absence from the frontier of so many men and 
guns, detached Capt. Russell home, as soon as the riflemen with 
the prisoners had safely crossed the Catawba. Russell re¬ 
turned by a rapid march, and found that Sevier’s apprehen¬ 
sions were well founded. Two traders, Thomas and Harlin, 
brought information from the Cherokee towns that a large 
body of Indians were on the march to assail the frontier. 




/ 


262 SEVIER-CHEROKEE EXPEDITION. 

The men composing Capt. Russell’s command continued 
their organization. Col. Sevier soon after, with his victo¬ 
rious companions in arms, reached their homes in good time 
to repel the savage invaders. Without a day’s rest he set 
on foot another expedition. 

• 

Sevier’s CHEROKEE EXPEDITION. 

Whilst the volunteers were being enrolled and equipped 
in sufficient numbers for the magnitude of the campaign he 
contemplated, Sevier put himself at the head of about one 
hundred men, principally of Captain Russell’s and Captain 
Guess’s companies, with whom he set out in advance of the 
other troops. The second night this party camped upon Long 
Creek. Captain Guess was here sent forward with a small 
body of men to make discovery. On ascending a slight 
hill, they found themselves within forty yards of a large In¬ 
dian force, before they discovered it. They fired from their 
horses and retreated to Sevier’s camp. The Indians also 
fired, but without effect. Sevier prepared his command to 
receive a night attack. Before day, Captain Pruett rein¬ 
forced him after a rapid march, with about seventy men. 
Thus reinforced, Sevier next morning pursued his march, 
expecting every minute to meet the enemy. When they 
came to the point at which the spies had met and fired upon 
the Indians, they found traces of a large body of them. They 
had, in their hasty retreat, left one warrior who had been 
killed the evening before by the spies. The pursuit was 
continued vigorously by the troops, who crossed French 
Broad at the Big Island and encamped on Boyd’s Creek. The 
next day, early in the morning, the advance guard under the 
command of Captain Stinson, continued the march, and at 
the distance of three miles found the encampment of the 
enemy and their fires still burning. A reinforcement was 
immediately ordered to the front, and the guard was directed 
if it came up with the Indians, to fire upon them and retreat, 
and thus draw them on. Three-quarters of a mile from their 
camp, the enemy fired upon the advance from an ambuscade. 
It returned the fire and retreated, and, as had been antici¬ 
pated, was pursued by the enemy till it joined the main 

* 


BATTLE OF BOYn’s CREEK. 


263 


body. This was formed into three divisions : the centre 
commanded by Col. John Sevier, the right wing by Major 
Jesse Walton, and the left by Major Jonathan Tipton. Or¬ 
ders were given that as soon as the enemy should approach 
the front, the right wing should wheel to the left, and the 
left wing to the right, and thus enclose them. In this order 
were the troops arranged when they met the Indians at the 
Cedar Spring, who rushed forward after the guard with 
great rapidity, till checked by the opposition of the main 
body. Major Walton with the right wing wheeled briskly 
to the left, and performed the order which he was to execute 
with precise accuracy. But the left wing moved to the right 
with less celerity, and when the centre fired upon the In¬ 
dians, doing immense execution, the latter retreated through 
the unoccupied space left open between the extremities of 
the right and left wings, and running into a swamp, escaped 
the destruction which otherwise seemed ready to involve 
them. The victory was decisive. The loss of the enemy 
amounted to twenty-eight killed on the ground, and very 
many wounded, who got off without being taken. On the 
side of Sevier’s troops not a man was even wounded. The 
victorious little army then returned to the Big Island—after¬ 
wards called Sevier’s Island—and waited there the arrival of 
reinforcements that promised to follow. 

This prompt collection of troops, and rapid expedition of 
Sevier, saved the frontier from a bloody invasion. Had 
he been more tardy, the Indians would have reached the 
settlements, scattered themselves along the extended border, 
driven them into stations, or perhaps massacred them in 
their cabins and fields. Their force was understood to be 
large and to be well armed. 

Another narrative of this engagement gives further details : 
The Indians had formed in a half-moon, and lay concealed 
in the grass. Had their stratagem not been discovered, their 
position, and the shape of the ground, would have enabled 
them to enclose and overcome the horsemen. Lieutenant 
Lane and John Ward had dismounted for the fight, when 
Sevier, having noticed the semi-circular position of the In* 
dians, ordered a halt, with the purpose of engaging the two 


264 COMBAT BETWEEN SEVIER AND A " BRAVE.” 

extremes of the Indian line, and keeping up the action until 
the other part of his troops could come up. Lane and his 
comrade, Ward, remounted and fell back upon Sevier with¬ 
out being hurt, though fired at by several warriors near 
them. A brisk fire was, for a short time, kept up by Sevier’s 
party and the nearest Indians. The troops behind, hearing 
the first fire, had quickened their pace and were coming in 
sight. James Roddy, with about twenty men, quickly came 
up, and soon after the main body of the troops. The Indians 
noticed this reinforcement and closed their lines. Sevier 
immediately ordered the charge, which would have been 
still more fatal, but that the pursuit led through a swampy 
branch, which impeded the progress of the horsemen. In 
the charge, Sevier was in close pursuit of a warrior, who, 
finding that he would be overtaken, turned and fired at him. 
The bullet cut the hair of his temple without doing further 
injury. Sevier then spurred his horse forward and attempted 
to kill the Indian with his sword, having emptied his pistols 
in the first moment of the charge. The warrior parried the 
licks from the sword with his empty gun. The conflict was 
becoming doubtful between the two combatants thus en¬ 
gaged, when one of the soldiers, rather ungallantly, came 
up, shot the warrior, and decided the combat in favour of his 
commander. The horse of Adam Sherrill threw his rider, 
and, in the fall, some of his ribs were broken. An Indian 
sprang upon him with his tomahawk drawn. When in the 
act of striking, a ball from a comrade’s rifle brought him to 
the ground, and Sherrill escaped. After a short pursuit, the 
Indians dispersed into the adjoining highlands and knolls, 
where the cavalry could not pursue them. Of the whites 
not one was killed, and but three seriously wounded. 

This battle of Boyd’s Creek has always been considered 
1780 \ as one best fought battles in the border war of 

( Tennessee. Major Tipton was severely wounded. 
Besides the officers and men already mentioned as having 
participated in it, there were Capt. Landon Carter, James 
Sevier, the son, and Abraham Sevier, the brother, of John 
Sevier, Thomas Gist, Abel Pearson, James Hubbard, Major 
Benj. Sharp, Captain Sami. Handly, Col. Jacob Brown, Jere- 


COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL’s REINFORCEMENT. 


205 


miah Jack, Esq., Nathan Gaun, Isaac Taylor and George 
Doherty. 

Sevier remained but a few days at his encampment on 
French Broad, till he was joined by Colonel Arthur Camp¬ 
bell, with his regiment from Virginia, and Major Martin, 
with his troops from Sullivan county. The army consisted 
of seven hundred mounted men. They crossed Little Ten¬ 
nessee, three miles below Chota, since the residence of Da¬ 
vid Russell. The main body of the Indians, having notice 
of their approach, lay in wait for them at the principal ford, 
a mile below Chota. The’ imposing array of the cavalry, 
and the fact of their crossing at the lower ford, so discon¬ 
certed the Indians, that no attack was made by them, nor 
any attempt made to hinder the crossing. Ascending the 
opposite bank, the horsemen saw a large party of Indians 
on a neighbouring eminence, watching their movements. 
These, on the approach of the troops, retreated hastily, and 
escaped. They then pushed up to Chota. A detachment of 
sixty men, under command of Robert Campbell, immediately 
set oft’ to reduce Chilhowee, eight miles above, on the same 
river. It was found deserted. They burned it. The In¬ 
dians were seen on the opposite shore, but beyond the reach 
of their rifles. They returned, without loss, to the army. 
Every town between Tennessee and Hiwassee was reduced 
to ashes, the Indians flying before the troops. Near to Hi¬ 
wassee, after it was burned, an Indian warrior was surprised 
and captured. By him a message was sent to the Cherokees, 
proposing terms of peace. But one white man was killed 
on this expedition—Captain Elliott, of Sullivan. He was 
buried in an Indian hut at Tellico, which was burned over 
his grave, to prevent the Indians from finding and vio¬ 
lating it. 

At Tellico, the army was met by Watts and Noon Day, 
who proposed terms of peace, which were accepted as to 
the villages contiguous. Tellico was then a small town of 
thirty or forty houses, built on forks and poles and covered 
with bark. They did not destroy it. Watts and Noon Day 
accompanied and piloted the army. The Indians made no 
hostile demonstration till the army had crossed Hiwassee, 


26G 


HIWASSEE EVACUATED. 


when it became necessary to place out sentinels around their 
camps. Hiwassee town was found evacuated, and the troops 
saw but a single Indian warrior, who was placed upon the 
summit of an adjoining ridge, there to beat a drum and give 
other signals to the Indians secreted in hearing of him. The 
spies stole upon and shot him. The troops then continued 
their march southwardly till they came near the Chicka- 
mauga or Look Out Towns, when they encamped and next 
day marched into the towns. The warriors had deserted 
them. The only persons found there were a Captain Rogers, 
four negroes, and some Indian Women and children. These 
were taken prisoners. The warriors were dispirited by the 
vigorous defence of Sevier at the commencement of the 
campaign, and never ventured again to meet him, but se¬ 
creted themselves in the fastnesses around Chickamauga. 
The troops killed all the cattle and hogs which could be 
found ; burnt many of the towns and villages, and spread 
over the face of the country a general devastation, from 
which the Indians could not recover for several years.* 

The march was continued so low down Coosa as to reach 
the region of the long-leafed pine and cypress swamps. Here 
they began an indiscriminate destruction of towns, houses, 
grain and stock. The Indians fled precipitately. A few of 
them were killed and captured. In one of the villages a 
well dressed white man was found, with papers in his pos¬ 
session showing that he was a British agent. Attempting to 
escape, he was shot and left unburied. The army here 
turned to the left, scouted among the hills, and turned their 
faces homeward, killing and capturing several Indians, and 
devastating their countiy. Returning as far as Chota, the 
commanders here held a council with a large body of the 
Cherokees, which lasted two days. Hanging Maw made a 
free exchange of prisoners, whom he had brought with him 

to the council. Among others, Jane and- Ireland, who 

had been captured on Roane’s Creek, were exchanged. They 
were nearly naked, and other ways looked like Indians. They 
had been well treated, though closely watched during their 
captivity. They were frantic with joy at their restoration. 


* Haywood. 



NEGOTIATION AT CHOTA. 


267 


A peace was agreed upon, and the army crossing near the 
mouth of Nine Mile, returned home. They found that set¬ 
tlers had followed the route pursued by the army as low as 
French Broad, and at every spring had begun to erect their 
cabins. 

Col. Arthur Campbell communicated to Governor Jeffer¬ 
son a further account of this expedition, and of the treaty of 
peace. “ On the 25th, Major Martin went with a detachment 
to discover the route by which the enemy were flying off. 
He surprised a party of the enemy, took one scalp and seven¬ 
teen horses loaded with clothing, skins and household furni¬ 
ture. He discovered that most of the fugitives were making 
towards Tellico and the Hiwassee. On the 26th, Major Tip- 
ton was detached with one hundred and fifty mounted in¬ 
fantry, with orders to cross the river, dislodge the enemy on 
that side, and destroy the town of Telassee. At the same 
time Major Gilbert Christian, with a like number of foot, 
were to patrol the hills south of Chilhowee, and burn the 
remaining part of that town. This was effected, three In¬ 
dians being killed and nine taken prisoners.” 

After completing the expedition, the leaders of it sent the 
following message to the 

“ Chiefs and Warriors —We came into your country to fight your 
young men. We have killed many of them and destroyed your towns. 
You know you begun the war by listening to the bad counsels of the 
King of England, and the falsehoods told you by his agents. We are 
now satisfied with what is done, as it may convince your nation that we 
can distress you much at any time, when you are so foolish as to engage 
in war against us. If you desire peace, as we understand you do, we, 
out of pity to your women and children, are disposed to treat with you 
on that subject. 

“ We therefore send you this by one of your young men, who is our 
prisoner, to tell you, if you are disposed to make peace, six of your head 
men must come to our agent, Major Martin, at the Great Island, within 
two moons, so as to give him time to meet them with a flag-guard, on 
Holston River, at the boundary line. To the wives and children of those 
men of your nation who protested against the war, if they are willing to 
take refuge at the Great Island until peace is restored, we will give a 
supply of provisions to keep them alive. 

“ Warriors, listen attentively !—If we receive no answer to this mes¬ 
sage, until the time already mentioned expires, we shall then conclude 
that you intend to continue to be our enemies. We will then be compelled 
to send another strong force into your country, that will come prepared to 


268 


SEVIER PENETRATES TO TUCKASEJAII. 


remain in it, to take possession of it as a conquered country, without making 
you any compensation for it. 

“Signed at Kai-a-tee, the 4th Jan’y., 1781, by 

Arthur Campbell, Colonel. 

John Sevier, Colonel. 

Joseph Martin, Agent and Major of Militia.” 

It was not till the ensuing year that a treaty could be con¬ 
cluded under a Commission appointed by General Greene, as 
commander of the southern department, Notwithstanding 
the overtures of the Indians sent by Col. Campbell, of a dis¬ 
position to treat and the prompt measures adopted by Gene¬ 
ral Greene to negotiate with them, and the severe punish¬ 
ment that had been so recently inflicted upon the Cherokees, 
the deep passion for war and glory which constantly agitates 
the bosom of the savage, continued to excite to further ag¬ 
gression and hostility. The emissaries of England, in the per¬ 
sons of refugee tories, were in the Indian villages, and stimu¬ 
lated to its highest point their natural thirst for blood. It 
was the policy of the British commander, then upon the sour¬ 
ces of the Yadkin, to instigate the Cherokees to renewed war¬ 
fare upon the western frontier, so as to prevent the hardy in¬ 
habitants from crossing the mountain again and forcing him 
to a second retreat. This policy succeeded but too well, and 
occasioned the necessity of collecting troops and establishing 
garrisons on the frontier. 

But stationed troops were a most inadequate defence. The 
1 ^ gl { Indians still prowled around the more remote settle- 
l ments, and in an unguarded moment committed murder 
and theft. Col. Sevier suspected that the perpetrators of this 
mischief came from some hostile towns in the mountain gorges, 
where his troops had never yet penetrated. He collected toge¬ 
ther, in March of this year, one hundred and thirty men in the 
Greasy Cove, and with them he marched against the Middle 
settlements of the Cherokees. He entered and took by surprise 
the town of Tuckasejah, on the head waters of the Little Ten¬ 
nessee. Fifty warriors were slain and fifty women and child¬ 
ren taken prisoners. In that vicinity the troops under Sevier 
burnt fifteen or twenty towns and all the granaries of corn 
they could find. It was a hard and disagreeable necessity 
that led to the adoption of these apparently cruel measures. 


MAJOR MARTIN SCOURS CLINCH. 


269 


Still, nothing less would keep the savages in their towns, or 
prevent more cruel massacres of the whites upon the frontier. 
Sevier had but one man killed at Tuckasejah, and but one 
wounded, and he recovered. Ten of the prisoners resided 
with Colonel Sevier three years, and were treated with hu¬ 
manity and kindness. They were afterwards delivered to 
Col. Martin, and by him restored to their own nation. 

David McNabb was one of the captains in this expedition. 
The command went up Cane Creek, and crossed Ivy and Swan- 
nanoa. Isaac Thomas, an old Indian trader, was their pilot. 
The mountains were so steep that the men had to dismount 
and lead their horses. Before an exchange of prisoners was 
effected, some of the Cherokee women and children made 
their escape. This campaign lasted twenty-nine da} r s, and 
was carried on over a mountainous section of country never 
before travelled by any of the settlers, and scarcely ever pass¬ 
ed through, even by traders and hunters. The Indians of the 
Middle towns were surprised at this unexpected invasion of 
Sevier—were panic stricken and made little resistance. 

April 24 .—Under this date, Joseph Martin writes from Long 
( Island to Col. Sevier that he had returned lately with 
\ his command of sixty-five men from an expedition on 
Clinch : that he saw evidences of Indians all through his route: 
had pursued them, but had not had any engagement. On his 
return he turned south and went across Clinch, within thirty 
miles of Chota, then turned up Holston and returned home. 
He went out with the hope of finding the camp or town of the 
Hanging Maw, but made no discovery that led to it. 

During the summer of this year, a party of Cherokees inva¬ 
ded the settlements then forming on Indian Creek. Colonel 
Sevier again raised troops to drive them off. With about 
one hundred men he marched from Washington county, cross¬ 
ed Nollichucky, and proceeded south of that river to what has 
since been known as the War Ford, near the present town 
of New Port. Crossing French Broad at that place, and also 
Big Pigeon at the War Ford, he fell unexpectedly upon the 
trail of the Indians, surrounded their camp, and by a sudden 
fire killed seventeen of them. The rest fled and escaped. 


270 


GOVERNOR MARTIN’S ORDER TO SEVIER. 


This affair was upon Indian Creek, in what is now Jefferson 
county. 

Scarcely were these troops disbanded when a letter was 
received by Col. Sevier from Gen. Greene, dated Sept. 16th, but 
not received till several weeks after, urging him to come to 
his standard with his riflemen, for the purpose of intercepting 
Lord Cornwallis, should he attempt a retreat through the 
Carolinas to Charleston. That enterprising officer had been 
since June, of 1780, constantly in the field with his regiment, 
in various expeditions against the British, the loyalists and 
the Indians, and their services were still needed at home to 
give protection to the feeble settlements ; but he promptly 
complied with the request of the southern commander, and 
as has been elsewhere narrated, repaired to his camp about 
the last of October, and remained with Marion on the Santee 
till the enemy were driven to the lines of Charleston ; and the 
period for which his riflemen were enrolled having expired, 
he returned to Watauga and there disbanded his regiment. 
This was early in January of 1782. 

Immigrants followed close upon the rear of the army, and 
began to form settlements along the route pursued by it 
south of French Broad. The Cherokees complained of this 
intrusion, which brought from Governor Martin the following : 

' “Danbury, Feb. 11, 1782. 

Gov. Alexander Martin, to Col. John Sevier : 

“ Sir : I am distressed with the repeated complaints of the Indians 
respecting the daily intrusions of our people on their lands beyond the 
French Broad River. I beg you, sir, to prevent the injuries these 
savages justly complain of, who are constantly imploring the protection of 
the state and appealing to its justice in vain. By interposing your in¬ 
fluence on these, our unruly citizens, I think will have sufficient weight, 
without going into extremities disgraceful to them and disagreeable to 
the state. You will, therefore, please to warn these intruders off the 
lands reserved for the Indians by the late act of the Assembly, that they 
remove immediately, at least by the middle of March, otherwise they 
will be drove off. If you find them still refractory at the above time, 
you will draw forth a body of your militia on horseback, and pull down 
their cabins, and drive them off, laying aside every consideration of 
their entreaties to the contrary. You will please to give me the earliest 
information of your proceedings. The Indian goods are not yet arrived 
fromPhiladelphia, through the inclemency of the late season ; as soon as 


TALK OF THE OLD TASSEL. 


271 


they will be in the State, 1 shall send them to the Great Island and hold 
a treaty with the Cherokees. 

The Cherokees of the Upper Towns continued to complain 
and remonstrate. 

“ A Talk to Colonel Joseph Martin, by the Old Tassel, in Chota, the 
25th of September, 1782, in favour of the whole nation. For His Ex¬ 
cellency, the Governor of North-Carolina^ Present, all the chiefs of the 
friendly towns and a number of young men. 

Brother: I am now going to speak to you. I hope you will listen to 
me. A string. I intended to come this fall and see you, but there was 
such confusion in our country, I thought it best for me to stay at home 
and send my Talks by our friend Colonel Martin, who promises to de¬ 
liver them safe to you. We are a poor distressed people, that is, in 
great trouble, and we hope our elder brother will take pity on us and 
do us justice. Your people from Nollichucky are daily pushing us out 
of our lands. We have no place to hunt on. Your people have built 
houses within one day’s walk of our towns. We don’t want to quarrel 
with our elder brother ; we, therefore, hope our elder brother will not 
take our lands from us, that the Great Man above gave us. He made 
you and he made us; we are all his children, and we hope our elder 
brother will take pity on us, and not take our lands from us that our 
father gave us, because ho is stronger than we are. We are the first 
people that ever lived on this land ; it is ours, and why will our elder 
brother take it from us ? It is true, some time past, the people over the 
great water persuaded some of our young men to do some mischief to our 
elder brother, which our principal men were sorry for. But you our 
elder brothers come to our towns and took satisfaction, and then sent 
for us to come and treat with you, which we did. Then our elder 
brother promised to have the line run between us agreeable to the first 
treaty, and all that should be found over the line should be moved off. 
But it is not done yet. We have done nothing to offend our elder 
brother since the last treaty, and why should our elder brother want to 
quarrel with us ? We have sent to the Governor of Virginia on the same 
subject. We hope that between you both, you will take pity on your 
younger brother, and send Colonel Sevier, who is a good man, to have all 
your people moved off our land. I should say a great deal more, but 
our friend, Colonel Martin, knows all our grievances, and he can inform 
you. A string,” 

The old Tassel of Chota did not represent the feelings of 
( the great body of the Cherokees, who still retained 
l their deep-seated animosities against the whites, and 
in September, of this year, were hurried, by a revengeful 
spirit, against the frontiers. The Chickamauga Indians were 
the least placable of the Cherokee nation, and, imparting 
their hostile feelings to some of the Lower Towns, and also 



272 


SEVIER INVADES THE CHEROKEES. 


to some of the Creeks, they united together and again began 
their work of murder and depredation upon the more ex¬ 
posed neighbourhoods. Some white men were killed and 
much property stolen. Colonel Sevier immediately sum¬ 
moned to his standard a hundred men from Washington 
county, and was joined by Colonel Anderson, with nearly as 
many volunteers, from Sullivan. These troops rendezvoused 
at the Big Island, on French Broad, and from that place 
marched towards the towns of the enemy. The officers in 
this expedition were Jonathan Tipton and James Hubbard, 
majors; and Mr. Green and others, captains. The night 
after they left the Big Island, they camped upon Elijah* 
Creek, at a place now known as McTeer’s Mills. They 
crossed Little River the second day, and camped upon Nine- 
Mile Creek. The third day they crossed the Tennessee 
River at Citico, and there held a council with the friendly 
Indians, at which was present the Hanging Maw. They 
engaged to continue the existing peace. Here, also, John 
Watts, who afterwards became a distinguished chief in his 
tribe, was engaged to accompany the expedition, to effect, 
by friendly negotiation, an arrangement for peace with the 
entire nation. On the fifth day they crossed the Tellico, on 
the Hiwassee trace. On the sixth day they encamped on 
the Hiwassee River, above what is now called “ The former 
Agency.” Crossing that stream, on the seventh day, they 
encamped at an Indian town upon the opposite bank. There 
they entered upon the territory of the hostile Indians. Thence 
they marched, immediately, against Vann’s Towns, and re¬ 
duced them to ashes. Thence to Bull Town, on the head of 
Chickamauga Creek. The troops destroyed the town, and 
marched, thirty miles, to Coosa River. Near a village, on 
that stream, they killed a white man, who called himself 
Clements. In his possession were found papers which 
showed that he had been a British sergeant; he was then 
living with an Indian woman, Nancy Coody, and, it was 
believed, had instigated the warriors of her town to main¬ 
tain their hostile attitude. Bean, one of the soldiers, shot 
him dead. The troops then marched to Spring Frog Town, 

* Elijah—Anglice, Owl Creek. 


JACK AND RANKIN GO TO COIATEE. 


273 


thence up Coosa to Estanaula, which they destroyed. After 
killing all the warriors they could find, and burning their 
villages, the troops returned, by the Old Hiwassee Towns, 
to Chota, on the Tennessee River. Here another council 
was held with the friendly Indians, and the troops returned 
home by the same route they had gone.'* 

During the infancy of the settlements on Nollichucky, corn 
had become scarce, and availing themselves of a short sus¬ 
pension of hostilities, Jeremiah Jack and William Rankin, 
of Greene county, descended the river in a canoe, for the pur¬ 
pose of bartering with the Indians for corn. They reached 
Coiatee without interruption. The warriors of that place 
refused to exchange or sell the corn, and manifested other 
signs of suspicion, if not of open enmity. They entered the 
canoe and lifted up some wearing apparel lying in it, and 
which covered their rifles. This discovery increased the un¬ 
willingness of the Indians to trade, and they began to show 
a disposition to offer violence to their white visitants. The 
beloved woman, Nancy Ward, was happily present, and was 
able by her commanding influence to appease their wrath, 
and to bring about friendly feelings between the parties. 
The little Indians were soon clad in the home made vest¬ 
ments brought by the traders—the canoe was filled with corn, 
and the white men started on their return voyage well pleased 
with the exchange they had made, and especially with the 
kind offices of the beloved woman. 

On their return, the white men landed and camped one night, 
a mile above the mouth of French Broad, on the north bank of 
the little sluice of that river. Mr. Jack was so well pleased 
with the place, that he afterwards selected it as his future 
residence, and actually settled and improved it on his emi¬ 
gration to the present Knox county, in 1787. 

The district of Salisbury, by Act of Assembly, was divi¬ 
ded, and the counties of Bcrke, Wilkes, Rutherford, Lincoln, 
Washington and Sullivan, erected into the district of Mor¬ 
gan. 

A Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Deli¬ 
very, was provided to be held by one of the Judges, at Jones- 

* Haywood. 


18 


274 


CAPTAIN WHITE PROMOTES PEACE. 


boro’, for Washington and Sullivan counties. This was done 
on account of “ the extensive mountains that lie desolate 
between the inhabited parts of Washington, and the inhabi¬ 
ted parts of Berke counties.” 

“ At a Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Deli¬ 
very, for the counties of Washington and Sullivan, begun 
and held on the 15th of August, 1782. Present, the Hon. 
Spruce McCay, Esq. Waightstill Avery, Esq., was appointed 
Attorney for the State, and John Sevier, Clerk.” 

“1782, February Term. William Cocke was admitted to 
practice Law. 1783, November Court, F. A. Ramsey quali¬ 
fied as Surveyor.”* 

The peace procured by the several campaigns already 
mentioned, was momentarily interrupted by the conduct of 
James Hubbard, and a comrade no less wicked and reckless. 
They were shooting at a mark with two Indians. During 
the shooting one of the warriors was killed—the other es¬ 
caped and fled to the nation. It was believed that Hubbard 
had killed the Indian designedly, and that a border war 
would be the consequence. The settlers assembled together 
at Henry’s, near the mouth of Dumplin, and there built a 
station. A half breed passing through the neighbourhood, 
was requested to procure a friendly conference between his 
exasperated countrymen and the settlers. The conference 
was held at Gist’s, now Underwood’s. Six or eight Chero- 
kees attended there, having crossed the river at Henry’s. 
Soon after their arrival, Hubbard and a gang of mischievous 
associates came in. They had been way-laying the Indians 
on the other side of French Broad, and having missed them, 
followed on to Gist’s. For fear of further mischief, the In¬ 
dians were kept in the centre of the white men in attendance. 
Hubbard, desirous of another outbreak, slipped up to one of 
the Indians and whispered to him to run, as the whites in¬ 
tended to kill them. Captain James White told him to re¬ 
main and they would protect them. Thus reassured, the 
Indians remained—the conference was held—the difficulty 
was satisfactorily adjusted and peace prolonged. 

The acquisition of territory, made from time to time, by 

* Court Records. 


CHEROKEE BOUNDARY FIXED. 


275 


leases, purchases and treaties, from the Cherokees, had uni¬ 
formly been small. The wisdom of this policy was seen in 
every step in the growth and enlargement of the frontier 
settlements. The lease to Robertson, of the Watauga colo¬ 
ny, confined that infant settlement to a limited area, which 
took at first, and retained for some time afterwards, a com¬ 
pact form, that favoured defence and gave an easier protec¬ 
tion from Indian aggression. The same may be said of 
other leases and purchases. Had relinquishments of larger 
extent of territory been obtained, the adventurous disposition 
of the settlers would have led them so far into the wilder¬ 
ness, and spread them over so large a section of country, 
as to have deprived them of mutual protection in times of 
war and danger. The first ten years of its existence, the 
young community west of the mountain maintained a com¬ 
pact form, apd could assume a defensive attitude upon any 
sudden alarm. Its gradual expansion served also to quiet 
Indian jealousy of encroachment from the whites. But, 
almost imperceptibly, the seed of civilization had been 
planted, was firmly fixed in the soil, was germinating under 
successful culture, was producing its fruits of permanent 
society and established government. Its eradication was 
impossible. Still, it was found necessary to restrain the too 
rapid expansion of the frontier. The General Assembly of 
North-Carolina deemed it inexpedient to continue the Land 
Office open, and, accordingly, in June, of J781, closed it. It 
was not opened again, till after the end of the revolutionary 
war. In May, of 1783, the Assembly opened an office for 
the sale of western lands, for the purpose of paying the 
arrears then due the officers and soldiers of that part of the 
continental line which was raised in North-Carolina, and of 
extinguishing her part of the national debt. Without any 
previous consultation with the Indians, the Assembly en¬ 
larged the western boundary— 

“ Beginning on the line which divided that state from Virginia, at a 
point due north of the mouth of Cloud’s Creek ; running thence west to 
the Mississippi; thence down the Mississippi to the thirty-fifth degree of 
north latitude ; thence due east, until it strikes the Apalachian Moun¬ 
tains ; thence with the Apalachian Mountains to the ridge that divides 
the waters of French Broad River and the waters of Nollichucky River, 


276 


GRANT TO HENDERSON AND COMPANY. 


and with that ridge, until it strikes the line described in the act of 1778, 
commonly called Brown’s Line, and with that line and those several 
water courses to the beginning.” 

But a tract of country was reserved for the Cherokee 
hunting grounds— 

“ Beginning at the Tennessee, where the southern boundary of North- 
Carolina intersects the same, nearest to the Chickamauga Towns ; thence 
up the middle of the Tennessee and Ilolston to the middle of French 
Broad River, which lines are not to include any island or islands in said 
river, to the mouth of Big Pigeon River; thence up the same to the head 
thereof; thence along the dividing ridge between the waters of Pigeon 
River and Tuckasejah River, to the southern boundary of this state.” 

The Assembly of North-Caroliua took into consideration 
the claim set up by Henderson and company, under the 
Transylvania purchase. It was considered that the company 
was entitled to a handsome remuneration for their expenses 
in holding the treaty and buying the territory, and an Act 
was accordingly passed granting to Richard Henderson and 
his associates two hundred thousand acres of land, to be laid 
off in one survey, and with the following boundaries. “Begin¬ 
ning at the Old Indian Tower, in Powell’s Valley, running 
down Powell’s River, noteless than four miles in width, on 
one or both sides thereof to the junction of Powell’s and 
Clinch Rivers; then down Clinch River, on one or both sides, 
not less than twelve miles in width, for the complement of 
two hundred thousand acres.” Thenceforward all doubts 
were removed as to the right of the state to grant the other 
lands on the western waters, which were contained within 
the bounds specified in the Indian deeds to the company. 

At the same session, an Act was passed authorizing the 
governor to hold a treaty with the Chickamauga and Over¬ 
hill Cherokees, and also with those of the Middle and Valley 
settlement, at the Long Island. Joseph Martin is appointed 
by the same Act, agent. It is made his duty to visit the In¬ 
dian country once in six months, deliver the governor’s mes¬ 
sages and receive the talks of the Indians, record them in his 
journal, etc. 

In order that all dealing and intercourse with the Chero¬ 
kees should be carried on in the most friendly and upright 
manner, it was further provided that no one but “men of the 


GREENE COUNTY ESTABLISHED. 277 

most upright, unexceptionable, honest characters,” should be 
licensed to trade with them. 

During the same session of the Assembly, the county of 

1783 i Washington was again divided, and a new county 
( erected, which was called Greene, in honour of Gen. 

Nathaniel Greene, under whose general command many of 
the western riflemen had acted their part in the Revolution, 
and whose valour and skill had done so much in establishing 
the Independence of the United States. 

“ On the third Monday in August, the Court of Pleas and 
Quarter Sessions, for Greene county, met at the house of 
Mr. Robert Carr. Present, Joseph Hardin, John Newman, 
George Doherty, James Houston, Amos Bird, and Asahel 
Rawlings, Esqs. ; Daniel Kennedy was elected Clerk, and 
James Wilson, Sheriff’; William Cocke, Esq., Attorney for 
the State; Joseph Hardin, Junr., Entry-Taker; Isaac Tay¬ 
lor, Surveyor ; Richard Wood, Register.”* 

Jefferson county, as known at present, received its first 
settlers in this year. These were Robert McFarland, Alex¬ 
ander Outlaw, Thomas Jarnagin, James Hill, Wesley White 
James Randolph, Joseph Copeland, Robert Gentry and James 
Hubbard. The first of these made a crop in 1782, at the 
bend of Chucky, and the next year moved his family to that 
place. Capt Jarnagin settled four miles above the mouth 
of Chucky, on the north side ; James Hill, a mile lower 
down ; Wesley White, immediately opposite Taylor’s Bend ; 
Robert Gentry, four miles above Dandridge ; Joseph Cope¬ 
land settled this year south of the French Broad, seven miles 
above Dandridge. 

The settlements had reached as far as Long Creek, in the 

1784 ^ present Jefferson county, as at this session of the 
l court, “Thomas Jarnagin hath leave to build a mill 

on Long Creek.” 

“ A tax was laid, at the same time, of one shilling in specie 
for each one hundred pounds value of taxable property, for 
the purpose of erecting public buildings. An appropriation 
of eight pounds was also made to Mr. Carr, for the use of his 
house in which the court met. At August Term, a road 
was laid out from the mouth of Bent Creek to the mouth of 


* County Records. 


278 GEN. WHITE AND COL. RAMSEY EXPLORE THE COUNTRY. 

Dumplin (now Sevier). Also from the county line south of 
Chucky, and where the War Path crosses the same, the 
nearest and best way to the War Ford, on Pigeon (now 
Cocke county). 

“Ordered, that a Bench Warrant issue to Captain John 
Newman, to take suspected persons. 

“ At November Sessions, leave was granted to Thomas 
Stockton to build a mill on French Broad, at Christian’s 
Ford” (now Sevier county).* 

In August, of this year, the late General James White, 
1783 $ Col. Robert Love and Col. F. A. Ramsey and others, 
l for the purpose of locating land warrants, explored 
the country as low as the confluence of the Holston and Ten¬ 
nessee. They crossed the French Broad at the War Ford. 
There were but few inhabitants then south of Chucky. At 
the mouth of Pigeon, Mr. Gilliland had corn growing, but no 
cabin had then been erected there. A few miles below his 
clearing, the remains of three or four Indians were found ; they 
had been killed several days before. The explorers con¬ 
tinued on the south side of the river as low down as 
the mouth of Dumplin Creek, near which they recrossed 
French Broad and fell down between that and Holston, pass¬ 
ing the Swan Pond and crossing Holston a few miles above, 
where Knoxville now stands. Their route was continued 
through the.Grassy Valley to the mouth of Holston. It was 
upon this tour that General White and Col. Ramsey saw 
the lands, which they afterwards entered and eventually 
occupied in the present Knox county. 

The Indians, late in this year, commenced hostilities, by 
stealing horses and cattle, and retreating across the Pigeon 
Mountains, in what is now Cocke county. Major Peter 
Fine raised a few men and pursued them. After killing one 
Indian and wounding another, and regaining the stolen 
property, they began their return and encamped. They 
were fired upon in the night by the savages, who had fol¬ 
lowed their tracks. Vinet Fine, a brother of the major, 
was killed, and Thomas Holland and Mr. Bingham were 
wounded. After the departure of the Indians, who hung 
around the camp till morning, the white men broke a hole 

* County Records. 


Armstrong’s land office opened 


279 


in the ice and put the body of V. Fine in the creek, which 
has ever since been called Fine’s Creek. The wounded 
men were brought in, in safety, and recovered. 

It continued to be necessary for two years, to keep out 
scouts between Pigeon and French Broad. In this time 
Nehemiah and Simeon Odell were killed, scalped and their 
guns taken. A boy ten years old, named Nelson, was killed 
and his horse taken seven miles up Pigeon. McCoy’s Fort 
was built on French Broad, three miles above New Port 
Whitson’s, on Pigeon, ten miles above New Port, where 
McNabb since lived ; Wood’s, five miles below. These 
were all guarded several years. 

The General Assembly laid off a district for the ex¬ 
clusive satisfaction of the officers and soldiers of the late 
continental line, which was raised in North-Carolina. The 
claims to be satisfied, were founded upon certain promises 
held out to them by the legislature, in May, 1780. Shortly 
afterwards it was provided, that in case of a deficiency of 
good land in this district, to satisfy these claims, the same 
might be entered upon any vacant land in the state, which 
should be appropriated for their satisfaction, by grant.* 

On the 20th of October, seventeen hundred and eighty- 
three, John Armstrong’s office was opened, at Hillsborough, 
for the sale of the western lands not included in these reser¬ 
vations, nor in the counties of Washington and Sullivan, at 
the rate of ten pounds, specie certificates, per hundred. 
These certificates had been issued by Boards of Auditors, 
appointed by public authority, for services performed and 
articles impressed or furnished in the time of the revolu¬ 
tionary war, and were made payable in specie. The lands 
were to be entered in tracts of five thousand acres or less, 
at the option of the enterer. B}^ the 25th of May, 1784, 
vast quantities of land were entered, and certificates, to a 
very large amount, had been paid into the public offices.f 

By a subsequent law of the next session, the surveyor of 
Greene county was allowed to survey all lands for which 
warrants might be granted by John Armstrong, lying west¬ 
ward of the Apalachian Mountains, and including all the 


* Haywood. . f Idem. 


280 


TREATY OF PEACE. 


lands on the waters of Holston, from the mouth of French 
Broad River, upwards to the bounds of Washington and 
Sullivan counties, exclusive of the entries made by the entry- 
taker of Greene county. 

By the eighth article of the treaty of 1783, it was provided 
that the navigation of the Mississippi River, from its source to 
the ocean, shall, forever, remain free and open to the subjects of 
Great Britain and the citizens of the United States . 

In conformity with the ninth article of confederation, Con¬ 
gress issued a proclamation, prohibiting all persons from 
making setlements on lands inhabited or claimed by Indians, 
without the limits or jurisdiction of any particular state, and 
from purchasing or receiving any gift or cession of such 
lands without the Express authority and directions of the 
United States in Congress assembled. 

The state of peace brought with it new motives for exer¬ 
tion in all the industrial pursuits of life, and new incentives 
to patriotism. The country had secured to itself indepen¬ 
dence ; each citizen became proud of his connexion with it, 
and felt that,^as he had had an agency in giving to the 
government form, vitality and vigour, he was also responsi¬ 
ble for its success, prosperity and enlargement. The ten¬ 
dency westward was greatly increased, and multitudes of 
emigrants from the Middle and Southern States turned their 
eyes upon the new lands in the West. Holston, Cumberland 
and Kentucky, each received its share of enterprising and 
resolute men, willing to undergo the hardships and brave 
the perils of the wilderness. The facility of procuring cheap 
and fertile lands induced a new and large emigration to what 
is now Upper East Tennessee. The settlements upon the 
French Broad and its tributaries extended rapidly. This in¬ 
duced a renewal of hostilities on the border settlements, and 
Major Fine and Col. Lillard raised a company of thirty men, 
and penetrated through the mountains to the Over-hill Town of 
Cowee, and burned it. From this town the aggressions 
against the Pigeon settlements had been principally made. 
These were afterwards less frequent. 

In seventeen hundred and eighty-four, the frontier inhabi¬ 
tants were clearing their fields and building their cabins as 
low down as the Big Island, and along the banks of the 


PROGRESS OF IMPROVEMENT. 


281 


Big and Little Pigeon. A few adventurers were also on 
{ Boyd’s Creek, south of French Broad. North of IIol- 
( ston they were extending their improvements, within 
a few miles of the present Rogersville. Heretofore, none but 
men of little or no fortune had crossed the mountain. A pack- 
horse carried all the effects of an emigrating family. The 
country could now be reached, not as at first, only by a trace, 
but by wagon roads. This invited men of larger property, 
and society began to put on the aspect of permanence and 
respectability. Forts and stations had served as places for 
private and public instruction in learning and religion, as 
well as for the administration of justice. Now, in the oldest 
part of the settlements, might occasionally be seen the back- 
wood’s school-house, without floors or windows, and at still 
greater intervals an equally unpretending building set apart 
for public worship. At Jonesboro’, in Washington county, 
the first court-house in Tennessee had been erected. It was 
built of round logs, fresh from the adjacent forest—was co¬ 
vered in the fashion of cabins of the pioneers, with clap¬ 
boards. 

Improvement was the order of the daj r , and “ The court 
recommend that there be a court-house built in the following 
manner, viz : 24 feet square, diamond corners, and hewn down 
after it is built up ; 9 feet high between the two floors ; body 
of the house 4 feet above upper floor; floors neatly laid with 
plank; shingles of roof to be hung with pegs. A justice’s 
bench ; a lawyer’s and clerk’s bar; also, a sheriff’s box to 
sit in.” # 

But improvement and progress and change had dawned 
upon its future fortunes, and Jonesboro’, already distinguish¬ 
ed as the oldest town established in the present Tennessee, 
the centre of much of the intelligence and political influence 
in the new country, and the seat of its courts, was now to be¬ 
come the scene of exciting events—the theatre on which, at 
first, the master spirits of the frontier should co-operate and 
harmonize upon their political organization, and the arena 
where afterwards they became factionists and partizans, for 
and against the State of Franklin. The history of that an¬ 
cient commonwealth will be given in the next chapter. 

* County Records. 


282 


STATE OF FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER IV. 

THE STATE OF FRANKLIN. 

The revolutionary war was now ended, and the indepen- 

( dence of the United States acknowledged by England, 
1 ^7 S 3 j 

( and some of the great powers on the Eastern con¬ 
tinent. The transition from a state of provincial vassalage 
and colonial dependence to self government, was sudden, and 
in some of the states almost imperceptible. The change 
from a monarchy to a republic, brought with it, here and 
there over the country, a little of the spirit of insubordina¬ 
tion, but to a much more limited extent than, under existing 
circumstances, might have been expected. The boundary 
between liberty and licentiousness, has at no time and in no 
place, been better understood and more strictly observed, 
than at the close of the American Revolution, and by the peo¬ 
ple of the new republics then entering upon a new theatre of 
national existence. Still, under the recent order of things, it is 
not matter of wonder that there should be immature concep¬ 
tions of the nature ofgovernment and mistaken views of public 
policy, and that even lawlessness and violence should result 
from error and inexperience. To a limited extent it was so. 
The wonder rather is, that so little anarchy, misrule and in¬ 
subordination existed amid the chaos, convulsions and up- 
turnings of society, which the separation of the colonies from 
the parent government produced, and where the rights of the 
people were substituted for the prerogatives of sovereignty. 

Apart from these considerations, there was a further diffi¬ 
culty involving the honour, the stability and almost the exis¬ 
tence, of the United States government. 

In achieving their independence, the states had each con- 
1784 ( tracted a large debt upon its own treasury, for expen- 
l ses incurred during the war. In addition to this, Con¬ 
gress had created a heavy liability upon the general trea¬ 
sury for advances made by American citizens and foreign- 


CESSION ACT OF NORTII-CAROLINA. 


283 


ers, to meet expenditures growing out of a protracted conflict. 
While the country received the news of an honourable and 

mJ 

advantageous peace with acclamations of joy and triumph, 
government felt itself borne down by its heavy public indebt¬ 
edness, and harassed by the importunate clamour of its pub¬ 
lic creditors. Among the expedients adopted by Congress to 
lighten this burden, replenish its treasury and increase its 
exhausted credit, was the recommendation to such of the 
states as owned vacant and unappropriated lands, to throw 
them into the common stock, cede them to the United States, 
and out of the joint fund thus created, liquidate the common 
debt. North-Carolina was one of these. She owned avast 
amount of unappropriated lands in that portion of her west¬ 
ern territory extending from the Alleghanies to the Missis¬ 
sippi. Sympathizing with Congress in the distress and diffi¬ 
culty resulting from the embarrassed financial condition of 
the Union, the General Assembly of North-Carolina, at its 
April session of this year, at Hillsborough, adopted measures 
to relieve them. Taxes were laid for this purpose, and au¬ 
thority was given to Congress to collect them, and also to 
levy a duty on foreign merchandize. Partly for the same 
reason, and for others which will hereafter be noticed, the As¬ 
sembly passed an act in June, ceding to the Congress of the 
United States the western lands, as therein described, and 
authorized the North Carolina delegates to execute a deed for 
the same. In this cession thus authorized, was embraced all 
the territory now constituting the State of Tennessee, and 
including, of necessity, the trans-montane counties, Washing¬ 
ton, Sullivan, Greene and Davidson.* 

By an additional act of the same session, it was declared 
that the sovereignty and jurisdiction of North-Carolina in and 
over the territory thus ceded, and all its inhabitants, should 
be and remain the same in all respects,until the United States, 
in Congress, should accept of the cession. It had been pro¬ 
vided in the cession act that if Congress should not accept in 
two years, the act was thenceforward to be of no effect. 

The Assembly, at the same session, closed the land office 

* Davidson county was erected in 1783, on Cumberland, as will be elsewhere 
fully stated. 


284 


COMPLAINTS OF WESTERN COUNTIES. 


for the Western Territory, and nullified all entries of land, 
except as therein specified. 

Members from the four western counties were present at 
Hillsborough, and voted for the act of cession. They had 
observed a growing disinclination on the part of the legisla¬ 
ture to make any provision for the protection and defence of 
the Western people, or to discharge the debts that had been 
contracted in guarding the frontiers, or inflicting chastise¬ 
ments upon the Indians. Accounts for these purposes had 
been, and of necessity would continue to be, large and fre¬ 
quent. These demands against the treasury of the state 
were received reluctantly—were scrutinized with the ut¬ 
most caution, and paid grudgingly. Often they were re¬ 
jected as informal or unauthorized. It was intimated even, 
that some of these demands were fabricated by the Western 
people, and that the property of the citizens east of the 
mountains was wrongly and unjustly taken to cancel the 
debts of their Western brethren. 

It will be recollected that the Bill of Rights, which was 
adopted at the same time with the Constitution of North- 
Carolina, had made provision for the formation of a new 
state or states out of her Western Territory. Her western 
settlements were becoming expensive and burdensome to 
her, and as the time was at hand when a new and indepen¬ 
dent state might be formed out of them, her rulers felt it to 
be impolitic, to be very lavish in expenditures, for those who 
might soon become strangers to her peculiar interests, or 
members of a separate organization. The West complained 
of inadequate provision on the part of North-Carolina for 
their necessities, while the mother state lost no opportunity to 
impute to her remote children in the wilderness extravagance 
and profligacy—filial ingratitude and disobedience. To the 
influence of these mutual criminations and recriminations, 
may be traced the hasty passage of the cession act of June, 
1784. 

The members from the four western counties, immediately 
after the adjournment of the Assembly, at Hillsborough, re¬ 
turned home. They brought with them the first intelligence 
that had reached the West, of the passage of the cession act. 


REDUCED TO POLITICAL ORPHANAGE. 


285 


The impression was generally entertained, that Congress 
would not formally accept the cession of the Western Terri¬ 
tory for the space of two years, and that, during that period, 
the new settlements being under the protection neither of 
Congress nor of North-Carolina, would be left in a state of 
anarchy, without aid or support from abroad, and unable to 
command, under the existing state of affairs, their own re¬ 
sources at home. This aspect of their condition was made 
the more discouraging and alarming, from the consideration 
that heretofore no provision had been made for the establish¬ 
ment of a Superior Court west of the mountains. Violation 
of law was permitted to pass unpunished, except by the 
summary process of the Regulators appointed for that pur¬ 
pose, by the people themselves. Nor was the military organi¬ 
zation adequate to the exigencies of the new settlements. 
There was no brigadier-general allowed by law to call into 
service the militia of the counties, or to concentrate its ener¬ 
gies on sudden emergencies. This defect was the more dan¬ 
gerous, and the more sensibly felt, now when Indian aggression 
continued. With a frontier exposed to the inroads of a sa¬ 
vage enemy, and with no authority amongst themselves to 
whom the settlers could apply for assistance—with the set¬ 
tlements infested with culprits of every degree of guilt, re¬ 
fugees from other places, and escaping to these seclusions on 
account of their supposed immunity from conviction and 
punishment—distracted by the apprehension of an uncertain 
or questionable allegiance, ceded by the parent state, not yet 
accepted by their federal owners—depressed by the contem¬ 
plation of the state of political orphanage to which they 
were now reduced, and of the anarchy which must result 
from it—the opinion became general with the entire popula¬ 
tion that the sacred duty devolved upon themselves to de¬ 
vise the means—to draw upon their own resources—and, by 
a manly self reliance, to extricate the inhabitants of the ceded 
territory from the unexpected difficulties by which they were 
suddenly surrounded. Self protection is the first law of na¬ 
ture. Salus populi suprema lex. The frontier was suffering 
constantly by Indian perfidy and assailed by Indian atro- 


286 


MEMBERS OF CONVENTION CHOSEN. 


city, and the settlers seemed to hold their lives by the per¬ 
mission and at the will of their Cherokee neighbours. 

In this dilemma it was proposed that in each captain’s 
company two representatives of the people should be elect¬ 
ed, who should assemble, as committees, in their respective 
counties, to deliberate upon the state of public affairs, 
and recommend some general plan of action suited to the 
emergency. These committees, for Washington, Sullivan 
and Greene, met and recommended the election of deputies 
from each of the counties, to assemble in convention at 
Jonesboro’, with power to adopt such measures as they 

should deem advisable. The election of deputies to the 

* 

convention was held, and resulted in the choice for Wash¬ 
ington county of John Sevier, Charles Robertson, William 
Purphey, Joseph Wilson, John Irvin, Samuel Houston, Wil¬ 
liam Trimble, William Cox, Landon Carter, Hugh Henry, 
Christopher Taylor, John Chisolm, Samuel Doak, William 
Campbell, Benjamin Holland, John Bean, Samuel Williams, 
and Richard White. 

For the county of Sullivan—Joseph Martin, Gilbert Chris¬ 
tian, William Cocke, John Manifee, William Wallace, John 
Hall, Sami. Wilson, Stockley Donelson, and William Evans. 

For the county of Greene—Daniel Kennedy, Alexander 
Outlaw, Joseph Gist, Samuel Weir, Asahel Rawlings, Joseph 
Ballard, John Maughon, John Murphey, David Campbell, 
Archibald Stone, Abraham Denton, Charles Robinson, and 
Elisha Baker. 

Davidson county sent no delegates; probably none were 
elected. 

These deputies, on the day appointed, August 23d, as¬ 
sembled at Jonesboro’. John Sevier was appointed presi¬ 
dent of the convention. Landon Carter was the secretary. 

Immediately after its organization, the convention raised 
a committee, to take into consideration the state of public 
affairs, and especially the cession of her Western Territory, 
by North-Carolina to Congress. 

The committee consisted of Messrs. Cocke, Outlaw, Car¬ 
ter, Campbell, Manifee, Martin, Robinson, Houston, Chris¬ 
tian, Kennedy and Wilson. 


REPORT OF COMMITTEE. 


287 


While discussing and deliberating upon the object of the 
convention, the committee came to its conclusion in the 
following manner : “ A member rose and made some re¬ 

marks on the variety of opinions offered, for and against 
a separation, and taking from his pocket a volume con- 
taing the Declaration of Independence by the colonies in 
1776, commented upon the reasons which induced their sepa¬ 
ration from England, on account of their local situation, etc., 
and attempted to show that a number of the reasons they 
had for declaring independence, applied to the counties here 
represented by their deputies.” 

“ After this member had taken his seat, another arose and 
moved to declare the three western counties independent of 
North-Carolina, which was unanimously adopted” by the 
committee.* This decision was submitted to the conven¬ 
tion in the following 

“ REPORT. 

“ Your Committee are of opinion and judge it expedient, that the 
Counties of Washington, Sullivan and Greene, which the Cession Bill 
particularly respects, form themselves into an Association and combine 
themselves together, in order to support the present laws of North Caro¬ 
lina, which may not be incompatible with the modes and forms of lay¬ 
ing off a new state. It is the opinion of your committee, that we have a 
just and undeniable right to petition to Congress to accept the cession 
made by North-Carolina, and for that body to countenance us in form¬ 
ing ourselves into a separate government, and either to frame a permanent 
or temporary constitution, agreeably to a resolve of Congress, in such 
case made and provided, as nearly as circumstances will admit. We 
have a right to keep and hold a Convention from time to time, by 
meeting and convening at such place or places as the said Convention 
shall adjourn to. When any contiguous part of Virginia shall make ap¬ 
plication to join this Association, after they are legally permitted, either 
by the State of Virginia, or other power having cognizance thereof, it is 
our opinion that they be received and enjoy the same privileges that we 
do, may or shall enjoy. This Convention has a right to adopt and pre¬ 
scribe such regulations as the particular exigencies of the time and the 
public good may require ; that one or more persons ought to be sent to 
represent our situation in the Congress of the United States, and this 
Convention has just right and authority to prescribe a regular mode for 
his support.” 

This report was received and adopted by the convention. 
The question was then taken. 


* Manuscripts of Rev. S. Houston. 


288 


YEAS AND NAYS ON QUESTION OF SEPARATION. 


“ On motion of Mr. Cocke, whether for or against forming ourselves 
into a separate and distinct state, independent of the State of North- 
Carolina, at this time, it was carried in the affirmative. 

“ On motion of Mr. Kennedy, the yeas and nays were taken on tho 
above question. • 

“ Yeas. —Mr. Tirril, Samms, North, Taylor, Anderson, Houston, Cox, 
Talbot, Joseph Wilson, Trimble, Reese, John Anderson, Manifee, Chris¬ 
tian, Carnes, A. Taylor, Fitzgerald, Cavit, Looney, Cocke, B. Gist, Raw¬ 
lings, Bullard, Joshua Gist, Valentine Sevier, Robinson, Evans and 
Maughan. (28.) 

“A T a?ys .—John Tipton, Joseph Tipton, Stuart, Maxfield, D. Looney. 
Vincent, Cage, Provincer, Gammon, Davis, Kennedy, Newman, Wear, 
James Wilson and Campbell.” (15.) 

The manuscript from which the above is taken, was found 
among the papers of General Kennedy. It is without a date 
upon it. It is not known from the paper itself,‘which of the 
conventions had these proceedings. It was probably at the 
first convention at Jonesboro’, in August, 1784. That body, 
however, consisted of forty members, and at this calling of 
the yeas and nays, forty-three voted. Some names are also 
found in this list of members, which are not put down in the 
convention at Jonesboro’. Credentials were of little conse¬ 
quence at that day, and perhaps were not required from 
members. This may account for the discrepancy, both as to 
the names and members of the convention. 

It was then agreed that a member from the door of the 
house inform the crowd in the street of the decision. Procla¬ 
mation was accordingly made before the anxious spectators, 
who seemed unanimously to give to the proceedings, their 
consent and approbation. In pursuance of one of its recom¬ 
mendations, the convention appointed Messrs. Cocke and 
Hardin a committee to draw up and form the plan of asso¬ 
ciation. That plan was presented the next day to the con¬ 
vention in the following report: 

“To remove the doubts of the scrupulous; to encourage the timid, 
and to induce all, harmoniously and speedily, to enter into a firm asso¬ 
ciation, let the following particulars be maturely considered. If wc 
should be so happy as to have a separate government, vast numbers 
from different quarters, with a little encouragement from the public, 
would fill up our frontier, which would strengthen us, improve agricul¬ 
ture, perfect manufactures, encourage literature and every thing truly 
laudable. The seat of government being among ourselves, would evi¬ 
dently tend, not only to keep a circulating medium in gold and silver 


.REPORT OF COMMITTEE. 


289 


among us, but draw it from many individuals living in other states, who 
claim large quantities of lands that would lie in the bounds of the new 
state. Add to the foregoing reasons, the many schemes as a body, we 
could execute to draw it among us, and the sums which many travel¬ 
lers out of curiosity, and men in public business, would expend among 
us. But all these advantages, acquired and accidental, together with 
many more that might be mentioned, whilst we are connected with the 
old counties, may not only be nearly useless to us, but many of them 
prove injurious ; and this will always be the case during a connexion 
with them, because they are the most numerous, and consequently will 
always be able to make us subservient to them ; that our interest must 
be generally neglected, and sometimes sacrificed, to promote theirs, as 
was instanced in a late taxation act, in which, notwithstanding our local 
situation and improvement being so evidently inferior, that it is unjust 
to tax our lands equally, yet they have expressly done it; and our lands, 
at the same time, not of one fourth of the same value. And to make 
it still more apparent that we should associate the whole councils of the 
state, the Continental Congress, by their resolves, invite us to it. The 
assembly of North-Carolina by their late cession bill, opened the door, 
and by their prudent measures invite to it; and as a closing reason to 
induce to a speedy association, our late convention chosen to consider 
public affairs, and concert measures, as appears from their resolves, have 
unanimously agreed that we should do it, by signing the following ar¬ 
ticles : 

‘•First. That we agree to entrust the consideration of public affairs, 
and the prescribing rules necessary to a convention, to be chosen by 
each company as follows :—That if any company should not exceed 
thirty, there be one representative ; and where it contains fifty, there be 
two; and so in proportion, as near as may be, and that their regulations 
be reviewed by the association. 

‘ Secondly. As the welfare of our common country depends much on 
the friendly disposition of Congress, and their rightly understanding our 
situation, we do therefore unanimously agree, speedily to furnish a per¬ 
son with a reasonable support, to present our memorial, and negotiate 
our business in Congress. 

“Thirdly. As the welfare of the community also depends much on 
public spirit, benevolence and regard to virtue, we therefore unanimously 
aoTee to improve and cultivate these, and to discountenance every thing 
of a contradictory and repugnant nature. 

“Fourthly. We unanimously agree to protect this association with 
our lives and fortunes, to which we pledge our faith and reputation.” 

These report being concurred in, on motion of Mr. Cocke, 
it was 

“ Resolved , That the clerks of the county courts who have the bonds 
and recognizance of any officers, sheriffs and collectors, who have col¬ 
lected any of the public monies, or are about now to collect any of the 
same, are hereby specially commanded and required to hold said bonds 
in their possession and custody, until some mode be adopted and pre- 

19 


290 


NEW CONVENTION BREAKS UP IN CONFUSION. 


scribed to have our accounts fairly and properly liquidated with tha 
State of North-Carolina. And they resolved, further, that all the she¬ 
riffs and collectors, who have before collected any of the public monies, 
shall be called on, and render due accounts of the monies that they 
have collected and have in their hands, or may collect by virtue of their 
office. 

“Messrs. White and Doak moved, and were permitted to enter their 
dissent against both of these resolutions, because, in their opinion, it 
was contrary to law to detain the bonds.” 

The deputies then took into consideration the propriety of 
having a new convention called to form a constitution, and 
give a name to the Independent State. They decided that 
each county should elect five members to the convention— 
the same number that had been elected in 1776, to form the 
constitution of North-Carolina. They fixed the time and 
place of meeting to be at Jonesboro’, on the 16th of* Septem¬ 
ber, and then adjourned. 

For some reason not now distinctly known, the convention 
did not meet till November, and then broke up in great con¬ 
fusion. The members had not harmonized upon the details 
of the plan of association. There was a still greater con¬ 
flict of opinion amongst their respective constituencies, and 
in a new community the voice of a constituent is always 
omnipotent, and must not be disregarded. Each party was 
tenacious of its own plan, and clamourous for its adoption. 
Some preferred a longer adherence to the mother state, under 
the expectation and hope that by the legislation of North- 
Carolina, many, if not all, of the grievances which had dis¬ 
affected her western counties, would be soon redressed. Her 
Assembly was then in session at Newbern, and did repeal 
the act for ceding her western territory to Congress. During 
the same session they also formed a judicial district of the 
four western counties, and appointed an assistant judge and 
an attorney-general for the Superior Court, which was di¬ 
rected to be held at Jonesboro’. The Assembly also formed 
the militia of Washington District into a brigade, and ap¬ 
pointed Col. John Sevier the brigadier-general. 

In the law repealing the cession act, it is mentioned as the 
reason for the repeal: “That the Cession, so intended, was 
made in full confidence that the whole expense of the Indian 
expeditions, and militia aids to the States of South-Carolina 


GENERAL SEVIER DISSUADES FROM SEPARATION. 


291 


and Georgia, should pass to account in our quota of the 
continental expenses in the late war; and, also, that the 
other states, holding western territory, would make similar 
cessions, and that all the states would unanimously grant 
imposts of five per cent, as a common fund for the discharge 
ol the federal debt; and, whereas, the States of Massachu¬ 
setts and Connecticut, after accepting the cessions of New- 
York and Virginia, have since put in claims for the whole 
or a large part of that territory, and all the above expected 
measures for constituting a substantial common fund have 
been either frustrated or delayed —the said act is, there¬ 
fore, repealed. On account of the remote situation of the 
western counties, these causes of the legislation of the 
parent state were not well understood across the mountain, 
or were so misrepresented as to give rise to the charge, 
against North-Carolina,of fickleness, or rather to the imputa¬ 
tion of neglect and inattention towards the new settlements. 

But “ revolutions never go backwards the masses had 
been put in motion ; some steps had been taken in remo¬ 
deling their governments—a change was desired. A new 
convention was determined on, and, accordingly, another 
election was held, and deputies were again chosen to a future 
convention. On the day of the election, at Jonesboro’, Gene¬ 
ral Sevier declared himself satisfied with the provisions that 
had been made by the Legislature of North-Carolina in favour 
of the western people, and, enumerating them in a public 
address, recommended to the people to proceed no further in 
their design to separate from North-Carolina. He also 
wrote to Col. Kennedy, of Greene county, under date— 

2d January, 1785. 

Dear Colonel: —I have just received certain information from Col. 
Martin, that the first tiling the Assembly of North-Carolina did was 
to repeal the Cession Bill, and to form this part of the country into a 
separate District, by name of Washington District, which I have the 
honour to command, as general. I conclude this step will satisfy the 
people with the old state, and we shall pursue no further measures as 
to a new state. David Campbell, Esqr., is appointed one of our judges. 
I would write to you officially, but my commission is not yet come to 
hand. 

I am, dr. Colo., with esteem, yr. mt. obdt. 

Colo. Kennedy. JOHN SEVIER. 


292 


DEPUTIES CHOSEN TO A NEW CONVENTION. 


Gen. Sevier also made a written communication addressed 
i Kennedy and the citizens of Greene county, 

l informing them what had been done for their relief 
by the legislature, and, with the purpose of preventing con¬ 
fusion and controversies amongst the people of the western 
counties, he begged them to decline all further action in re¬ 
spect to a new government. 

Notwithstanding this earnest advice of the president of 
the late convention, and the redress of the grievances of 
which they complained, and which had alienated the people 
from the mother state, they persisted in their determination ; 
the election was held, and five deputies from each county 
were elected. Those chosen for Washington county were 
John Sevier, William Cocke, John Tipton, Thomas Stewart,, 
and Rev. Samuel Houston. For Sullivan county, David 
Looney, Richard Gammon, Moses Looney, William Cage, 
and John Long. For the county of Greene, James Reese, 
Daniel Kennedy, John Newman, James Roddye and Joseph 
Hardin. The number of deputies was fifteen, less than half 
of the convention previously elected. They were chosen, 
too, by the counties and not by captain’s companies, and, 
representing larger bodies of their fellow citizens, were less 
trammeled by local prejudices and instructions. Their action 
was less restricted, and their deliberations freer and more 
enlightened. In this body, as now composed, was conside¬ 
rable ability and some experience. 

The convention subsequently assembled again at Jones- 
borough, and again appointed John Sevier president, and F. 
A. Ramsey, secretary. 

The convention being organized and ready for business, 
the Rev. Samuel Houston, one of the deputies from Wash¬ 
ington county, arose and addressed the convention on the 
importance of their meeting, showing that they were about 
to lay the foundation on which was to be placed, not only 
their own welfare and interest, but, perhaps, those of their 
posterity for ages to come ; and adding that, under such inte¬ 
resting and solemn circumstances, they should look to Hea¬ 
ven, and offer prayer for counsel and direction from Infinite 
Wisdom. The president immediately designated Mr. Hous- 


CONVENTION OPENED WITH PRAYER. 


293 


ton, and he offered up a solemn and appropriate prayer, in 
which all seemed to unite. 

A form of a constitution under which the new government 
should be put in motion, was submitted and agreed to, sub¬ 
ject to the ratification, modification or rejection of a future 
convention directed to be chosen by the people, and to meet 
on the fourteenth of November, 1785, at Greenville. Ample 
time was thus given to examine the merits and defects of the 
new organization, and by discussing them in detail, to harmo¬ 
nize conflicting opinions, and to secure to it general public 
sentiment and popular favour. 

By an ordinance of the convention, however, it was provi¬ 
ded that the electors in the several counties should, in the 
meantime, proceed to elect members of the legislature for 
the new state, according to the laws of North-Carolina ; and 
that when thus chosen, the assembly should meet and put the 
new government into operation. 

The election was accordingly held, and members of the 

( legislature chosen for the State of Franklin. These 
1785 1 ® 

i met at the appointed time in Jonesboro’. After the 
most diligent search, the writer has been unable to procure 
a list of the members of this first legislative assembly in what 
is now Tennessee. It was, probably, for the most part com¬ 
posed of the same members who had constituted the two 
conventions that preceded, and gave form and vitality to it. 
This much is known, that Landon Carter was speaker, and 
Thomas Talbot, clerk of the Senate ; and William Cage, 
speaker, and Thomas Chapman, clerk, of the House of Com¬ 
mons. Thus organized, the assembly proceeded to the elec¬ 
tion of governor. To this office John Sevier was chosen. 
A judiciary system was established also at this first session. 
David Campbell was elected Judge of the Superior Court, 
and Joshua Gist and John Anderson Assistant Judges. 

The first session of the Legislature of Franklin, terminated 
on the thirty-first day of March, 1785, on which day the follow¬ 
ing acts were ratified, and signed by the speakers and coun¬ 
tersigned by the clerks of their respective bodies, viz : 

“ An act to establish the legal claims of persons claiming 
any property under the laws of North-Carolina, in the same 


291 FIRST CLASSICAL SCHOOL WEST OF THE ALLEGIIANIES. 

manner as if the State of Franklin had never formed itself 
into a distinct and separate state.” 

“ An act to appoint commissioners, and to vest them with 
full powers to make deeds of conveyance to such persons as 
have purchased lots in the town of Jonesboro’.” 

“ An act for the promotion of learning in the county of Wash. 
1785 S ington.” Under the provisions of this act, the foundation 
( of Martin Academy was laid. It is believed that this 
is the earliest legislative action taken anywhere west of the 
Alleghanies, for the encouragement of learning. Rev. Sam¬ 
uel Doak, who had been a member of the convention, and, 
probably, of the Franklin assembly, and the apostle of reli¬ 
gion and learning in the West, was the founder and first pre¬ 
sident of Martin Academy. He was a graduate of Nas¬ 
sau Hall, in its palmiest days, under the presidency of Dr. 
Witherspoon. His school-house, a plain log building erected 
on his own farm, stood a little west of the present site of 
what is now Washington College. For many years it was 
the only, and for still more, the principal seat of classical 
education for the western country. 

“ An act to establish a militia in this state.” 

“ An act for dividing Sullivan county and part of Greene, 
into two distinct counties, and erecting a county by the 
name of Spencer.” This new county covered the same 
territory now known as Hawkins county. 

“ An act for procuring a great seal for this state.” This 
act was probably never carried into effect. More than two 
years afterwards commissions to the officers of Franklin 
were issued, having upon them a common wafer as the seal 
of the state. 

“An act directing the method of electing members of the 
General Assembly.” The first Monday of August, was the 
time fixed by law for the annual meeting of the legislature. 

“ An act to divide Greene county into three separate and 
distinct counties, and to erect two new counties by the name 
of Caswell and Sevier.” The former occupied the section 
of country which is now Jefferson, and extended probably 
further west. There is reason to believe that Caswell 


TIIE SEVEN COUNTIES OF FRANKLIN. 


295 


county extended down the French Broad and Holston to their 
confluence, and perhaps further west. This much is cer¬ 
tain : that General White and others, known to be steadfast 
friends of the new state and officers under it, were at this 
time forming settlements in this part of the present Knox 
county. The other new county embraced what is still 
known as Sevier county, south of French Broad, and also 
that part of Blount east of the ridge dividing the waters of 
Little River from those of the Tennessee. The courts of 
Sevier county were held at Newell’s Station, near the head 
of Boyd’s Creek. This is one of the prettiest places in Ten¬ 
nessee; its ruins are still to be seen—about fifteen miles 
south-east from Knoxville—on the farm lately owned by 
Edward Hodges, Esq. 

“ An act to ascertain the value of gold and silver foreign 
coin, and the paper currency now in circulation in the state 
of North-Carolina, and to declare the same to be a lawful 
tender in this state.” 

“ An act for levying a tax for the support of the govern¬ 
ment.” 

“ An act to ascertain the salaries allowed the Governor, 

• » 

Attorney-General, Judges of the Superior Courts, Assistant 
Judges, Secretary of State, Treasurer and members of Council 
of State.” 

“ An act^or ascertaining what property in this state shall 
be deemed taxable, the method of assessing the same, and 
collecting public taxes.” 

“An act to ascertain the powers and authorities of the 
Judges of the Superior Courts, the Assistant Judges and Jus¬ 
tices of the Peace, and of the County Courts of Pleas and 
Quarter Sessions, and directing the time and place of holding 
the same.” 

“ An act for erecting apart of Washington county and 
that part of Wilkes lying west of the extreme heights of the 
Apalachian or Alleghany Mountains, into a separate and 
distinct county by the name of Wayne.” This new county 
covered the same territory now embraced in the limits of 
Carter and Johnson counties. 

The provisions of some of these acts were nearly the 


296 


OFFICERS OF THE STATE OF FRANKLIN, 

same as those adopted by North-Carolina at the commence- 
ment of her state government. The style of the enactments 
was this: “Beit enacted by the General Assembly of the 
State of Franklin/’ 

The Governor, the Judge of the Superior Court, and the 
Assistant Judges, were elected, as has been already men¬ 
tioned, by the legislature at its first session. The other 
state officers were Landon Carter, Secretary of State; Wil¬ 
liam Cage, Treasurer; Stockley Donaldson, Surveyor-Gene¬ 
ral; Daniel Kennedy and William Cocke, Brigadier-Gene¬ 
rals of the Franklin militia. General Cocke was also dele¬ 
gated to represent the condition of the new government in 
the Congress of the United States. Members of the Council 
of State were—General William Cocke, Colonel Landon 
Carter, Colonel Francis A. Ramsey, Judge Campbell, Gene¬ 
ral Kennedy, Colonel Taylor. Until the new constitution 
should be adopted by the people, the temporary form of gov¬ 
ernment was that of North-Carolina. 

County courts were, at the same session, established, and 
justices of the peace appointed. The civil and military 
officers for each county, as far as can now be ascertained, 
were—James Sevier, Clerk of Washington County Court ; 
John Rhea, of Sullivan ; Daniel Kennedy, of Greene ; Tho¬ 
mas Henderson, of Spencer; Joseph Hamilton, of Caswell ; 
and Samuel Weir, of Sevier. On the 10th of June, 1785, 
Governor Sevier, by proclamation, announced the appoint¬ 
ment of F. A. Ramsey, Esq., as Clerk of the Superior Court 
of Washington District.* 

The salaries of the officers of state were—of the Governor, 
two hundred pounds annually; Attorney-General, twenty- 
five pounds for each court he attended ; Secretary of State^ 
twenty-five pounds annually, and his fees of office ; Judge 
of Superior Court, one hundred and fifty pounds per annum ; 
Assistant Judges, twenty-five pounds for each court; Trea¬ 
surer, forty pounds annually ; each member of Council of 
State, six shillings per day, when in actual service. 

“ In the law, levying a tax for the support of government, was the 
clause following: 


* Haywood- 


AND ITS CURRENCY. 


297 


\ 

“ ‘ Bz it enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the aforesaid 
land tax, and all free polls, to be paid in the following manner: Good 
flax linen, ten hundred, at three shillings and six pence per yard ; nine 
hundred, at three shillings; eight hundred, two shillings and nine 
pence; seven hundred, two shillings and six pence; six hundred, two 
shillings ; tow linen, one shilling and nine pence ; linsey, three shillings, 
and woollen and cotton linsey, three shillings and six pence per yard ; 
good, clean beaver skin, six shillings; cased otter skins, six shillings; 
uncased ditto, five shillings; rackoon and fox skins, one shilling and 
three pence; woollen cloth, at ten shillings per yard; bacon, well 
cured, six pence per pound ; good, clean tallow, six pence per pound ; 
good, clean beeswax, one shilling per pound ; good distilled rye whiskey, 
at two shillings and six pence per gallon; good peach or apple brandy, 
at three shillings per gallon ; good country made sugar, at one shilling 
per pound : deer skins, the pattern, six shillings ; good, neat and well 
managed tobacco, fit to be prized, that may pass inspection, the hun¬ 
dred, fifteen shillings, and so on in proportion for a greater or less quan¬ 
tity.’ ” 

“ ‘ And all the salaries and allowances hereby made, shall be paid by 
any treasurer, sheriff, or collector of public taxes, to any person entitled 
to the same, to be paid in specific articles as collected, and at the rates 
allowed by the state for the same ; or in current money of the State of 
Franklin.’ In specifying the skins, which might be received as a com¬ 
mutation for money, the risibility of the unthinking was sometimes 
excited at the enumeration. The rapidity of wit, which never stops to 
be informed, and which delights by its oddities, established it as an 
axiom, that the salaries of the governor, judges, and other officers, were 
to be paid in skins absolutely; and to add to their merriment, had them 
payable in mink skins.”* 

The provisions of the Franklin Legislature concerning its 
currency, have been the source of much merriment and 
pleasantry, at the expense of the Franks. It should be re¬ 
collected that many of the articles, which were thus de¬ 
clared to be a lawful tender in payment of debts, were, at 
that moment, convertible into specie, at the prices designated 
by the law ; and all of them, certainly, at a lower scale of 
depreciation than the issues of many banks, considered since 
that time as a legal currency. Besides, in the forming pe¬ 
riod of society, when the pastoral and agricultural have not yet 
been merged into the commercial and manufacturing stages? 
where the simple wants of a new community confine its 
exchanges to the bartering of one commodity or product for 
another, there can be but little use for mon*y . There it 
does not constitute wealth, and is scarcely the representa¬ 
tive of it. On the frontier, he is the wealthiest man, not 

* Haywood. 


298 


CURRENCY OF THE COLONIES. 


who owns the largest amount of wild lands, while thousands 
of acres around him are vacant and unappropriated ; or who 
has money to lend, which no one near him wishes or needs to 
borrow ; but he whose guns and traps furnish the most peltries, 
who owns the largest flocks and herds, and whose cribs and 
barns are the fullest, and whose household fabrics are the most 
abundant. In a new settlement, these are wealth, and con¬ 
stitute its standard. 

In the earlier periods of all the American colonies, a like 
condition of things existed, as did now in Franklin. Money 
appears to have been very scarce, and in their domestic 
transactions, quite unknown. In Virginia, two centuries ago, 
the price of a wife was estimated at one hundred and fifty 
pounds of tobacco ; and the subject of the transaction was 
held to impart its own dignity to the debt, which accordingly 
was allowed to take precedence of all other engagements. 
In 1688, a stipend of sixteen thousand pounds of tobacco was 
given by law to each clergymen. In Maryland, tobacco, and 
not money, was made the measure of value, in all the laws 
where prices were stated or payments prescribed.* InNorth- 
Carolina, as late as 1722, debts and rents were generally 
made payable in hides, tallow, furs, or other productions of 
the country. And still later, in 1738, when money was 
scarce in that colony, it became necessary to receive pay¬ 
ment of quit-rents and other debts, in such articles of country 
produce as were marketable and ea.sily transported. The 
price ot these several articles was fixed by acts of As¬ 
sembly, at which they were a legal tender. When judgment 
was obtained in a court for damages to a certain amount, 
the entry was usually made in the docket with the follow¬ 
ing addition : “ payable in deer skins, hides, tallow or small 
furs, at country price.’’f A specific tax of one bushel of In¬ 
dian corn, upon every tithable inhabitant, was laid in 1715, for 
the support of some forces upon the frontier, and to discharge 
a debt due to South-Carolina. 

At an early day in Virginia, tobacco became the standard 
of value, and supplied in part the place of a circulating me¬ 
dium. By an act of 1632, “ the secretary’s fees shall be as 


* Grakame. 


f Williamson. 


FRANKLIN TREATY OF PEACE AND BOUNDARIES. 299 

followeth : ffor a warrant, 05 lbs. of tobacco; ffor a passe 
10 lbs.; flor a freedom 20, etc. The marshall’s fees ffor an 
arrest, 10 lbs.; ffor warning the cort, 02, imprisonment 
coming in 10, going out 10, laying by the heels 5, whipping 
10, pillory 10, duckinge 10, ffor every 5 lbs. of tobacco the 
marshall may require one bushel of corne, etc. etc.”* 

The court of assistants, of Massachusetts, ordered that 
1G31 ^ corn should pass for payment of all debts at the usual 
l rate for which it was sold. 

Hard Currency.— “Musket balls, full bore, were a legal 
tender in Massachusetts, in 1656, current for a farthing a 
piece, provided that no man be compelled to take above 
twelve at a time of them.” 

‘‘ In 1680, the town of Hilham paid its taxes in milk-pails.” 

Having appointed the officers of state, and provided for 
the support of the government of Franklin, the Assembly 
authorized a treaty 7 to be held with the Cherokee Indians. 
Governor Sevier, Alexander Outlaw and Daniel Kenned)', 
were appointed commissioners. The treaty was held at the 
house of Major Henry, near the mouth of Dumplin Creek, 
on the north bank of French Broad River. The king of the 
Cherokees, with a great number of their chiefs, met the 
Franklin commissioners at this place, on the 31st of May, 
1785. The conference was continued three days, and re¬ 
sulted in the establishment of the ridge dividing the waters 
of Little River and the Tennessee, as the boundary between 
the whites and Indians, and the cession of all the lands south 
of French Broad and Holston, east of that ridge. For these 
lands the Indians were promised compensation in general 
terms. “Both parties professed a sincere desire for the bles¬ 
sings of peace, and an ardent wish that it might be of long 
continuance. The governor, in a speech well calculated to 
produce the end he had in view, deplored the sufferings of 
the white people; the blood which the Indians spilt on the 
road leading to Kentucky ; lamented the uncivilized state of 
the Indians, and to prevent all future animosities, he sug¬ 
gested the propriety of fixing the bounds, beyond which 
those settlements should not be extended, which had been 


* Foote’s Virginia. 


300 


CONDITION OF THE NEW STATE. 


imprudently made on the south side of French Broad and 
Holston, under the connivance of North-Carolina, and could 
not now be broken up ; and he pledged the faith of the State 
of Franklin, if these bounds should be agreed upon and made 
known, that the citizens of his state should be effectually 
restrained from all encroachments beyond it.”* 

Under the government of Franklin, the county offices 
were generally conferred upon those who already held com¬ 
missions under the State of North-Carolina for the same 
places. This arrangement gave general satisfaction. The 
metamorphosis from the old to the new order of things was 
so noiseless, gradual and imperceptible, it did violence to no 
one, produced no convulsion, and for the time being recon¬ 
ciled all parties west of the mountains to the new govern¬ 
ment, which was now in the full tide of successful experi¬ 
ment. 

East of the Alleghanies, however, this sudden dismember¬ 
ment of the territory of North-Carolina produced surprise, 
censure and condemnation. A rumour of the insurrectionary 
tendency across the mountain, had reached Newbern during 
the session of the legislature, and had, doubtless, much influ¬ 
ence in hastening the measures adopted for the conciliation 
and relief of the western people. Complaints were soon 
after made to Alexander Martin, then governor of the state, 
by the chiefs of the Cherokee nation, of the frequent viola¬ 
tion of treaty stipulations, and especially of the murder of 
one of their head men, Butler, by Major Hubbard, one of the 
Franklin officers, in time of peace. 

Governor Martin, under date Danbury, Dec. 18, 1784, had 
written to Col. John Gist, authorizing him to convene the 
witnesses before him, and if they prove the killing, “you 
will issue your warrant to apprehend the said Hubbard, di¬ 
rected to the sheriff or such other officers as you judge 
proper, to be brought before you, and if he cannot shew any 
exculpatory reason for this act, you will commit him under a 
strong guard to Burke county jail, and to be under the care of 
General McDowell, there to remain until Washington Supe¬ 
rior Court.” 

The circumstances of the death of Butler, as furnished by 

* Haywood. 


UNTOOLA, A CHIEF OF CITICO. 


301 


a surviving kinsman, as he received them from Hubbard 
himself, are these : 

The Death of Untoola or Gun Rod of Citico—or, as known 

TO THE WHITES, BUTLER-A CflEROKEE ClIIEF. 

During an armistice that had taken place between the 
Upper towns of the Cherokees and the infant settlements 
upon the French Broad, an attempt was made to revive the 
peaceful relations which, at happy intervals, had existed be¬ 
tween the white and Indian population. The counsels of 
the elder chiefs had at length prevailed over the rash and in¬ 
considerate decisions of the young men and warriors, and had 
curbed, if not eradicated, the restless spirit of cruelty and ag¬ 
gression which had so often involved the frontier in war. 
The whites too, were at this moment not indisposed to a 
state of peace. The emigration from abroad had been so 
great as to render the amount of the last year’s crop inade¬ 
quate for the present wants and support of the country. A 
pacific policy was necessary to a renewal of that system of 
barter which, in times of previous scarcity, had been so bene¬ 
ficial to all. Impelled by necessity, several small parties 
ventured into the Indian country to procure corn. Amongst 
these was one consisting of only two men, Col. James Hub- 
bardt and a fellow-soldier. Hubbardt’s parents and their 
whole family, had been cruelly butchered in Virginia by the 
Shawnees, and he had hence become the avowed enemy of the 
Indian race ; and it may not be saying too much to add, that 
he had killed more Cherokees than any other one man. In 
every battle with them, he sought the place of danger. Coura¬ 
geous in action, ardent in pursuit, artful in stratagie and 
desperate in his revenges, he had incurred the implacable 
resentment of the Indians. This feeling had been exaspe¬ 
rated by the mortifying result of many a hardly contested 
rencounter with them.. In one of these it was his good for¬ 
tune to meet and unhorse Butler, a distinguished warrior and 
the chieftain of Citico. To lose his horse, his tomahawk or his 
rifle, is equivalent, in the Cherokee warrior’s code, to the loss 
of consequence and of honour. Butler apprehended this effect 
from his late inglorious retreat from his antagonist. This stain 


302 


IIUBBARDT AND UNTOOLA. 


upon bis character ulcerated his proud and ambitious spirit, 
and impatient under its corrodings, and panting for an oppor¬ 
tunity to retrieve his loss, he had dissented from the peace- 
talks which were gradually preparing his followers for a 
general pacification—an event which Butler was well aware, 
under his peculiar situation, would consign him to temporary 
obscurity, or perhaps sink him to lasting infamy. His wounded 
pride could not brook this tormenting apprehension, and he 
disdained to accept the overture of peace, which he too well 
knew had not been extorted by his valour. Hearing of the 
approach of Hubbardt and of his companion to his town, he 
invited a warrior, who still adhered to his fortunes, to accom¬ 
pany him. Well armed and well mounted, they hastened 
from Citico and soon met the object of their search. Hub¬ 
bardt and his companion were encumbered with packages of 
different kinds, which had been laid upon their horses to be 
exchanged for corn. At the time of Butler’s approach, they 
were on foot, leading the horses leisurely along the Indian 
path. Butler rode directly up, and with an air of insulted 
dignity demanded, in English, the object of their intrusive 
visit. Hubbardt, looking at him sternly, replied, with great 
self-possession, As the war is over, we have brought some 
clothing which we desire to barter for corn ; and as an evi¬ 
dence of the conciliatory and peaceable purpose of his visit* 
he exhibited the contents of a sack taken from his horse. He 
also drew forth a bottle of whiskey and invited the Indians to 
drink. To inspire Butler with greater confidence, he leaned 
his rifle against a tree, vainly hoping, by this demeanour, to 
appease the resentment which but too plainly burned in the 
bosom and flashed from the eyes of his antagonist. To the 
enquiry about a supply of corn, no answer was made by But¬ 
ler, who manifested a stubborn indifference to the negotia¬ 
tion. He continued mounted and rode partly around the 
white men, with the supposed intention of either separating 
Hubbardt from his gun, by running his horse in between him 
and the tree, or of getting them both in the range of his dou¬ 
ble-barrelled rifle, and of killing the principal and his second 
at one shot. Hubbardt, however, was not less eagle-eyed 
than he w r as brave, and taking his position near his gun, de- 


UNT00LA KILLED. 


303 


termined, that while he made no aggression upon others, he 
would not allow himself to be deprived of the means of de¬ 
fence. The negotiation was now ended—not another word 
was uttered. Though all verbal communication was sus¬ 
pended, it w’as not difficult to read in their expressive coun¬ 
tenances, the reckless determination of the two principals. 
Their companions remained spectators of the conduct of their 
chiefs—each of them aware that the fate of his friend might 
be decisive of his own. 

Hubbardt knew that to resume his rifle, in the present 
posture of things, would be construed as a breach of the 
existing armistice or a renewal of the war, and would 
expose a starving frontier to famine and to the merciless 
incursions of their savage neighbours. To remain unarmed 
was to invite an attack from his adversary. He avoided 
either. He reached his hand to the muzzle of his gun and 
allowed the breach to remain upon the ground; then assu¬ 
ming a look of stern defiance, he waited, in silence, for the 
attack. Butler changed the position of his horse and aimed 
a blow at Hubbardt, but was unable, by this manoeuvre, to 
gain any advantage over his wary antagonist. Baffled .in 
this expectation, he coolly surveyed him, and, quick as light¬ 
ning, levelled his gun and fired. The ball passed between 
the ear and head of Hubbardt, and cut the hair from his 
temple and doing little injury to the skin, slightly stunned 
him. The two Indians immediately retreated. Their flight 
was so instantaneous and rapid that they had reached the 
distance of eighty yards when a ball from Hubbardt’s gun 
struck Butler in the back and brought him to the ground. 
He begged Hubbardt, who was now approaching him, to let 
him alone—he was a dead man. At his own request, he 
was lifted up and placed against a tree, when he breathed 
easier. To the request that he should tell them, before he 
died, whether his nation was for peace, he replied angrily, 
No. They are for war, and if you go any further they will 
take vour hair. To the remark that they had better not 
again go to war, for the white people would whip them, he 
he replied: It is a lie, it is a lie ; and making the declaration 
more emphatic by the addition of other offensive and insult- 


304 


GOVERNOR MARTIN SENDS COLONEL HENDERSON, 


ing expletives, continued to provoke Hubbardt till, in a 
paroxysm of ill-timed rage, by a blow from his heavy gun, 
he dispatched him. 

The companion of Hubbardt had his attention so wholly 
absorbed by the principal combatants, that he allowed the 
other Indian to escape without firing at him. Hubbardt 
reproached him bitterly for this neglect, and said that, if 
he had killed the other, intelligence of Butler’s death would 
not have exposed the whites to immediate retaliation ; as it 
is, said he, the Indians will invade the settlements before 
they can be prepared for them. 

It will be seen, hereafter, how severely the frontier suffered 
from the revenge, cruelty and retaliation of Butler’s towns¬ 
men. 

Rumour had ascribed the disturbances on the frontier to the 
officers of the new government, and Governor Martin sent 
Samuel Henderson to the West, with instructions and full 
power to examine into and ascertain the extent of the inju¬ 
ries inflicted upon the Indians, and the disaffection of the 
western people. The governor also forwarded, by Major 
Henderson, a talk from himself to the Cherokees, and a letter 
to General Sevier. As containing a history of the times at 
which they bear date, each of these papers is given at 
length. 

To the Old Tassel and other Warriors of the Cherokee nation • 

• 

Brothers :—I have received your talk by Colonel Martin, in behalf of 
yourself and all the Cherokee nation. 1 am sorry that you have been 
uneasy, and that I could not see you this last spring, as I promised 
you, as our beloved men met at Hillsborough had prevented me, by 
agreeing and concluding among themselves, that the Great Council of 
the thirteen American States, at Philadelphia, should transact all affairs 
belonging to the Red People. ..... 

Brother :—It gives me great uneasiness that our people trespass on 
your lands, and that your young men are afraid to go a-hunting on ac¬ 
count of our people ranging the woods and marking the trees. These 
things, I can assure you, are against the orders of your elder brother, and 
are not approved of by me and the good men of North-Carolina ; but 
while we were consulting our council of Philadelphia, our bad men 
living near your lands thought we had laid aside all government over 
them, and that they had a right to do as they pleased ; and not willing 
to obey any law for the sake of ill gain and profit, care not what mis¬ 
chief they do between the red and white people, if they can enrich them- 


ON A MISSION TO FRANKLIN. 


305 


selves. But, brother, I know your complaints, and will endeavour to 
set your minds at ease, by again ordering, off all these persons from your 
lands, who have settled'on them without your consent. Your friend, 
Gen. Sevier, is made our First Warrior for the western country, to whom 
Colonel Martin carries my particular directions to have these intruders 
moved off. About the 25th of April, I propose to meet you, and such 
of your beloved men as will be pleased to attend, at the Great Island 
in Holston, or other place most agreeable to you on Broad or that 
river. I shall bring with me some of our first men, who will assist in 
the Talks, in whom, as well as myself, you can place your confidence and 
trust. I propose to bring with me the goods, which, in my last Talk, 

I informed you, were intended to purchase your right and claim to some 
of the lands near you, that a line be drawn and marked between your 
people and ours, which shall be the bounds in future, and over which 
our people shall not go and settle upon, without being highly punished. ^ 

Brother : —In the meanwhile, 1 beg you not to listen to any bad 
Talks, which may be made by either white or red people, which may 
disturb our peace and good will to each other ; and should mischief be 
done by any of our bad people, be patient until you hear from me, and may 
be certain your elder brother of North-Carolina will do every thing in his 
power, to give your minds satisfaction. I am told the northern Indians have 
sent you some bad Talks, but do not hear them, as they wish to make vari¬ 
ance between all the red and American people without any provocation. 

Brother :—Colonel Martin, your friend, has told me your grievances. 

I wish to redress them as soon as possible. I cannot come to you sooner 
than I have proposed. Bad men may make you uneasy, but your elder 
brother of North-Carolina has you greatly in his heart, and wishes to 
make you sensible of it. 

Governor Martin to General Sevier : 

Danbury, December, 1784. 

Sir :—By Major Outlaw, I sent your brigadier’s commission, which I 
expect you have received, and which I hope will be acceptable to you, 
as also some proclamations agreeably to a request of the Legislature, 
to have all intruders removed off the Indian lands. I request your atten¬ 
tion to this business, as I have received a Talk from the Cherokee nation, 
greatly complaining of trespasses daily committing against them ; and 
that their young men are afraid to hunt, as our people are continually 
ranging their woods and marking their trees. The importance of keep¬ 
ing peace with the Indians you are sufficiently impressed with, and the 
powers with which you are armed, are sufficient to check the licentious 
and disobedient, and remove every impediment out of the way, which 
may give the Indians uneasiness. 

I am informed a daring murder has been committed, on one Butler, 
a Cherokee Indian, by Major Hubbard, of Greene county, without any 
provocation. I have given directions for his being apprehended and 
conveyed to Burke Gaol for security, until the setting of Washington 
Superior Court, when he will be remanded back. Col. Gist, of Greene 
county, is entrusted with this service. I have directed him to call on 
you for guards if the same be necessary. 

20 


306 


TALK OF GOVERNOR MARTIN TO CHEROKEES. 


You will please to write to me the first opportunity on this subject* 
I propose to hold a treaty with the Indians about the 25th of April, at 
the Great Island. 

Governor Caswell and Colonel Blount will be commissioners to assist 
at the treaty, where I shall expect you to attend with such guard as 
will be thought necessary, and of which you will hereafter have advice. 

Hearing of the continued revolt in the West, Governor 
Martin again addressed Governor Sevier: 

Sir :—With some concern, I have heard that the counties of Wash¬ 
ington, Sullivan and Greene, have lately declared themselves inde¬ 
pendent of the State of North-Carolina, and have chosen you governor— 
that you have accepted the same, and are now acting with a number of 
officers under the authority of a new government. 

As I wish to have full and proper information on this subject, Major 
Samuel Henderson waits upon you with this, by whom you will please 
to transmit me an account of the late proceedings of the people in the 
western country, that I may have it in my power to communicate the 
same to the General Assembly. 

The general discontent that prevailed through the state at the late 
Cession act, and the situation of our public accounts not being as fa¬ 
vourable as they were taught to believe, caused the Assembly to repeal 
that act by a large majority, and to convince the people of the western 
country, that the state still retained her affection for, and was not desi¬ 
rous to part with, such a respectable body of citizens, in the present 
situation of affairs, attempted to make government as easy as possible 
to them by erecting a new Superior Court District, creating a Brigadier- 
General of the Militia, and an Assistant Judge of the said Superior 
Court, which was, in short, redressing every grievance, and removing 
every obstacle out of the way that called for a separation, and w'hich 
the Legislature were induced to expect from one of the members of that 
district, would give full satisfaction. 

It has also been suggested that the Indian goods are to be seized, 
and the Commissioners arrested, when they arrive, on the business of 
the Treaty, as infringing on the powers of your new government; for 
which reason they are stopped, and I shall not proceed with the Com¬ 
missioners until we are assured how far the militia of Washington Dis¬ 
trict may be relied on for guards in conducting the Treaty, whom alone 
I intend to call upon to attend to this business. 

You will also please to inform me respecting the late Proclamations 
to remove off all intruders on the Ipdian lands, and what is done in 
Hubbard’s case, of which I wrote you by Colonel Martin. 

Gov. Martin also sent another Talk: 

To the Old Tassel of Chota, and all the warriors of the Friendly 

Towns of the Cherokee nation : 

Brothers :—The time is about arriving when I expected to have held 
a great Talk with you, as I promised by Col. Martin, and hope you will 
not charge me with being false and faitkless to my promise, when I ex- 


GOV. martin’s INSTRUCTIONS TO MAJOR HENDERSON. 307 


plain to you the reason why this business is obliged to be put off to 
some longer time. I am sorry to give you this information, as the fault 
is not yours or mine; but, from a circumstance I could not have foreseen, 
would have happened, while we were preparing to see each other to ex¬ 
change mutual pledges of lasting friendship. A String. 

Our brothers, the white people between the mountains and you, wish 
to have a council of beloved men and government separate from your 
elder brothers of North-Carolina, with whom they heretofore sat and 
held all their councils in common. 

Your elder brothers are not yet agreed to their separation from them, 
till they are a more numerous and stronger people, till we have held 
Talks together on the terms of the separation, and till the great Council 
at New-York are agreed; while these things are settling among ourselves, 
the talking with you must be delayed, as the meeting must be on the 
ground where they live, and from whom we must procure things ne¬ 
cessary for the support of you and us ; and by this Talk w r e intend to 
make a chain of friendship strong and bright, that will last forever be¬ 
tween you and all your elder brothers, more especially those who live 
near you. We wish to have their full consent and hearty assistance as one 
people in this business. A String. u > 

Brothers : —Be’not discouraged at this delay. Whatever disputes may 
be between your elder brothers, I trust it will not concern you, more 
than you may think the time long we may take up in understanding 
ourselves. In the meantime, I, as your elder brother, request you to be 
peaceably disposed to all the white people who are our brothers, and 
not suffer any mischief to be done to them, either to their persons or pro¬ 
perty, nor listen to any ill Talks which may be offered you, either from 
the red or white bad people ; but should any injury be done you by the 
white people near you, complain to their head and beloved men, who I 
hope will give you redress, till the way is clear for you and us of North- 
Carolina to see each other. A String. 

Brothers :—The time is shortly to be, by the nature of our govern¬ 
ment, when I am to become as a private brother, but the good Talks that 
have passed between us will not be forgotten. I will deliver them care¬ 
fully to my successor, Governor Caswell, who loves you, and wishes to 
Talk with you in the same manner I have. He will have the conducting 
of the future Talks with you, which I hope will always be to our mu¬ 
tual satisfaction. 

GOV. martin’s INSTRUCTIONS FOR MAJOR SAMUEL HENDERSON. 

Sir :—You will please to repair with despatch to General Sevier, 
and deliver him the letters herewith handed you, and request his an¬ 
swer. You will make yourself acquainted with the transactions of 
the people in the western country, such as their holding a Convention, 
and learn whether the same be temporary, to be exercised only during 
the time of the late Cession act; and that since the repeal thereof, they 
mean still to consider themselves citizens of North-Carolina, or whether 
they intend the same to be perpetual, and what measures they have 


308 


GOV. SEVIER ANNOUNCES FRANKLIN INDEPENDENT. 


taken to support sucli government. That you procure a copy of the 
constitution, and the names of such officers at present exercising the 
powers of the new government. That you be informed whether a fac¬ 
tion of a few leading men be at the head of this business, or whether it 
be the sense of a large majority of the people that the state be dis¬ 
membered at this crisis of affairs, and what laws and resolutions are 
formed for their future government; also, where the bounds of their 
new state are to extend, and whether Cumberland or Kentucky, or both, 
are to be included therein, and whether the people of those places have 
also taken part in the above transactions. You will learn the temper 
and disposition of the Indians, and what is done in Hubbard’s case, 
and how his conduct is approved or disapproved in general. Lastly, every 
other information you think necessary to procure, you will communicate 
to me as soon as possible; at the same time you will conduct yourself 
with that prudence you are master of, in not throwing out menaces, or 
making use of any language that may serve to irritate persons con¬ 
cerned in the above measures. 

The authorities of North-Carolina were , not long allowed 
to remain in doubt upon the subject of the defection of the 
western counties. Soon after the organization of the Legis¬ 
lature of the State of Franklin, and the appointment of its 
principal officers, a communication was addressed to Alex¬ 
ander Martin, Esq., Governor of North-Carolina, signed by 
John Sevier, Governor, and Landon Carter and William Cage, 
as Speakers of the Senate and House of Commons of the 
State of Franklin, announcing that they and part of the 
inhabitants of the territory lately ceded to Congress, had 
declared themselves independent of the State of North-Caro¬ 
lina, and no longer considered themselves under the sove¬ 
reignty and jurisdiction of the same, and assigning the rea¬ 
sons for their separation. This formal Declaration of Inde¬ 
pendence, officially communicated by the functionaries of 
Franklin, and transmitted to the Executive of North-Caro 
lina, induced Governor Martin to issue his circular under 
date, Danbury, April 7th, 1785, to the members of Council, 
requiring them to meet him at Hillsborough on the 22d inst. 
In his circular, he goes on to say that the inhabitants of the 
western counties “had declared themselves independent of 
the State of North-Carolina, and have refused, and do refuse, 
to pay obedience to the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the 
same and he convenes them at Hillsborough, “then and 
there in your wisdom to deliberate and advise the measures 
necessary to be taken on this occasion.” 


gov. martin’s manifesto. 


309 


Three days after the meeting of his Council, Governor 
Martin issued a Proclamation as follows :—“Whereas, I have 
received undoubted information of the revolt of the inhabi¬ 
tants of Washington, Greene and Sullivan counties, who have 
declared themselves independent of the State of North-Caro- 
lina, under the name of the State of Franklin ,” and then 
convenes the Legislature at Newborn, on the 1st of June. 

Upon the same day he issued also the following spirited 
and elaborate Manifesto : 

S.tate of North-Carolina : 

By His Excellency Alexander Martin, Esquire, Governor, Captain- 

General and Commander-in-Chief of the State aforesaid— 

To the Inhabitants of the Counties of Washington , Sullivan and Greene: 

A MANIFESTO. 

Whereas, I have received letters from Brigadier-General Sevier, under 
the style and character of Governor, and from Messrs. Landon Carter and 
William Cage, as Speakers of the Senate and House of Commons of the 
State of Franklin, informing me that they, with you, the inhabitants of 
part of the territory lately ceded to Congress, had declared themselves in¬ 
dependent of the State of North-Carolina, and no longer consider them¬ 
selves under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the same, stating their 
reason for their separation and revolt—among which it is alledged, that 
the western country was ceded to Congress without their consent, by an 
act of the legislature, and the same was repealed in the like manner. 

It is evident, from the journals of that Assembly, how far that asser¬ 
tion is supported, which held up to public view the names of those who 
voted on the different sides of that important question, where is found a 
considerable number, if not a majority, of the members—some of whom 
are leaders in the present revolt —then representing the above counties, 
in support of that act they now deem impolitic and pretend to reprobate—• 
which, in all probability, would not have passed but through their influ¬ 
ence and assiduity—whose passage at length was effected but by a small 
majority, and by which a cession of the vacant territory was only made 
and obtained with a power to the delegates to complete the same by 
grants, but that government should still be supported, and that anarchy 
prevented—which is now suggested—the western people were ready to 
fall into. The sovereignty and jurisdiction of the state were, by another 
act passed by the same assembly, reserved and asserted over the ceded 
territory, with all the powers and authorities as full and ample as before, 
until Congress should accept the same. 

The last Assembly having learned what uneasiness and discontent the 
Cession act had occasioned throughout the state, whose inhabitants had 
not been previously consulted on that measure, in whom, by the consti¬ 
tution, the soil and territorial rights of the state are particularly vested, 
judging the said act impolitic at this time, more especially as it would, 
for a small consideration, dismember the state of one half of her territo- 


310 EXPLAINS THE CESSION ACT AND THE CAUSES OF ITS REPEAL, 


ry, and in tlie end tear from her a respectable body of her citizens, when 
no one state in the Union had parted with any of their citizens, or given 
anything like an equivalent to Congress but vacant lands of an equivo¬ 
cal and disputed title and distant situation; and also considering that 
the said act, by its tenor and purport, was revocable at any time before 
the cession should have been completed by the delegates, who repealed it 
by a great majority ; at the same time, the Assembly, to convince the 
people of the western country of their affection and attention to their 
interest, attempted to render government as easy as possible to them, 
by removing the only general inconvenience and grievance they might 
labour under, for the want of a regular administration of criminal jus¬ 
tice, and a proper and immediate command of the militia; a new district 
was erected, an assistant judge and a brigadier-general were appointed. 

Another reason for the revolt is assigned, that the Assembly on the 
Cession act stopped a quantity of goods intended for the Cherokee In¬ 
dians, as a compensation for their claim to the western lands ; and that 
the Indians had committed hostilities, in consequence thereof. The 
journals of the Assembly evince the contrary; that the said goods were 
still to be given to the Indians, but under the regulations of Congress, 
should the cession take place ; which occasioned the delay of not imme¬ 
diately sending them forward ; of which the Indians were immediately 
notified, and I am well informed that no hostilities or mischiefs have 
been committed on this account; but, on the other hand, that provo¬ 
cations have been, and are daily given, their lands trespassed upon, and 
even one of their chiefs has been lately murdered, with impunity. 

On the repeal of the Cession act, a treaty was ordered to be held with 
the Indians, and the goods distributed as soon as the season would 
permit; which, before this, would have been carried into effect, had not 
the face of affairs been changed. 

Under what character, but truly disgraceful, could the State of North- 
Carolina suffer treaties to be held with the Indians, and other business 
transacted in a country, where her authority and government were re¬ 
jected and set at naught, her officers liable to insult, void of assistance 
or protection. 

The particular attention the legislature have paid to the interest of 
the western citizens, though calculated to conciliate their affection and 
esteem, has not been satisfactory, it seems: but the same has been at¬ 
tributed to interest and lucrative designs. Whatever designs the legis¬ 
lature entertained in the repeal of the said act, they have made it ap¬ 
pear that their wisdom considered that the situation of our public ac¬ 
counts was somewhat changed since that Assembly, and that the interest 
of the state should immediately be consulted and attended to, that 
every citizen should reap the advantage of the vacant territory, that the 
same should be reserved for the payment of the public debts of the 
state, under such regulations hereafter to be adopted ; judging it ill- 
timed generosity at this crisis, to be too liberal of the means that would 
so greatly contribute to her honesty and justice. 

But designs of a more dangerous nature and deeper die seem to 
glaie in the western revolt. The power usurped over the vacant terri¬ 
tory, the Union deriving no emolument from the same, not even the 


AND IMPUTES SINISTER DESIGNS TO TIIE INSURGENTS. 311 


proportional part intended the old states by the cession being reserved, 
her jurisdiction and sovereignty over that country (which, by the con¬ 
sent of its representatives, were still to remain and be exercised) rejected 
and deposed ; her public revenue in that part of her government seized 
by the new authority, and not suffered to be paid to the lawful Trea¬ 
surer, but appropriated to different purposes, as intended by the Legis¬ 
lature,—arc all facts, evincing that a restless ambition and a lawless 
thirst of power, have inspired this enterprise, by which the persons con¬ 
cerned therein, may be precipitated into measures that may, at last, 
bring down ruin, not only on themselves, but our country at large. 

In order, therefore, to reclaim such citizens, who, by specious pretences 
and the acts of designing men, have been seduced from their allegiance, 
to restrain others from following their example who are wavering, and 
to confirm the attachment and affection of those who adhere to the old 
government, and whose fidelity hath not yet been shaken, I have 
thought proper to issue this Manifesto, hereby warning all persons con¬ 
cerned in the said revolt, that they return to their duty and allegiance, 
and forbear paying any obedience to any self-created power and authority 
unknown to the constitution of the state, and not sanctified by the 
Legislature. That they and you consider the consequences that may 
attend such a dangerous and unwarrantable procedure; that far less 
causes have deluged states and kingdoms with blood, which, at length, 
have terminated their existence, either by subjecting them a prey to 
foreign conquerors, or erecting in their room a despotism that has bid¬ 
den defiance to time to shake off;—the lowest state of misery, human 
nature, under such a government, can be reduced to. That they reflect 
there is a national pride in all kingdoms and states, that inspires every 
subject and citizen with a degree of importance—the grand cement and 
support of every government—which must not be insulted. That the 
honour of this State has been particularly wounded, by seizing that 
by violence which, in time, no doubt, would have been obtained by 
consent, when the terms of separation would have been explained and 
stipulated, to the mutual satisfaction of the mother and new state. 
That Congress, by the confederation, cannot countenance such a separa¬ 
tion, wherein the State of North-Carolina hath not given her full con¬ 
sent; and if an implied or conditional one hath been given, the same 
hath been rescinded by a full Legislature. Of her reasons for so doing 
they consider themselves the only competent judges. 

That by such rash and irregular conduct a precedent is formed for 
every district, and even every county of the state, to claim the right 
of separation and independency for any supposed grievance of the 
inhabitants, as caprice, pride and ambition shall dictate, at pleasure, 
thereby exhibiting to the world a melancholy instance of a feeble or 
pusillanimous government, that is either unable or dares not restrain the 
lawless designs of its citizens, which will give ample cause of exultation 
to our late enemies, and raise their hopes that they may hereafter gain, 
by the division among ourselves, that dominion their tyranny and arms 
have lost, and could not maintain. 

That you tarnish not the laurels you have so gloriously won at King’s 
Mountain and elsewhere, in supporting the freedom and independence 


312 


GOVERNOR MARTIN THREATENS THE REVOLTERS. 


of the United States, and this state in particular, to be whose citizens 
were then your boast, in .being concerned in a black and traitorous revolt 
from that government in whose detence you have so copiously bled, and 
which, by solemn oath, you are still bound to support. Let not \ er- 
mont be held up as an example on this occasion. V ermont, we are 
informed, had her claims for a separate government at the hrst exist¬ 
ence of the American war, and, as such, w ith the other states, although 
not in the Unim, hath exerted her powers against the late common 
enemy. 

That you be not insulted or led away with the pageantry of a mock 
government without the essentials—the shadow without the substance— 
which always dazzles weak minds, and which will, in its present form 
and manner of existence, not only subject you to the ridicule and con¬ 
tempt of the world, but rouse the indignation of the other states in the 
Union at your obtruding yourselves as a power among them without 
th 3 ir consent. Consider what a number of men of different abilities 
will be wanting to fill the civil list of the State of Franklin, and the 
expense necessary to support them suitable to their various degrees of 
dignity, when the District of Washington, with its present officers, 
might answer all the purposes of a happy government until the period 
arrive when a separation might take place to mutual advantage and 
satisfaction on an honourable footing. The Legislature will shortly 
meet, before whom the transactions of your leaders will be laid. Let 
your representatives come -forward and present every grievance in a 
constitutional manner, that they may be redressed; and let your terms 
of separation be proposed with decency, your proportion of the public 
debts ascertained, the vacant territory appropriated to the mutual 
benefit of both parties, in such manner and proportion as may be just 
and reasonable; let your proposals be consistent with the honour of the 
state to accede to, which, by your allegiance as good citizens, you 
cannot violate, and I make no doubt but her generosity, in time, will 
meet your wishes. 

k But, on the contrary, should you be hurried on by blind ambition to 
pursue your present unjustifiable measures, which may open afresh the 
wounds of this late bleeding country, and plunge it again into all the 
miseries of a civil war, which God avert, Jet the fatal consequences bo 
charged upon the authors. It is only time which can reveal the event. 
I know with reluctance the state will be driven to arms ; it will be the 
last alternative to imbrue her hands in the blood of her citizens ; but if no 
other ways and means are found to save her honour, and reclaim her 
head-strong, refractory citizens, but this last sad expedient, her resources 
are not yet so exhausted or her spirits damped, but she may take satis¬ 
faction for this great injury received, regain her government over the re¬ 
volted territory or render it not worth possessing. But all these effects may 
be prevented, at this time, by removing the causes, by those who have 
revolted returning to their duty, and those who have stood firm, still con¬ 
tinue to support the government of this state, until the consent of the 
legislature be fully and constitutionally had for a separate sovereignty and 
jurisdiction. All which, by virtue of the powers and authorities which 
your representatives and others of the state at large have invested me 


ITS EFFECTS IN FRANKLIN. 


313 


with in General Assembly, I hereby will command and require, as 
you will be liable to answer all the pains and penalties that may ensue 
on the contrary. 

Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the State, which I have 
caused to be hereunto affixed, at Hillsborough, the twenty-fifth day of 
April, in tli’dyear of our Lord 1785, and ninth year of the Independence 
of the said State. 

ALEXANDER MARTIN. 

By His Excellency’s command. 

James Glasgow, Secretary. 

A document such as this, emanating from the highest 
authority known to the sovereignty ol North-Carolina, con¬ 
ceived in language and spirit at once conciliatory and re¬ 
spectful, though earnest and firm, could not he wholly disre¬ 
garded, and was not without its influence upon the reflect¬ 
ing and considerate. Copies of it, in manuscript, were dis¬ 
tributed, and read amongst the citizens of the new state. A 
closer scrutiny into the measure of separation that had been 
adopted, was instituted. A few had, from the first, advised 
adherence to the motherstate. Their number had increased, 
after the repeal of the Cession act. To such, the Manifesto 
of Governor Martin furnished new weapons against Frank¬ 
lin and their present rulers. But no one contemplated or 
advised a permanent connection between North-Carolina 
and her western counties, as a return to their former alle¬ 
giance must soon be succeeded by another separation from 
her, perhaps not less difficult, or of less questionable validity. 
The policy of ceding the western territory to Congress, might 
ultimately be re-adopted, and the existing imbecile condition 
of the Confederacy, led no one to think favourably of that 
alternative. A very large majority of the people, therefore, 
remained firm in their attachment to the new common¬ 
wealth ; its machinery worked well. Law was, thus far, 
effectually administered. Treaties, for the acquisition of 
new Indian lands, were contemplated, the settlements were 
daily' augmenting in number and strength, and the new gov¬ 
ernment was acquiring vigour and stability, from a proposed 
annexation of a part of Virginia. Besides this, there was a 
charm in the idea of independence. The Manifesto itself 
evidently contemplated, and seemed to sanction, a separation, 
as not improbable at an early day ; and as, in the minds of 


314 GOVERNOR SEVIER’S COUNTER-MANIFESTO, 

most men, the question was one merely as to time, it was 
almost unanimously determined by the people to maintain 
their present position. The authorities of Franklin so de¬ 
cided also. Governor Sevier, accordingly, on the fourteenth 
of May, addressed to Governor Caswell, who ha<f*succeeded 
Martin in the executive chair of North-Carolina, his Mani¬ 
festo, setting forth the proceedings of the State of Franklin, 
and answering, in detail, the complaints made against it by 
Governor Martin. 

Governor Sevier writes to Governor Caswell under date : 

State of Franklin, ) 

Washington County, 14th May, 1785. j 

Sir :—Governor Martin has lately sent up into our country a Mani¬ 
festo, together with letters to private persons, in order to stir up sedi¬ 
tion and insurrection, thinking, thereby, to destroy that peace and tran¬ 
quillity, which have so greatly subsisted among the peaceful citizens of 
this country. 

First in the Manifesto, he charges us with a revolt from North-Caro¬ 
lina, by declaring ourselves independent of that state. Secondly, that 
designs of a more dangerous nature and deeper die seem to glare in the 
western revolt, the power being usurped over the western vacant terri¬ 
tory, the Union deriving no emolument from the same, not even the 
part intended for North-Carolina by the cession, and that part of her 
revenue is seized by the new authority and appropriated to different 
purposes than those intended by your legislature. 

Iiis Excellency is pleased to mention that one reason we have as¬ 
signed for the revolt, as he terms it, is that the goods were stopped from 
the Indians, that were to compensate them for the western lands, and 
that the Indians had committed murders in consequence thereof. He 
is also pleased to say that he is well informed to the contrary, and that 
no hostilities have been committed on that account; but on the other 
hand, provocations are daily given the Indians, and one of their chiefs 
murdered with impunity. In answer to the charge relative to what 
His Excellency is pleased to call the revolt, I must beg leave to differ 
with him in sentiment on that occasion ; for your own acts declare to 
the world that this country was ceded off to Congress, and one part of 
the express condition was, that the same should be erected into one or 
more states ; and we believe that body was candid, and that they fully 
believe a new state would tend to the mutual advantage of all parties ; 
that they were as well acquainted with our circumstances at that time, 
as Governor Martin can be since, and that they did not think a new 
government here would be led away by the pageantry of a mock gov¬ 
ernment without the essentials, and leave nothing among us but a 
shadow, as represented by him. 

But if Governor Mar tip is right in his suggestion, we can only say 
that the Assembly of North-Carolina deceived us, and were urging us on 


IN EXPLANATION OF SEPARATION. 


315 


into total ruin, and laying a plan to destroy that part of her citizens she 
so often frankly confessed saved the parent state from ruin. But the peo¬ 
ple here, neither at that time nor the present, having the most distant 
idea of any such intended deception, and at the same time well knowing 
how pressingly Congress had requested a cession to be made of the 
western territory ever since the 6th of September and 10th of Octo¬ 
ber, in the year 1*780—these several circumstances, together with a 
real necessity to prevent anarchy, promote our own happiness, and pro¬ 
vide against the common enemy, that always infest this part of the 
world, induced and compelled the people here to act as they have done 
innocently : thinking, at the same time, your acts tolerated them in the 
separation. Therefore, we can by no means think it can be called a re¬ 
volt or known by such a name. As to the second charge, it is entirely 
groundless. We have by no act, whatever, laid hold of one foot of the 
vacant land, neither have we appropriated any of the same to any of our 
use or uses, but intend everything of that nature for further delibera¬ 
tion, and to be mutually settled according to the right and claim of each 
party. 

As to that part of seizing the public money, it is groundless as the 
former. For no authority among us, whatever, has laid hold of or ap¬ 
propriated one farthing of the same to our uses in any shape whatever, 
but the same is still in the hands of the sheriff and collectors. And on 
the other hand, we have passed such laws as will both compel and justify 
them in settling and paying up to the respective claimants of the same; 
all which will appear in our acts, which will be laid before you and fully 
evince to the reverse of Governor Martin’s charge in the Manifesto. 

Very true, we suggest that the Indians have committed murders in 
consequence of the delay of the goods. Nearly forty people have been 
murdered since the Cession Bill passed, some of which lived in our own 
counties, and the remainder on the Kentucky Path ; and it is evidently 
known to the Cherokees, and their frequent Talks prove, they are exas¬ 
perated at getting nothing for their lands, and in all probability had 
their goods been furnished, no hostilities would have been committed. 

The murder committed with impunity, alluding to Major Hubbard’s 
killing a half-breed, which Governor Martin calls a chief (but who was 
never any such thing among the Indians). We can’t pretend to say 
what information Ilis Excellency has received on this subject, more 
than the others, or where from. This we know, that all the proof was 
had against Hubbard that ever can be had, which is, the Indian first 

Q ' • 

struck, and then discharged his gun at Hubbard, before the Indian was 
killed by Hubbard. As Governor Martin reprobates the measure in so 
great a degree, I can’t pretend to say what he might have done, but 
must believe, that had any other person met with the same insult from 
one of those bloody savages, who have so frequently murdered the 
wives and children of the people of this country for many years past, 1 
say had they been possessed of that manly and soldierly spirit that be¬ 
comes an American, they must have acted like Hubbard. 

I have now noticed to your Excellency the principal complaints in the 
Manifesto, and such as I think is worth observation, and have called 


31G 


governor casvvell’s reply 


forth such proofs as must evince fully the reverse of the charge and 
complaints set forth. 

Tiie menaces made use of in the Manifesto will by no means intimi¬ 
date us. We mean to pursue our necessary measures, and with the 
fullest confidence believe that your legislature, when truly informed of 
our civil proceedings, will find no cause for resenting anything we have 
done. 

Most certain it is, that nothing has been transacted here out of any 
disregard for the parent state, but we still entertain the same high 
opinion and have the same regard and affection for her, that ever we 
had, and would be as ready to step forth in her defence as ever we did, 
should need require it. 

Also our acts and resolutions will evince to the world, that we have 
paid all due respect to your state. First, in taking up and adopting 
her constitution and then her laws, together with naming several new 
counties and also an academy after some of the first men in your state. 

The repeal of the Cession act we cannot take notice of, as we had de¬ 
clared our separation before the repeal. Therefore, we are bound to 
support it with that manly firmness that becomes freemen. 

Our Assembly sits again in August, at which time it is expected 
commissioners will be appointed to adjust ancj consider on such matters 
of moment, as will be consistent with the honour and interest of each 
party. 

The disagreeable and sickly time of the year, together with the great 
distance from Newbern,as also the short notice, puts it out of the power 
of any person to attend from this quarter at this time. 

Our agent is at Congress, and we daily expect information from that 
quarter, respecting our present measures, and hope to be advised 
thereon. 

We are informed that Congress have communicated to your state re¬ 
specting the repeal of the Cession act. Be that as it may, I am au¬ 
thorized to say nothing will be lacking in us, to forward everything that 
will tend to the mutual benefit of each party and conciliate all matters 
whatever.* 

To this counter-manifesto of Gov. Sevier, Governor Cas¬ 
well replied, under date— 

Kinston, N. C., 17th June, 1785. 

Sir :—Your favour of the 14th of last month, I had the honour to 
receive by Colonel Avery. 

In this, sir, you have stated the different charges mentioned in 
Governor Martin’s Manifesto, and answered them by giving what I 
understand to be the sense of the people, and your own sentiments, with 
respect to each charge, as well as the reasons which governed in the 
measures he complained of. 

* For this letter, I am indebted to the politeness of Hon. D. L. Swain. It is 
extracted from the letter book of Gov. Caswell in his possession. 


DRAWS FROM SEVIER FURTHER VINDICATION. 


317 


I have not seen Governor Martin’s Manifesto, nor have I derived so 
full and explicit information front any quarter as this you have been 
pleased to give me. As there was not an Assembly, owing to the 
members not attending at Governor Martin’s request, the sense of the 
Legislature, on this business, of course, could not be had, and as you 
give me assurances of the peaceable disposition of the people, and their 
wish to conduct themselves in the manner you mention, and also to 
send persons to adjust, consider and conciliate matters, I suppose, to the 
next Assembly, for the present, things must rest as they are with 
respect to the subject matter of your letter, which shall be laid before 
the next Assembly. In the meantime, let me entreat you not, by any 
means, to consider this as giving countenance, by the executive of the 
state, to any measures lately pursued by the people to the westward 
of the mountains. 

With regard to the goods intended, by the state, for the Indians as a 
compensation for the lands, they, I believe, have been ready for many 
months, at Washington, and if I can procure wagons to convey them 
to the place destined, (the Long Island,) I mean to send them there 
to be disposed of according to the original intention of the Assembly, 
and will either attend myself or appoint commissioners to treat with 
the Indians ; but in this, you know, it is necessary that whoever attends 
should be protected by the militia, and, under the present situation of 
affairs, it is possible my orders may not be attended to in that particular ; 
and however a man may submit to these things in a private character, 
he may be answerable to the people, at least they may judge it so, in a 
public situation. Therefore, without your assurances of the officers and 
men under your command being subject to my orders in this case, as 
matters stand, I think it would be imprudent in me to come over or send 
commissioners to treat with the Indians. Of this you will be pleased 
to write me the first favourable opportunity. It is my wish to come 
over myself, and if matters turn so that I can with convenience, it is 
probable I may. 

Governor Sevier farther writes : 

Washington County, 17th October, 17S5 . 

Sir :—Having wrote you fully, in my letter of the 14th May last, 
relative to the proceedings of the State of Franklin, and answered some 
complaints set forth in Governor Martin’s Manifesto in the same, I shall 
now only take the liberty to inform your Excellency that our Assembly 
have appointed a person to wait on your Assembly, with some resolves 
entered into by our Legislature. 

Permit me to assure your Excellency that it was not from any disgust 
or uneasiness that we had, while under the parent state, that occasioned 
the separation. Our local situation you are sufficiently acquainted with, 
and your Cession Act, together with the frequent requisitions from 
Congress, had convinced us that a separation would inevitably take 
place, and, at the time of our declaration, we had not the most distant 
idea that we should give any umbrage to our parent state, but, on the 
other hand, thought your Legislature had fully tolerated the separation. 
I am able, in truth, to say that the people of this country wish to do 


318 


COLONEL MARTIN TO GOVERNOR CASWELL. 


nothing that will he inconsistent with the honour and interest of each 
party. 

The people of this state regard North-Carolina with particular affec¬ 
tion, and will never cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern 
her honour and safety, and our hearty and kind wishes will ahvays 
attend the parent state. 

Before this letter was written, Governor Sevier had, in 
( conjunction with other commissioners, under the au- 
( thority of Franklin, already concluded a satisfactory 
treaty with the Indians, and felt neither the disposition nor 
the necessity of replying to that part of Governor Caswell’s 
letter, which related to Indian affairs. It seems to have been 
wholly disregarded west of the mountains; for, in August, as 
had been provided for, the Assembly of Franklin met again, 
and legislated further in promotion of the ulterior views of 
the new government. At this session, a law was passed, en¬ 
couraging an expedition that was to proceed down the Ten¬ 
nessee, on its western side, and take possession of the great 
bend of that river, under titles derived from the State of 
Georgia. 

In the meantime, Colonel Joseph Martin, whose name is 
found amongst the members of the first convention at Jones- 
borough, in discharge of his duty as Indian Agent for 
North-Carolina, had visited the Cherokee nation. Arrived 
at the Beloved Town, he writes to Governor Caswell, under 
date, 

Chota, 19th September, 

Dear Sir: —Your Excellency’s favour of the lVth June, by Mr. 
Avery, never came to hand until the 10th inst. I find myself under 
some concern, in reading that part wherein I am considered a member 
of the new state. I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I have 
no part with them, but consider myself under your immediate direction, 
as agent for the State of North-Carolina, until the Assembly shall direct 
otherwise. I am now on the duties of that office, and have had more 
trouble with the Indians, in the course of the summer, than I ever had, 
owing to the rapid encroachments of the people from the new state, 
together with the Talks from the Spaniards and the Western Indians. 

These Talks , as further communicated by Colonel Martin, 
indicated renewed hostilities from several Indian tribes, in¬ 
stigated by the Spaniards, who were urging their claims to 
much of the western country, and to the exclusive naviga¬ 
tion of the Mississippi River. 


ENCLOSED TALKS FROM CHOTA. 


. 319 

With this letter, was also sent the subjoined Talk of the 
Old Tassel. 

Chota, 19th September, 1785. 

Brother: I am now going to speak to you; I hope you will hear 
me. I am an old man, and almost thrown away by my elder brother. 
The ground I stand on is very slippery, though I still hope my eider 
brother will hear me and take pity on me, as we were all made by the 
same Great Being above; we are all children of the same parent. I 
therefore hope my elder brother will hear me. 

T ou have often promised me, in Talks that you sent me, that you 
would do me justice, and that all disorderly people should be moved off 
our lands ; but the longer we want to see it done, the farther it seems 
off. Your people have built houses in sight of our towns. We don’t 
want to quarrel with you, our elder brother ; I therefore beg that you, 
our elder brother, will have your disorderly people taken off' our lands 
immediately, as their being on our grounds causes great uneasiness. 
We are very uneasy, on account of a report that is among the white 
people that call themselves a new people, that lives on French Broad 
and Nolechuckey; they say they have treated with us for all the lands 
on Little River. I now send this to let my elder brother know how it 
is. Some of them gathered on French Broad, and sent for us to come 
and treat with them: but as I was told there was a treaty to be held 
with us, by orders of the great men of the thirteen states, we did not 
go to meet them, but some of our young men went to see what they 
wanted. They first wanted the land on Little River. Our young men 
told them that all their head men were at home ; that they had no au¬ 
thority to treat about lands. They then asked them liberty for those 
that were then living on the lands, to remain there, till the head men of 
their nation were consulted on it, which our young men agreed to. Since 
then, we are told that they claim all the lands on the waters of Little 
River, and have appointed men among themselves to settle their dis¬ 
putes on our lands, and call it their ground. But we hope you, our 
elder brother, will not agree to it, but will have them moved off. I 
also beg that you will send letters to the Great Council of America, and 
let them know how it is ; that if you have no power to move them off, 
they have, and I hope they wil! do it. 

I once more beg that our elder brother will take pity on us, and not 
take our ground from us, because he is stronger than we. The Great 
Being above, that made us all, placed us on this land, and gave it to us, 
and it is ours. Our elder brother, in all the treaties we ever had, gave 
it to us also, and we hope he will not think of taking it from us now. 

I have sent with this Talk a string of white beads, which I hope my 
elder brother will take hold of, and think of his younger brother, who 
is now in trouble, and looking to him for justice. 

Given out by the Old Tassel, for himself and whole nation, in presence 
of the head men of the Upper and Lower Cherokees, and inter¬ 
preted by me. 

JAMES McCORMACK. 
For the Governor of North-Carolina and Virginia. 


320 . 


DISAFFECTION IN VIRGINIA. 


The intelligence communicated thus by Martin to Gov. 
Caswell, of the hostile intentions of the Indians, and espe¬ 
cially of the policy of the Spaniards relative to their claims 
upon the Mississippi, had also reached the people of Frank¬ 
lin, and furnished additional arguments for a continued sepa¬ 
ration from the parent state. As the interests and dangers 
of the western people were peculiar, they chose to exercise 
the control of their own policy and means of defence, and 
to adapt these to the exigencies of their condition. Mutual 
exposure and common wants had generated a close alliance 
between themselves and the inhabitants of the coterminous 
section of Virginia; and the contagion of independence and 
separation extended to Washington county of that state, and 
threatened the dismemberment of the Old Dominion. Patrick 
Henry was at that time in the executive chair, and at once 
communicated to the Legislature of Virginia the intelligence 
of the disaffection in Washington county, in the following 
message : 

I transmit herewith, a letter from the honourable Mr. Hardy, cover¬ 
ing a memorial to Congress from sundry inhabitants of Washington 
county, praying the establishment of an independent state, to be 
bounded as is therein expressed. The proposed limits include a vast ex¬ 
tent of country, in which we have numerous and very respectable settle¬ 
ments, which, in their growth, will form an invaluable barrier between 
this country and those, who, in the course of events, may occupy the 
vast places westward of the mountains, some of whom have views in¬ 
compatible with our safety. Already, the militia of that part of the 
state is the most respectable we Lave, and by their means it is that the 
neighbouring Indians are awed into professions of friendship. But a 
circumstance has lately happened, which renders the possession of the 
territory at the present time indispensable to the peace and safety of 
Virginia; I mean the assumption of sovereign power by the western in¬ 
habitants of North-Carolina. If the people who, without consulting 
their ow r n safety, or any other authority known in the American consti¬ 
tution, have assumed government, and while unallied to us, and under 
no engagements to pursue the objects of the federal government, shall 
be strengthened by the accession of so great a part of our country, con¬ 
sequences fatal to our repose will probably follow. It is to be observed, 
that the settlements of this new society stretch into a great extent in 
contact with ours in Washington county, and thereby expose our citi¬ 
zens to the contagion of the example wdiich bids fair to destroy the 
peace of North-Carolina. In this state of things it is, that variety of 
information has come to me, stating, that several persons, but especially 
Col. Arthur Campbell, have usea their utmost endeavours, and with 


GOVERNOR HENRY’S MESSAGE TO VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. 321 


some success, to persuade the citizens in that quarter to break off from 
this commonwealth, and attach themselves to the newly assumed govern¬ 
ment, or to erect one distinct from it. And to effect this purpose, the 
equality and authority of the laws have been arraigned, the collection 
of the taxes impeded, and our national character impeached. If this 
most important part of our territory be lopped oft* we lose that barrier 
for which our people have long and otten fought; that nursery of 
soldiers, from which future armies may be levied, and through which it 
will be almost impossible for our enemies to penetrate. We shall ag¬ 
grandize the new state, whose connexions, views and designs, we know 
not; shall cease to be formidable to our savage neighbours, or respecta¬ 
ble to our western settlements, at present or in future. 

“ Whilst these and many other matters were contemplated by the 
Executive, it is natural to suppose, the attempt at separation was dis¬ 
couraged by every lawful means, the chief of which was displacing such 
of the field officers of the militia in Washington county as were active 
partizans for separation, in order to prevent the weight of office being 
put in the scale against Virginia. To this end, a proclamation was 
issued, declaring the militia laws of the last session in force in that coun¬ 
ty, and appointments were made agreeable to it. I hope to be excused 
for expressing a wish, that the Assembly, in deliberating on this affair, 
will prefer lenient measures, in order to reclaim our erring citizens. 
Their taxes have run into three years, and thereby grown to an amount 
beyond the ability of many to discharge; while the system of our trade 
has been such, as to render their agriculture unproductive of money. 
And I cannot but suppose, that if even the warmest supporters of sepa¬ 
ration had seen the mischievous consequences, they would have retraced 
and considered that intemperance in their own proceedings, which oppo¬ 
sition in sentiment is too apt to produce.” 

The limits proposed for the new government of Frankland, by Col. 
Arthur Campbell, and the people of Virginia, who aimed at a separa¬ 
tion from that state, were expressed in the form of a constitution which 
Col. Campbell drew up for public examination, vjxl were these: Begin¬ 
ning at a point on the top of the Alleghany or Apalachian Mountains, 
so as a line drawn due north from thence will touch the bank of New 
River, otherwise called Kenhawa, at the confluence of Little River, which 
is about one mile above Ingle’s Ferry; down the said river Kenhawa to 
the mouth of the Rencovert, or Green Briar River ; a direct line from 
thence, to the nearest summit of the Laurel Mountain, and along the 
highest part of the same, to the point where it is intersected by the 
parallel of thirty-seven deg. north latitude; west along that latitude to 
a point where it is met by a meridian line that passes through the lower 
part of the rapid of Ohio; south along the meridian to Elk River, a 
branch of the Tennessee; down said river to its mouth, and down the 
Tennessee to the most southwardly part or bend in said river ; a direct 
line from thence to that branch of the Mobile, called Donbigbee ; down 
said river Donbigbee to its junction with the Coosawattee River, to the 
mouth of that branch of it called the Hightower; thence south, to the 
top of the Apalachian Mountain, or the highest land that divides the 

21 


322 


BOUNDARIES OF FRANKLAND. 


sources of the eastern from the western waters; northwardly, along the 
middle of said heights, and the top of the Apalachian Mountain, to the 
beginning. It was stated in the proposed form, that the inhabitants 
within these limits agree with each other to form themselves into a free, 
sovereign and independent body politic or state, by the name of the 
commonwealth of Frankland. The laws of the Legislature were to be 
enacted by the General Assembly of the commonwealth of Frankland ; 
and all the laws and ordinances which had been before adopted, used and 
approved in the different parts of this state, whilst under the jurisdic¬ 
tion of Virginia and North-Carolina, shall still remain the rule of deci¬ 
sion in all cases for the respective limits for which they were formerly 
adopted, and shall continue in full force until altered or repealed by the 
Legislature ; such parts only excepted, as are repugnant to the rights 
and liberties contained in this constitution, or those of the said 
respective states.* 

The malcontents in Virginia had thus affixed such boun¬ 
daries to their proposed commonwealth, as embraced not 
only the people and State of Franklin, but much of the terri¬ 
tory of Virginia and the present Kentucky on the north, and 
of Georgia, and what is now Alabama, on the south. The 
western soldiery had carried their conquests nearly to these 
limits, and it was probably the right of conquest alone, which 
suggested the extent of the new state. The magnificent 
project of the Virginia Franks received the support of few 
men anywhere, and was abandoned soon after by its friends. 

It was not so with the revolted people of North-Carolina. 
They continued to exercise all the functions of an indepen¬ 
dent government, and under forms anomalous and perplexing 
beyond example, were adopting measures to improve and 
perfect their system, and maintain their integrity and separa¬ 
tion. Thus far they had legislated and administered law, 
had held treaties and acquired territory, under the expedient 
of a temporary adoption of the constitution of the parent 
state. It remained yet for the people to adopt or reject the 
form of government that had been prepared by the conven¬ 
tion to whom that duty belonged. That body, and also the 
Franklin Assembly, at its August session, had recommended 
to the people to choose a convention for the purpose of rati¬ 
fying the proposed constitution, or of altering it as they 
should instruct. The election was held accordingly. It is 


* Haywood. 


mr. Houston’s form of a constitution. 


323 


not known who were the deputies chosen. The names of 
nineteen only of them have been preserved. They are Da¬ 
vid Campbell, Samuel Houston, John Tipton, John Ward, 
Robert Rove, William Cox, David Craig, James Montgomery, 
John Strain, Robert Allison, David Looney, John Blair, James 
White, Samuel Newell, John Gilliland, James Stuart, George 
Maxwell, Joseph Tipton and Peter Parkison. These are found 
signed to a protest against part of the proceedings. The 
convention was probably larger than either of those previ¬ 
ously hekl. The form of government that had been prepared 
for the consideration of the people, had excited acrimonious 
debates and great contrariety of opinion. Some of its pro¬ 
visions being novel, were viewed as innovations upon the 
law and usages to which the voters were accustomed. In¬ 
structions were poured in upon the convention from all parts 
of the country in opposition to the exceptionable clauses. 
Such diversity of opinion existed as to cause its immediate 
rejection. 

In their deliberations on a subject so new to most of the 
members, and in the details of which few in the country had 
either knowledge or experience to direct them, many propo¬ 
sitions were made and suggested for examination merely, 
which were afterwards withdrawn by the movers themselves. 

In anticipation of the meeting of this convention, Mr. 
Houston “had, with the advice and assistance of some judi¬ 
cious friends, prepared in manuscript A Declaration of Rights 
and a Constitution, made by the representatives of the free¬ 
men of the State of Frankland, which being read on the first 
day of the meeting, he moved that it be made the platform 
of the new constitution, subject to such alterations and 
amendments as a majority might think proper. Another 
member moved that the Rev. Hezekiah Balch, a spectator, 
but not a member, should have leave to offer some remarks 
upon the subject; which being granted, Mr. Balch animad¬ 
verted severely upon the manuscript constitution, as prepared 
and read by Mr. Houston, and especially upon the section of 
it respecting an Institution of learning. As already men¬ 
tioned, the Frankland Constitution was rejected by a small 


324 


FRANKLAND CONSTITUTION REJECTED. 


majority. The president, General Sevier, then presented 
the constitution of North-Carolina, as the foundation of that 
of the new state. A majority of the house sustaining this 
proposition, they proceeded to remodel the North-Carolina 
Constitution, making only a few necessary alterations. This 
was, in a short time after, adopted by a small majority.” 

“ A variety of names was proposed for the new common¬ 
wealth. Some were for calling it Franklin, in honour of 
Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia ; others Frankland, as 
the land of freemen. But it was decided by a-majority 
(small) in favour of calling it Franklin.”* 

The rejection of the Frankland Constitution induced its 
friends to have it published with an explanatory Introduction, 
written by some of the minority. At the same time there 
was published a pamphlet, on the “Principles of Republican 
Government, by a Citizen of Frankland.” These publications 
were made at the instance and expense of the Frankland 
Commonwealth Society. Francis Bailey, of Philadelphia, 
was the printer. Of this society, Mr. Ilouston was an active 
member, j* 

Some proceedings of this convention are found published 
as a preface to the Declaration of Rights and Constitution 
as presented to the convention, and afterwards published in 
pamphlet form. They are copied.{ 

* 

* Letter of Rev. Samuel Houston, of Rockbridge, Va., March 20, 1838, to 
this writer. 

t Several years since, this writer, in a communication addressed to Hon. Mitch¬ 
ell King, of Charleston, S. C., and extensively published in the Courier and else¬ 
where, vindicated at some length, his own accuracy in calling the new state 
Franklin, and not Frankland, as adopted by several writers and some historians. 
It is deemed unnecessary to extract, here, a line from that communication or to re¬ 
new the argument, as almost every original letter and official paper published in 
these sheets fortify and authorize his position, and furnish irrefragable proof of 
its correctness. The question is no longer debatable. 

t This pamphlet is out of print, and cannot now be found. For the copy here 
republished, and believed to be the only one extant, I am indebted to the late 
Col. Geo. T. Gillespie. It was found amongst the papers of Landon Carter, 
deceased, Secretary of State under the Franklin Government The pamphlet is, 
in some places, so worn as to be almost illegible, and one page, at least, is 
wanting. 


DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. 


325 


A DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, 

MADE BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE FREEMEN OF THE STATE OF 

FRANKLAND. 

1 . That all political power is vested in and derived from the people 
only. 

2 . That the people of this State ought to have the sole and exclusive 
right of regulating the internal government and police thereof. 

3. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate 
emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of 
public services. 

4. That the Legislative, Executive and Supreme Judicial powers of 
government ought to be forever separate and distinct from each other., 

5. That all powers of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by 
any authority, without the consent of the representatives of the people, 
is injurious to their rights, and ought not to be exercised. 

6 . That elections of members to serve as representatives, in General 
Assembly, ought to be free. 

7. That, in all criminal prosecutions, every man has a right to be 
informed of the accusation against him, and to confront the accusers and 
witnesses with other testimony, and'shall not be compelled to give evi¬ 
dence against himself. 

o 

8 . That no freeman shall be put to answer any criminal charge but 
by indictment, presentment, or impeachment. 

9. That no freeman shall be convicted of any crime but by the unan¬ 
imous verdict of a jury of good and lawful men, in open court, as here¬ 
tofore used. 

10. That excessive bail should not be required, nor excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel nor unusual punishments inflicted. 

11 . That general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger may be 
commanded to search suspected places, without evidence of the fact 
committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, whose offences 
are not particularly described and supported by evidence, are dangerous 
to liberty, and ought not to be granted. 

12 . That no freeman ought to be taken, imprisoned, or disseized of 
his freehold, liberties, or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any 
manner destroyed or deprived of his life, liberty, or property, but by 
the law of the land. 

13. That every freeman, restrained of his liberty, is entitled to a 
remedy, to enquire into the lawfulness thereof, and to remove the same, 
if unlawful; and that such remedy ought not to be denied or delayed. 

14. That in all controversies at law, respecting property, the ancient 
mode of trial by jury is one of the best securities of the rights of the 
people, and ought to remain sacred and inviolable. 

15. That the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of 
liberty, and therefore ought never to be restrained. 

16. That the people of this State ought not to be taxed, or made 
subject to payment of any impost or duty, without the consent of them¬ 
selves, or their representatives, in General Assembly, freely given. 


326 


FRANKLAND CONSTITUTION. 


1*7. That the people have a right to hear arms for the defence of the 
State; and as standing armies, in time of peace, are dangerous to 
liberty, they ought not to be kept up; and that the military should be 
kept under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power. 

18. That the people have a right to assemble together, to consult for 
their common good, to instruct their representatives, and to apply to the 
Legislature for redress of grievances. 

19. That all men have a natural and unalienable right to worship 
Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences. 

20. That, for redress of grievances, and for amending and strength¬ 
ening the laws, elections ought to be often held. 

21. That a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles is absolutely 
necessary to preserve the blessings of liberty. 

22. That no hereditary emoluments, privileges, or honours, ought to 
be granted or conferred in this State. 

23. That perpetuities and monopolies are contrary to the genius of a 
free State, and ought not to be allowed. 

24. That retrospective laws, punishing acts committed before the 
existence of such laws, and by them only declared criminal, are oppres¬ 
sive, unjust, and incompatible with liberty; therefore no ex %>ost facto 
law ought to be made. 

* 


THE CONSTITUTION OR FORM OF GOVERNMENT 

Agreed to and resolved upon by the Representatives of the 

Freemen of the State of Frankland, elected and chosen for 

THAT PARTICULAR PURPOSE, IN CONVENTION ASSEMBLED, AT GrEENE- 

YILLE, THE 14TH NOVEMBER, 1785. 

This State shall be called the Commonwealth of Frankland , and 
shall be governed by a General Assembly of the representatives of the 
freemen of the same, a Governor and Council, and proper courts of jus¬ 
tice, in the manner following, viz: 

Section 1 . The supreme legislative power shall be vested in a single 
House of Representatives of the freemen of the commonwealth of Frank¬ 
land. 

Sec. 2. The House of Representatives of the freemen of this State 
shall consist of persons most noted for wisdom and virtue, to be chosen 
equally and adequately according to the number of freemen in the com¬ 
monwealth ; provided when the number amounts to one hundred it 
shall never exceed it, nor be ever afterwards reduced lower than eighty, 
and every county shall annually send the number apportioned to it by 
the General Assembly. 

Sec. 3. No person shall be eligible to, or hold a seat in, the House of 
Representatives of the freemen of this commonwealth, unless he actually 
resides in, and owns land in the county to the quantity of one hundred 
acres, or to the value of fifty pounds, and is of the full age of twenty-one 
years. And no person shall be eligible or capable to serve in this or 



QUALIFICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP. 


327 


any other office in the civil department of this State, who is of an im¬ 
moral character, or guilty of such flagrant enormities as drunkenness, 
gaming, profane swearing, lewdness, sabbath breaking, and such like ; 
or who will, either in word or writing, deny any of the following proposi¬ 
tions, viz : 

1st. That there is one living and true God, the Creator and Governor 
of the universe. 

2d. That there is a future state of rewards and punishments. 

3d. That the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments are given by 
divine inspiration. 

4th. That there are three divine persons in the Godhead, co-equal 
and co-essential. 

And no person shall be a member of the House of Representatives, 
who holds a lucrative office either under this or other States ; that is, has a 
fixed salary or fees from the State, or is in actual military service and 
claiming daily pay, or minister of the gospel, or attorney at law, or doc¬ 
tor of physic. 

Sec. 4. Every free male inhabitant of this State, of the age of twenty- 
one years, who shall have resided in this State six months immediately 
preceding the day of election, shall have a vote in electing all officers 
chosen by the people, in the county where he resides. 

Sec. 5. The House of Representatives of this commonwealth shall be 
styled the General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of 
Frankland ; and shall have power to choose their own Speaker, and 
all other officers, Treasurer, Secretary of State, Superior Judges, Auditors, 
members to Congress. They shall have power to sit on their own ad¬ 
journments ; to prepare bills, and to enact them into laws ; to judge of 
the elections of, and qualifications of, their own members. They may 
expel a member, but not a second time for the same cause ; they may 
administer oaths on the examination of witnesses, redress grievances, 
impeach State criminals, grant charters of incorporation, constitute 
towns, cities, boroughs, and counties, and shall have all other powers neces¬ 
sary for the Legislature of a free State or commonwealth. But they 
shall have no power to add, alter, abolish, or infringe any part of the . 
Constitution. 

Two-thirds of the whole members elected shall constitute a House, 
(and the expense from the appointed time ’till they make a House, 
shall be laid on absentees, without a reasonable excuse,) and having 
met and chosen their Speaker, shall, each of them, before they proceed 
to business, take and subscribe, as well the oath of fidelity and allegiance 
hereafter directed, as the following oath— 

“ I, A. B., do swear, That, as a member of this Assembty, I will not 
propose or assent to any bill or resolution, which shall appear to me in¬ 
jurious to the people, nor do, nor consent to any act or thing whatever, 
that shall have a tendency to lessen or abridge the rights and privileges 
as declared in the Constitution of this State; but will in all things con¬ 
duct myself as a faithful honest representative and guardian of the peo¬ 
ple, according to the best of my judgment and abilities. So help me 
God,” 

The doors of the house in which the representatives of the freemen of 


328 


ELECTION OF OFFICERS GIVEN TO THE PEOPLE. 


this State shall sit in General Assembly, shall be and remain open, for 
the admission of all persons who shall behave decently; except when 
the good of the commonwealth requires them to be shut. 

Sec. G. The votes and proceedings of the General Assembly shall be 
printed weekly, during their sitting, with the Yeas and Nays on any 
question, vote, or resolution, (except when the vote is taken by ballot,) 
when any two members require it; and every member shall have a 
right to insert the reasons of his vote upon the Journals, if he desires it. 

Sec. V. That the laws, before they are enacted, may be more maturely 
considered, and the danger of hasty and injudicious determinations as 
much as possible prevented, all Bills of a public and general nature 
shall be printed for the consideration of the people, before they are read in 
the General Assembly the last time, for debate and amendment; and, 
except on occasions of sudden necessity, shall not be passed into laws 
before the next session of the Assembly: And, for the more perfect 
satisfaction of the public, the reasons and motives for making such laws 
shall be fully and clearly expressed in the preambles. 

Sec. 8. The style of the laws of this commonwealth shall be, Be it en¬ 
acted, and it is hereby enacted,, by the Representatives of the Freemen 
of the Commonwealth of Frank'and, in General Assembly, and by the 
authority of the same. And the General Assembly shall affix their 
Seal to every Bill as soon as it is enacted into a law ; which seal shall 
be kept by the Assembly, and shall be called the Seal of the Laws of 
Frankland, and shall not be used for any other purpose. 

Sec. 9. As in every free government the people have a right of free 
suffrage for all officers of government that can be chosen by the people, 
the freemen of-this State shall elect Governor and Counsellors, Justices 
of the Peace for each county, and Coroner or Coroners, Sheriffs, and all 
other such officers, except such as the Assembly are empowered to 
choose. 

Sec. 10. All the able bodied men in this State shall be trained for 
its defence, under such regulations, restrictions and exceptions as the 
General Assembly shall direct by law, preserving always to the people, 
from the age of sixteen, the right of choosing their colonels, and all 
other officers under that rank, in such manner and as often as shall be 
by the same laws directed. 

Sec. 11. The Governor of the State shall be annually chosen by the free 
suffrages of the people on the day of general election for Representatives 
for the General Assembly, and the returning officers for each county shall 
make a fair return to the House of Representatives, of the persons votecj 
for, and the number of votes to each, which the Assembly shall exam¬ 
ine, and the highest in votes shall be declared constitutionally elected ; 
but no person shall be eligible more than three years out of seven, nor 
hold any other office at the same time. 

Sec. 12. This State shall be divided into six grand divisions, each of 
which, as in the above mentioned sections, shall choose a Counsellor; 
And these divisions shall be thrown into three classes, numbered 1st, 2d 
and 3d, which shall change their members in Council by rotation, be¬ 
ginning with the first class the first year after they have served one, and 
the second the second year, and so on forever ; by which means some 


DUTIES OF GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL. 


329 


acquainted with business will be always in Council. And no person 
shall be eligible more than three years in seven, nor shall hold any 
other office in the State. 

Sec. 13. The Governor and Council shall meet annually at the same 
time and place with the General Assembly : The Governor, or, in his 
absence, the Lieutenant Governor, who shall be one of their number, 
chosen with the rest, with the Council, (two-thirds of whom shall make 
a board,) shall have power to correspond with other States : to transact 
business with the officers of government, civil and military ; to prepare 
such business as may appear to them necessary to be laid before the 
General Assembly: They shall also have power to grant pardons and re¬ 
mit tines, in all cases whatsoever, except in case of murder, impeachment, 
and treason, which they'may reprieve ’till the end of the next session of 
Assembly; but there shall be no mitigation of punishment on impeach¬ 
ment, unless by act of the Legislature ; They are to take care that the 
laws be faithfully executed ; to expedite the execution of such measure? 
as may be resolved upon by the General Assembly : They may draw 
upon the Treasury for such sums as shall be appropriated by the House 
of Representatives—they may also lay embargoes, or prohibit the expor¬ 
tation of any commodity for any time not exceeding thirty days, in the 
recess of the General Assembly only : They may grant licenses, as the 
laws shall direct, and shall have power to convene the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives, when necessary, before the day to which they were ad¬ 
journed. The Governor shall be commander-in-chief of the forces of 
the State; but shall not command in person, except advised thereto by 
the Council, and then only for so long as they shall approve of. The 
Governor and Council shall have a Secretary, and keep fair books of their 
proceedings, wherein any Counsellor may enter his dissent, with his 
reasons in support of it. 

Sec. 14. All commissions and grants shall be in the name and by the 
authority of the freemen of the commonwealth of Frankland, sealed 
with the State seal, signed by the Governor, or, in his absence, the 
Lieutenant Governor, and attested by the Secretary; which seal shall 
be kept by the Council. 

Sec. 15. No justice of the peace shall receive any fee, gratuity, or 
reward for his services as a justice ; but all other officers of this State 
shall be allowed as moderate fees or salaries as possible, to be an ade¬ 
quate compensation for their services. And if any officer shall take 
other or greater fees than the laws allow, it shall ever afterwards dis¬ 
qualify him to hold any office in this State. 

Sec. 16. Every officer of government shall be liable to be impeached 
by the General Assembly, or presented by the grand jury of any of the 
superior courts, either in office, or after his resignation or removal, for 
mal-administration. All impeachments shall be before a temporary 
court, composed of the Governor or Lieutenant Governor, and two 
members of the Council, to be chosen by the Council; the three senior 
Judges of the Supreme Court, and three members of the General As¬ 
sembly, to be chosen by the Assembly, who shall, or any five of them, 
hear and determine the same. 

Sec. 17. The Treasurer of State shall be annually appointed, and no 


330 


FREEMEN TO ELECT REGISTERS. 


person eligible more than three years successively. The Secretary of State, 
Attorney-General, Auditors, and such like officers, shall be appointed tri- 
ennially ; but removable for misconduct. And any officer, representative 
in General Assembly, or in the Congress of the United States, who is 
convicted of a second violation of any part of this constitution, shall be 
forever afterwards disqualified to hold any place or office in this State. 

Sec. 18. That in every case, where any officer, the right of whoso 
appointment is, by this constitution, vested in the General Assembly, 
shall, during their recess, die, or his office, by other means, become 
vacant, the Governor shall have power, with the advice of the Council 
of State, to fill up such vacancy, by granting a temporary commission, 
which shall expire at the end of the next session of the Assembly. 

Sec. 19. That no Treasurer, until he shall have finally settled his 
accounts with the public, and paid the money remaining in his hand to 
the succeeding Treasurer, nor any person who heretofore has been, or 
hereafter may be, a Receiver of public monies, under this or any other 
State, until lie has fully accounted for and paid into the treasury all 
monies for which he may be accountable and liable, shall have a seat in 
the General Assembly, or be eligible to any civil office in this State. 

Sec. 20. The freemen of each county shall, for the purpose of ease, 
justice and conveniency in holding elections, and other public affairs, be 
divided into districts, as near one hundred in each as local circum¬ 
stances will admit. 

Sec. 21. The freemen of each district shall meet upon the second 
Tuesday of February forever, and, at their first meeting, elect three of 
their own members, who shall be called Registers, and who shall keep 
a fair alphabetical roll of the freemen of their district. Any two of 
them agreeing, or upon advice of any five freemen, shall have power to 
assemble the freemen of their district to consult for the common good, 
give instructions to their Representatives, or to apply to the Legislature 
for redress of grievances by address, petition, or remonstrance. They 
shall preside in all civil district elections, shall meet twice, or oftener, in 
the year, to deliberate upon and prepare to lay before the people such 
matters as may be necessary for them to consider. And, to keep up a 
rotation of the members, the person who shall have fewest votes at the 
first election, shall continue in office one year, the second two, and the 
highest three. And no Register shall be eligible for two years after he 
has served his term. 

Sec. 22. That elections may be free, and corruption prevented as 
much as possible, the Registers of each district shall summon the free¬ 
men of their district to meet at some convenient place, upon the first 
Tuesday of March forever, where they shall elect, by ballot, all the offi¬ 
cers for their district, which shall be hereafter directed, and the number 
of persons, indiscriminately, out of the county, appointed to represent it 
in the General xYssembly, in the following manner: The senior Register 
shall call each freeman by name, in the order of the roll, who shall 
give his ticket or tickets to the second Register, and the highest in 
votes for district officers shall then be declared constitutionally 
elected ; but the names of the persons to represent the county in Gen¬ 
eral Assembly, and their respective numbers of votes, shall, by one of 


MAGISTRATES TO BE ELECTED BY THE PEOPLE. 


331 


the Registers, be laid before a meeting of one from each district, within 
ten days after the election ; and when all are examined, the highest in 
votes shall be declared constitutionally elected, and certified* by the same 
Register. No freeman shall have, in this commonwealth, more than one 
annual vote for any officer of government, and the Legislature hereafter 
to be appointed, shall, from time to time, enact and keep in force such 
laws as may appear necessary to prevent and remedy every species of 
corruption, and to oblige freemen to attend upon elections. 

Sec. 23. Justices of the peace shall be elected for each county, ten or 
more, by the freemen, as shall, by the General Assembly, be thought 
necessary for each, of those residing within the same, arid qualified as 
mentioned in Section 3, who shall be commissioned during good beha¬ 
viour, by the Governor or Lieutenant Governor in Council; and no jus¬ 
tice of the peace, or any other commissioned officer, shall hold his com¬ 
mission who misbehaves, or is found guilty of such things as dis¬ 
qualify ; nor shall any one be chosen who is not a scholar to do the 
business, nor, unless acquainted with the laws of the country in some 
measure, but particularly with every article of the Constitution. 

Sec. 24. To prevent the civil power usurping spiritual supremacy, the 
establishing of professions, denominations, or sects of religion, or patron¬ 
izing ecclesiastical hierarchies and dignitaries, also to secure religious 
liberty and the rights of conscience for ever • inviolate, every citizen of 
this commonwealth shall forever have full and free liberty to join him¬ 
self to any society of Christians he may judge most for his edification, 
and shall exjDerience no civil or legal disadvantages for his so doing: 
And every society or congregation shall have full liberty, without any 
restraint from law, to choose any minister they think best suited for 
their Christian instruction, and to support him as they think best; And 
every such society or congregation shall have full right to hold all lands 
given to, or purchased by them, for the use of their society, or any other 
property they may possess for religious purposes : and the society, or any 
description of men chosen by them, with power to act in their name, 
shall have power to receive, or to make and execute deeds, and enter 
into such other specialties as the society may direct them to make; and 
shall have full power, by their agent, treasurer, or collector, to receive, 
recover and retain all property and money justly due to them, in as full 
a manner as any other collector or agent in this commonwealth. And 
the future Legislature of this State shall have no power to make any 
law, act, or resolve whatsoever respecting religion, or the spiritual ser¬ 
vice we owe to God; but shall confine themselves wholly to matters 
purely civil. 

Sec. 25. Laws for the encouraging of virtue, and preventing and sup¬ 
pressing of vice and immorality, shall be made and constantly kept in 
force, and provision shall be made for their due execution. 

Sec. 26. That no person in the State shall hold more than one lucra¬ 
tive office at any one time, provided that no appointment in the militia, 
or the office of a justice of the peace, shall be considered as a lucrative 
office. 

Sec. 27. All writs shall run in the name of the State of Frankland, 


332 


PROVISION MADE FOR LEARNING. 


and bear test, and be signed by the clerks of the respective courts. In¬ 
dictments shall conclude, against the peace and dignity of the State. 

Sec. 28. That the delegates of this State to the Continental Congress, 
while necessary, shall be chosen annually by the General Assembly, by 
ballot, but may be superseded, in the meantime, in the same manner; 
and no person shall be elected to serve in that capacity for more than 
three years successively. 

Sec. 29. A Sheriff and Coroner shall be annually elected, on the day, 
and in the manner, for electing Representatives in General Assembly, 
who shall be commissioned as before mentioned ; and no person shall 
be eligible more than two years out of five. Also Commissioners, As¬ 
sessors, Overseers of the Poor, Surveyors of Roads, and all such officers 
as each district may require, at the same time and in such number as in 
future may appear necessary to the Legislature. 

Sec. 30. That the person of a debtor, where there is not a strong 
presumption of fraud, shall not be continued in prison, after delivering 
up, bona fide, all his estate, real and personal, for the use of his credi¬ 
tors, in such manner as shall be hereafter regulated by law. All prison¬ 
ers shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for capital offences, 
where the proof is evident or the presumption great. 

Sec. 31. That every foreigner, who comes to settle in this State, hav¬ 
ing first taken an oath of allegiance to the same, may purchase, or, by 
other iust means, acquire, hold, and transfer land or other real estate, 
and, after one year’s residence, shall be deemed a free citizen. 

Sec. 32. All kinds of useful learning shall be encouraged by this 
commonwealth, that is to say, the future Legislature shall erect, before 
the year seventeen hundred and eighty-seven, one University, which 
shall be near the centre of this State, and not in a city or town : And, 
for endowing the same, there shall be appropriated such lands as may be 
judged necessary, one-fourth of all the monies arising from the surveys of 
land hereafter to be made, one halfpenny upon every pound of inspected 
indigo, that shall be carried out of the State, by land or water ; three¬ 
pence upon every barrel of Hour, and one shilling on every hogshead of 
tobacco, forever.* And, if the fund thence arising shall be found insuffi¬ 
cient, the Legislature shall provide for such additions as may be neces¬ 
sary. And if experience shall make it appear to be useful to the in¬ 
terest of learning in this State, a Grammar School shall be erected in 
each county, and such sums paid by the public as shall enable the trus¬ 
tees to employ a master or masters of approved morals and abilities. 

Sec. 33. That no purchase of lands shall be made of the Indian na¬ 
tives, but on behalf of the public, by authority of the General Assembly. 

Sec: 34. That the future Legislature of this State shall regulate en¬ 
tails in such a manner as to prevent perpetuities. 

Sec. 35. That the Declaration of Rights is hereby declared to be a 
part of the Constitution of this State, and ought never to be violated, 
on any pretence whatsoever. 

Sec. 3G. No tax, custom or contribution shall be imposed upon, or 
* Dissented to, as is mentioned in the Preface. 


DISPUTES TO BE SETTLED BY ARBITRATION. 


333 


paid by, the people of this State, nor any appropriation of public mo¬ 
nies made by the Legislature, except by a law for that purpose; and 
the purposes for which the money is raised, and to which it is appro¬ 
priated, shall be clearly expressed in the preamble. And, annually, tho 
General Assembly shall publish a full account of all money paid into the 
Treasury, and by whom; also of all paid out of it, to whom, and for 
what. 

Sec. 37. If any dispute or difference shall arise betwixt citizens, in 
matters of debt, property, character, or such things, the parties, agree¬ 
ing to state their dispute, and leave it to arbitration, shall proceed in the 
following manner :—they shall apply by joint petition to the Registers 
of the district where the case exists, or the defendant lives, unless they 
shall otherwise agree, who shall name, in writing, twenty-four substan¬ 
tial freemen residing in the same, and the parties shall alternately strike 
out one until one half are struck out; then the parties shall draw by lot 
such an odd number as they shall agree upon, out of the remainder, 
who, after taking an oath to try the case in dispute without favour, affec¬ 
tion, or partiality, shall hear and finally determine the same. 

Sec. 38. The printing presses shall be free to every person who un¬ 
dertakes to examine the proceedings of the Legislature, or any person 
or part of government; and no prosecution shall commence against a 
printer for printing any thing whatsoever, provided he gives up the per¬ 
son’s name. 

Sec. 39. The Legislature shall take care to proportion punishments to 
the crimes, and may provide houses for punishing, by hard labour, those 
convicted of crimes not capital, wherein the criminals shall be employed, 
for the benefit of the public, or for the reparation of injuries done to 
private persons. All persons, at proper times, shall be admitted to see 
the prisoners at their labour. 

Sec. 40. The inhabitants of this State shall have liberty to fowl and 
hunt in seasonable times, on the lands they hold, and all others therein, 
not enclosed, and in like manner to fish in all boatable waters, and others, 
not private property. 

Sec. 41. The Legislature hereafter to be chosen, shall provide that 
marriages, in this commonwealth, be regularly and solemnly celebrated, 
between one man and one woman, before free ancl single. 

Sec. 42. That this Constitution may be the better understood by the 
citizens of this commonwealth, and be more effectually kept inviolate to 
the latest ages, the future Legislature shall employ f ome person or per¬ 
sons, at the public expense, to draw it out into a familiar catechetical 
form, and the Registers shall take care that it be taught in all the schools 
within their respective districts; and shall further provide, that a suffi¬ 
cient number of the Constitution be printed, that each citizen may have 
one, as the inviolable charter of his privileges. 

Sec. 43. The future Legislature shall choose and keep a chaplain du¬ 
ring their session, if to be obtained, and shall annuallv invite some minis- 
ter of the gospel to open their first session, after the annual election, 
with a sermon. 

Sec. 44. The privileges and benefit of the writ of Habeas Corpus 
shall be enjoyed in this commonwealth, in the most free, easy, cheap, 


334 GEN. COCKE APPOINTED TO UNITED STATES CONGRESS. 

expeditious and ample manner, and shaltnot be suspended by the Legis¬ 
lature, except upon the most urgent and pressing occasions, and for a 
limited time, not exceeding twelve months : And, in all cases, every per¬ 
son shall enjoy the liberty of being heard by himself and his counsel. 

Sec. 45. In order that the freedom of this commonwealth may be 
preserved inviolate forever, there shall be chosen by the free suffrage of 
the freemen of this State, on the day of in the year one 

thousand seven hundred and ninety, and in every succeeding fifth year 
forever, twenty-four freeholders, two-thirds of which shall constitute a 
Board in every case, and known by the name of a Council of Safety , 
and'lshall meet on the day of next ensuing their elec¬ 

tion, who, during one year after said day, shall have full power, and 
their duty shall be, to inquire whether the Constitution has been pre¬ 
served- [remainder of constitution lost.] 

Before its adjournment the convention appointed General 
Cocke to present the constitution, as adopted, and a memo¬ 
rial to Congress, applying for admission into the Union. He 
was not received, and no notice was taken of his mission. 

GREENE COUNTY COURT. 

The Franklin government had now commenced, and, at 
1785 \ Sessions of this year, the county officers 

( were re-appointed or confirmed. Under the new dy¬ 
nasty, “Daniel Kennedy was confirmed as Clerk; James Hous¬ 
ton, Sheriff’; Robert Kerr, Register; and Francis Hughes, 
Ranger. Tavern rates were, Diet, Is.; liquor, half pint, 
6d.; pasture and stable, 6d.; lodging, 4d.; corn, per gallon, 
8d.; oats, per do., 6d.” 

In the meantime, Greeneville had been laid off. The 
court-house stood at the lower corner of the present court¬ 
house lot. It was built of unhewn logs, and coverd with 
clapboards, and was occupied by the court, at first, without 
a floor or a loft. It had one opening only for an entrance, 
which was not yet provided with a shutter. Windows were 
not needed either for ventilation or light, the intervals be¬ 
tween the logs being a good substitute for them. In this 
simple and unpretending chamber, the third Franklin Con¬ 
vention was held, and there the elaborated and original 
constitution of the Commonwealth of Frankland was pre¬ 
sented, angrily discussed, analyzed and rejected, and the 
constitution of the State of Franklin adopted. In it the 



GREENEVILLE, THE CAPITAL OF FRANKLIN. 


335 


Commons assembled and deliberated, while the Senate con¬ 
vened in the old court room in Carr’s house, which, at this 
time, had become the village tavern. Greeneville became 
the permanent capital of the new state, the seat of its legis¬ 
lature, and the place where the governor met his council of 
state, and projected and matured the measures of his foreign 
and domestic administration. Most loyal amongst the loyal, 
to Sevier and to Franklin, were the inhabitants of Greene 
county. There resided many of his captains and most of 
his officers of state. They were the last to abandon—they 
never did abandon him. Some of them may not have sup¬ 
ported the Governor of Franklin, but none of them refused 
their support to John Sevier. 

Petitions were drawn up and circulated among the people, 
praying the favourable consideration of the Congress of 
the United States to the separation of the western from 
the eastern sections of Virginia and North-Carolina. 

Other petitions from the people of the ceded territory, 
were addressed to the Legislature of North-Carolina. In one 
of these, here preserved, the petitioners “ beg leave to ob¬ 
serve that the honourable legislature of your state, on the 
2d June, 1784, passed an act ceding to the United States the 
territory which lies west of the Apalachian or Alleghany 
Mountains ; containing in said act, several conditions and 
reservations in behalf of your petitioners, who discovering 
with pleasure and acknowledged gratitude, the paternal and 
patriotic disposition of the legislature, to countenance and 
consent to the ease and happiness of your remote citizens, 
emboldened us to set about erecting a separate government 
from that of the parent state. Assuring your honourable 
body, that it is not from any disgust to your constitution or 
laws, occasions us to supplicate you to permit a separation, 
but, on the contrary, (we) regard North-Carolina, and will 
never cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern her 
happiness and safety; and that our hearty and kindest 
wishes will always attend the parent state.” - 

The convention having rejected the constitution as sub¬ 
mitted, and adopted that of North-Carolina, under which the 
Franklin government had thus far been administered, it 


336 


TREATY OF HOPEWELL. 


was hoped that the public sentiment would be propitiated, 
and general harmony restored ; but new elements of strife 
had arisen during the session of the convention, and new 
topics of discussion had been thrown out amongst the peo¬ 
ple. The dissentients comprised in their number, much of 
the wisdom and virtue of the body to which they belonged ; 
and desirous of sustaining themselves with their constitu¬ 
ents, they published an account of their proceedings, together 
with the rejected form of government, and appealed again 
to the people. Here, as might have been anticipated, secta¬ 
rian bigotry, unlettered ignorance, and impassioned ultraism, 
would all tend to aggravate the existing discord and embit¬ 
ter the dispute. Sections I, II, III, and XXXII, became pro¬ 
lific sources of controversy and angry debate. The deputies 
in convention had dissented; their constituents themselves 
could not harmonize ; and without any further effort to re- 
model the government, the people at length acquiesced in 
the constitution of the mother state. 

In the meantime, the settlements were extended over the 
territory acquired under the Franklin treaties with the 
Cherokees, and a new source of hostilities with that tribe 
arose from the encroachment of the whites upon lands not 
embraced in former cessions to the adjoining states. It was 
considered by Congress necessary, therefore, that a treaty 
should be held under the authority of the United States. 
Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and 
Lachn. McIntosh, were appointed Commissioners on the part 
of the General Government. They invited the chiefs of 
the respective towns to meet with them, in treaty, at Hope- 
well, on Iveowee, in South-Carolina. 

The boundary, which had been the chief cause of com¬ 
plaint by the Indians, was made to conform with the lines of 
their deed to Henderson & Co., and the treaty held by Com¬ 
missioners of Virginia and North-Carolina in 1777 . In their 
report to Richard Henry Lee, President of Congress, the 
Commissioners say : “ The Spaniards and the French from 
New-Orleans, are making great efforts to engross the trade 
of the Indians ; several of them are on the north side of the 
Tennessee, and are well supplied with the proper goods for 


CHEROKEE BOUNDARY. 


337 


the trade. The Governor of New-Orleans or West Florida 
has sent orders to the Chickasaws to remove all traders from 
that country, except such as should take the oath of alle¬ 
giance to the Catholic King.” “ The Cherokees say that the 
northern Indians have their emissaries among the southern 
tribes, endeavouring to prevail with them to form an alli¬ 
ance offensive against the United States, and to commence 
hostilities against us in the spring, or next fall, at the fur¬ 
thest ; that, not only the British emissaries are for this mea¬ 
sure, but that the Spaniards have extensive claims to the 
southward, and have been endeavouring to poison the minds 
of the Indians against us, and to win their affections by 
large supplies of arms, military stores and clothing.” 

By the fourth article of the treaty concluded on the 28th 
November, 1785, the Cherokee boundary is declared to be : 

Beginning at the mouth of Duck River, on the Tennessee; thence 
running northeast to the ridge dividing the waters running into the Cum- 
berland from those running into the Tennessee; thence eastwardly 
along the said ridge to a northeast line to be run, which shall strike the 
River Cumberland forty miles above Nashville; thence along the said 
line to the river ; thence up the said river to the ford where the Ken¬ 
tucky road crosses the river; thence to Campbell’s line near Cumberland 
Gap; thence to the mouth of Cloud’s Creek on Holston ; thence to the 
Chimneytop Mountain; thence to Camp Creek, near the mouth of Big 
Limestone, on Nollichucky ; thence a southerly course six miles to a 
mountain; thence south to the North-Carolina line ; thence to the South- 
Carol ina Indian boundary, and along the same southwest over the top 
of the Oconee'Mountain till it shall strike Tugalo River ; theuce a direct 
line to the top of the Currakee Mountain ; thence to the head of the 
south fork of Oconee River. 

In the meantime, North-Carolina was not inattentive to 
the growing alienation and defection of her western 
citizens. The Greeneville Convention had met on the 
14th of November. On the 19th of the same month, the 
North-Carolina Legislature assembled at Newbern. Fol¬ 
lowing the example of Virginia, they proceeded to take into 
consideration the state of their revolted counties, and passed 
an act, preceded by a preamble, in which it is stated as rep¬ 
resented to the Assembly— 

“That many of the inhabitants of Washington, Greene and Sullivan 
counties, have withdrawn their allegiance from this state, and have been 
22 



338 


ELECTIONS HELD IN FRANKLIN, 


erecting a temporary separate government amongst themselves, in con¬ 
sequence of a general report and belief that the state, being inattentive 
to their welfare, had ceased to regard them as citizens, and had made 
an absolute Cession, both of the soil and jurisdiction of the country in 
which they reside, to the United States, in Congress. And whereas, 
such report was ill-founded, and it was, and continues to be, the desire 
of the General Assembly of this State to extend the benefits of civil 
government to the citizens and inhabitants of the western counties, until 
such time as they might be separated with advantage and convenience 
to themselves; and the Assembly are ready to pass over, and consign 
to oblivion, the mistakes and misconduct of such persons in the above- 
mentioned coimties, as have withdrawn themselves from the government 
of this state ; to hear and redress their grievances, if any they have, and 
to afford them the protection and benefits of government, until such 
time as they may be in a condition, from their numbers and wealth, to 
be formed into a separate commonwealth, and be received by the United 
States as a member of the Union.” 

The act then grants pardon and oblivion for all that had 
been done in the revolted counties, on the condition that 
they return to their allegiance to North-Carolina, and ap¬ 
pointed officers, civil and military, in place of the incum¬ 
bents under the Franklin dynasty, and empowered the voters 
of Washington, Sullivan and Greene, to choose their repre¬ 
sentatives otherwise than by the then required forms. Three 
good and honest men, preferred by themselves, were to act 
as inspectors of the elections, and to return a certificate in 
favour of members thus chosen. 

It is not known how many of the, several counties partici¬ 
pated in the provisions thus made by the parent state, for a 

% 

return of her western citizens to their allegiance. But in 
Washington county disaffection to the Franklin government 
began to manifest itself, and George Mitchell, as sheriff, issued 
the following notice, which is copied exactly from the origi¬ 
nal, as found among the Sevier papers. 

July, 19th day, 1786. 

Advertisement.— I hereby give Publick Notice, that there will be an 
election held the third Friday in August next, at John Rennoe’s, near 
the Sickamore Sholes, where Charles Robertson formerly lived, to 
choose members to represent Washington county in the General As¬ 
sembly of North-Carolina, agreeable to an Act of Assembly, in that 
case made and provided, where due attendance will given pr me. 

Geo. Mitchell, Shff. 

The election was held accordingly at the Sycamore Shoals, 


FOR MEMBERS TO NORTH-CAROLINA LEGISLATURE. 


339 


on Watauga River, when Col. John Tipton was 
chosen Senator of Washington county, and James 
Stuart and Richard White were chosen as members of the 
House of Commons of the Legislature of North-Carolina. 
These gentlemen had been members of the convention that 
formed the new government, and had in other ways partici¬ 
pated in its administration. Their well known influence 
and weight of character in the new settlements, rendered 
their present position of ill-omen to the future fortunes of 
Franklin. In Washington county especially, many, influenced 
by their example, accepted the terms of accommodation held 
out by North-Carolina, and enrolled their names in opposi¬ 
tion to the new state. From this period resistance to, or re¬ 
fusal of its authority, assumed a more systematic and deter¬ 
mined form. 

In the early part of the year 1786, was presented the strange specta¬ 
cle of two empires exercised at one and the same time, over one and the 
same people. County courts were held in the same counties, under 
both governments; the militia were called out by officers appointed by 
both ; laws were passed by both assemblies, and taxes were laid by the 
authority of both states. The differences in opinion in the State of 
Franklin, between those who adhered to the government of North- 
Carolina, and those who were the friends of the new government, be¬ 
came every day more acrimonious. Every fresh provocation on the one 
side, was surpassed in way of retaliation by a still greater provocation on 
the other. The Judges commissioned by the State of Franklin, held Su¬ 
preme Courts twice in each year, in Jonesborough. Colonel Tipton 
openly refused obedience to the new government. There arose a deadly 
hatred between him and Governor Sevier, and each endeavoured, by all 
the means in his power, to strengthen his party against the other. Tip- 
ton held courts under the authority of North-Carolina, at Buffalo, ten 
miles above Jonesborough, which were conducted by her officers and 
agreeably to her laws. Courts were also held at Jonesborough in the 
same county, under the authority of the State of Franklin. As the 
process of these courts frequently required the sheriff to pass within the 
jurisdiction of each other to execute it, a rencounter was sure to take 
place. Hence it became necessary to appoint the stoutest men in the 
county to the office of sheriff. This state of things produced the ap¬ 
pointment of A. Caldwell, of Jonesborough, and Mr. Pew, the sheriff in 
Tipton’s court. Whilst a county court was sitting at Jonesborough, in 
this year, for the county of Washington, Colonel John Tipton, with a 
party of men, entered the court house, took away the papers from the 
clerk, and turned the justices out of doors. Not long after, Sevier’s 
party came to the house where a county court was sitting for the county 
of Washington, under the authority of North-Carolina, and took away 



340 


CIVIL AND MILITARY OFFICERS OF FRANKLIN. 


tlie clerk’s papers, and turned the court out of doors. Thomas Gorly 
was clerk of this court. The like acts were several times repeated 
during the existence of the Franklin government. At one time James 
Sevier, then having the records of the old court under North-Carol in a, 
Tipton, in behalf of the court of North-Carolina, went to his house and 
took them away by force, and delivered them to Gorly. Shortly after¬ 
wards the records were retaken by Sevier’s party, and James Sevier, 
the clerk, hid them in a cave. In these removals many valuable papers 
were lost, and at later periods, for want of them, some estates of great 
value have been lost. In the county of Greene, in 1786, Tipton broke 
up a court sitting in Greeneville, under the Franklin authority. The 
two clerks in all the three old counties, issued marriage licenses, and many 
persons were married by virtue of their authority. In the courts held 
under the authority of the State of Franklin, many letters of admin¬ 
istration of intestate estates were issued, and probate of wills were 
taken.* 

Notwithstanding the defection of some of its early advo¬ 
cates, and the neutrality of others of its friends, the govern¬ 
ment of Franklin continued to exercise its functions in 
the seven counties composing its sovereignty. County and 
Superior Courts were held, the militia was mustered and 
disciplined, and civil and military elections took place under 
its authority. In the new county of Sevier, Samuel Newell 
and John Clack were elected representatives ; Samuel 
Weir was clerk of the county court and colonel of the regi¬ 
ment. In Spencer county, these same offices were filled by 
Thomas Henderson ; and William Cocke and Thomas King 
were representatives. In Caswell county, Alexander Out¬ 
law and Henry Conway were representatives ; Joseph 
Hamilton was clerk of the county court, and George Doherty, 
colonel of the regiment. In Greene county, Daniel Kennedy 
was clerk, and John Newman, colonel. James Sevier was 
clerk of Washington county. In Sullivan county, John 
Rhea was clerk, George Maxwell, colonel of the militia, and 
John Long, John Provin and George Maxwell, members of 
the Assembly. 

In addition to the administration of civil affairs, Governor 
Sevier, early in this year, found it necessary to repel the 
aggressions made upon the citizens of Franklin, by the Che- 
rokees. In the treaty of Hopewell, that tribe had agreed to 
a lasting peace with the frontier people. Lulled into a state 

* Haywood. 


VALLEY TOWNS DESTROYED. 


341 


of false security by the unanimity with which the treaty had 
been signed by the chiefs of that nation, emigrants had 
pushed their settlements on the north side of Holston as low 
down as Beaver Creek, in what has since become Knox 
county. Remote from sources of defence, and exposed on 
three sides to attack, this settlement was selected as the 
most vulnerable point. The house of Mr. Biram was at¬ 
tacked, and two men fell victims to Cherokee cruelty. Many 
of the settlers fell back upon the stations above them, while 
a few of them erected, hastily, temporary defences in their 
own neighbourhood. Some small parties were soon collected 
and pursued the authors of the mischief. Governor Sevier 
himself adopted the policy, heretofore ascertained to be the 
most effectual, of penetrating at once into the heart of the 
enemy’s country, securing thereby an immediate return of 
the hostile Indians to the defence of their villages and homes. 
A call for volunteers was promptly met, by the rendezvous 
of one hundred and sixty horsemen at Houston’s Station, on 
the waters of Little River. The troops crossed the Ten¬ 
nessee River at the Island Town, and passing by the Tellico 
Plains, marched over the Unaca Mountain to Hiwassee. 
Here, three of the Cherokee villages, called the Valley 
Towns, were destroyed, and fifteen warriors were killed. 
Encamping in another village close at hand, Sevier sent for¬ 
ward his spies, who soon returned and reported that they 
had discovered a large trail. The troops were at once put 
in motion, and marched upon the trail. From the best in¬ 
formation before them, it was decided in a council of officers, 
that as the number of the enemy could not be less than one 
thousand warriors, as they were under the command of John 
Watts, a cunning and daring leader, and were probably en¬ 
deavouring to draw Sevier into a narrow defile, it was 
deemed, under existing circumstances, inexpedient to pursue 
the enemy without reinforcements. The pursuit was aban¬ 
doned—the troops marched back to their encampment and 
returned home. 

The effect of this invasion of the Cherokee country was 
salutary. Few aggressions were, for some time after, made 
against the frontier. But it was considered by each of the 


342 


COLONEL MARTIN’S LETTER. 


sovereignties claiming jurisdiction over the country, a wise 
and necessary policy to adopt further methods of conciliation 
and security. North-Carolina had sent CoL Joseph Martin 
on a mission of peace into the interior of the Cherokee na¬ 
tion. Upon his return, he gave to Governor Caswell the re¬ 
sult of his observation on Indian affairs, and on some ol the 
measures of the Franklin government, of which he at first 
was an officer. His letter follows: 

Smith’s River, Henry County, May 11th, 1*786. 

Sir :—The accounts from the Cherokee country are somewhat 
alarming. I left Chota the fourteenth of last month, when two or three 
parties had gone out towards Cumberland or Kentucky, to take satis¬ 
faction for four of their young men that were murdered by one McClure, 
and two others, near a small Indian town, on the Tennessee. I left a 
man in whom I can confide to watch their return, and follow me with 
certain intelligence, which he has done, which is as follows :—The 17th 
of last month, the parties of Indians returned with fifteen scalps, sent 
several letters to Gen. Sevier, which he read, as they were open ; they in¬ 
formed that general that they had now taken satisfaction for their 
friends that were murdered, that they did not wish for war, but if the 
white people wanted war, it was what they would get. He further says, 
that he was informed that there was great preparation making by the 
Creeks, to carry on an expedition against Cumberland—that they were 
about to erect a post at or near the Muscle Shoals—that several jiack horses 
had already passed by Chickamauga—they say the French and Spaniards 
that are settled there are to furnish them with arms and ammunition— 
the Indians told me I might depend that the Creeks would endeavour to 
break up Cumberland this summer—I have lately been through the 
different Cherokee towns this spring, from Tugalo to Hightower, on the 
Chattahoochee River; they all seem very friendly, and I believe not the 
least danger from any unless Chickamauga; they seem much divided. 
The Draggon Canoe, which is one of the chiefs, is much attached to the 
Spanish interest, and I believe will join the Creeks; he killed two tra¬ 
ders the latter part of the winter, on their way to the Chickasaws from 
Cumberland. Ellis Haslin, one of the principal traders in the Cherokee 
country, informed me he saw a party of Creeks and Chickamaugas, on 
their way to Cumberland, and endeavoured to turn them back, but they 
told him they were at open war with the Virginians, and they would not 
go back. I spent some days at Holston, to find out, as well as I could, 
the disposition of the people respecting the new state, and by the best 
calculations I can make, two-thirds of them are for the old state, and I 
make no doubt of their sending delegates to North-Carolina next ses¬ 
sion ; they have held an Assembly lately, and appointed Capt. Cocke a 
member of Congress, and given Col. Charles Robertson liberty to coin 
thirty thousand dollars specie. I am told they are to have a coat of 
arms of their own, having a reference to the State of Franklin. One of 
the members of the Assembly informed me that the colonel was in such 


COMMISSIONERS OF COYATEE TREATY. 


343 


forwardness with his mint, that in the course of three weeks he could 
furnish their members to Congress with cash of the new coin. 


Governor Sevier and 


the authorities of Franklin were not 


inattentive, in the meantime, to their relations with the 
Indians, and in the exercise of one of the highest at¬ 
tributes of political sovereignty, appointed Commissioners to 
negotiate a second treaty with the Cherokees. The Commis¬ 
sioners were William Cocke, Alexander Outlaw, Samuel 
Weir, Henry Conway, and Thomas Ingles. The conference 
begun at Chota Ford, July 31, and was concluded at Coytoy, 
(Coiatee ?) Aug. 3d. On the part of the Indians, the negotia¬ 
tion was conducted by Old Tassel and Hanging Maw. The 
best account of the treaty is found in the letter of one of the 
Commissioners, enclosing the proceedings to the Governor of 
North-Carolina. It follows : 



Bend of Chvckey, Oct. 8th, 1786. 

Honoured Sir : —I have enclosed you a copy of a late treaty with the 
Cherokee Indians, and a just account of their conduct and present situ¬ 
ation. They came into our settlement on the north of Holston, the 
lOt.h of July, and warned the settlement that there were Creeks to 
attack them the week following*, and agreed with our people that they 
might know them from the Creeks, to wear a white flag on their head 
and on their guns ; and that whenever they saw any white people, they 
would halloo “Chota” to them; and on the 20th of July, which was 
the time they said the Creeks was to attack the settlement, two young 
men were going from the station to a cornfield, some Indians hailed 
them, and called “Chota,” and the young men went to them, and they 
seemed friendly, offered a swap of guns with one of the white men, and 
got hold of the white man’s gun, and then shot him down with his own 
gun; the other man rode off, and the other two Indians fired at him, 
and shot two bullets through him; but he rode to the station, and lived 
three days. He was well acquainted with the Indians that shot him. 
Col. Cocke and myself got account of the murder the 23d, and the 
31st we were in the town where the Indians lived that did the mischief, 
with two hundred and fifty men. We sent for the Heads of the towns 
to meet us at about six miles from the town, at Chota Ford, as you 
will see in the Talk, where they refused to give up the murderers, and 
said they were gone to the Shawnees; but we had certain accounts that 
they were then in the town ; on which news we marched to the town, 
and, luckily, killed two of the very Indians that did the murder; and 
sent for all the warriors from all the near towns, which met accordingly, 
and agreed to the terms I have enclosed; and I was last week in the 
town, and had a Talk with them, and they seem very friendly, and well 
satisfied we should settle the country, and say they will sell us thecoun- 
t on the south of the Tennessee, and let us settle round them, if we 


344 


NEGOTIATION AT CHOTA FORD 


will keep the Creeks from killing them ; or they will leave the country 
entirely, if we will give them goods for it; and I am convinced, from 
the late conduct and accounts 1 have had from them, the whole country 
to the Georgia line, on this side of Cumberland Mountain, may be had 
from them for a very trifling sum. 

With this letter, Col. Outlaw sent the following: 

A Treaty held between the Officers of the State of Franklin and the 

Cherokee Indian Chiefs, July 31st and August 3d, 1T86, as fol 

lows, viz: 

July 31st, Chota Ford. 

Brothers and Warriors :—We are sorry that you have drove us to 
the necessity of coming to your ground to hold a Talk with you after 
the Grand Peace with our Great People, the Congress, and our own 
treaty wflth you, at Dumplin Creek, last year. You have now broke 
through all your Talks, and murdered our young men, and stole our 
horses from our own settlements, and robbed and murdered our men at 
Kentucky, and on the Kentucky Poad and at Cumberland, and have 
always laid it on the Creeks; but now we have got proof that it is your 
owm warriors that do the mischief, and lay it on the Creeks. We have 
now come down to talk plain and straight with you, and to tell you 
that North-Carolina has sold us all the country on the north side of 
Tennessee and Holston ; that we intend to settle on it, and wish to do 
so in peace with you all, and trade and live friendly wflth all our bro¬ 
thers. And, agreeable to the treaty you made with us, w r e, in plain 
words, demand the murderers from you that killed our people, and de¬ 
mand all the horses you have taken from us, and from the people on 
the Kentucky Road and Cumberland ; on which terms we will be bro¬ 
thers wflth you all, and continue so until you do more murder on our 
frontiers, at which time w T e will come down and destroy the town that 
does the mischief, and -not let one of the murderers live in the towns 
that are peaceable and friendly; and if you are afraid of the other 
Indians, we will protect you and help you fight them ; on which terms 
we will make peace with you and be friends. If not, w r e are warriors, 
and it is what you will. If you love peace, give up the murderers and 
you shall have peace. 


ANSWERED BY THE TASSEL. 

Now I am going to speak to you, brothers. We have smoked. 
The Great Man above sent the tobacco. It will make your hearts 
straight. I come from Chota. I see you. You are my brothers. I 
see what has been done is the cause of your coming. I am glad to 
see my brothers and hold them fast by the hand. The Great Man 
made us both, and he hears the Talk. The Great Man stopped you 
here to hear my Talk. They are not my people that spilt the blood and 
spoiled the good Talk a little. My town is not so ; they will always 
use you w 7 ell whenever they see you. The men that did the murder 
are bad men and no warriors. They are gone, and I can’t tell where 
they are gone. They lived in Coytoy, at the mouth of Holston. This 


TRANSFERRED TO COYATEE. 


345 


is all I have to say. They have done the murder. Now I give you 
good talk. I will tell you about the land; what you say concerning the 
land, I will talk to Congress about, and the man that sold it I shall 
look to for it. You say that North-Carolina sold } r ou the land over the 
river. We will talk to all our Head men about it. The Great Man above 
has sent you this white Talk to straight your hearts through. I give 
you this pipe in token of a straight Talk. I am very sorry my people 
has done wrong to occasion you to turn your backs. . A little talk is as 
good as much talk ; too much is iiot good. 

Coytoy, August 3d. 

Brothers and Warriors :—We are now in Coytoy, and are going to 
give you a straight Talk. You all w r ell know that the great man over 
the water, King George, once commanded us all, and then we were all 
brothers ; and that the great man, the king, got angry with us, and came 
over the water and killed our men and burnt some of our houses, which 
causedji war, and all your people, the Indians, helped the great man 
over the water, and we beat you all ; and then the great man over the 
water gave up all this land to us, the white people, and made a peace 
with us, and then our great men, the Congress, made a peace with you, 
and agreed to live brothers with you all, and gave you such a piece of 
land to live on as they thought right, and so did your brother, John 
Sevier, governor of this country, and his commissioners aj, Dumplin, 
last year ; but now you have broke all the good Talk, and your people 
have murdered our young warriors, your brothers, at Kentucky, Cum¬ 
berland, and here, at home, and have killed our people as you did when 
you were helping the great man over the water, and have always laid 
it on the Creeks; but now we know it is your people that does the 
mischief. And to convince you we are willing to live brothers, we have 
marched a few of our warriors into the town that killed our young men, 
and burnt the town house where your people held the council to kill 
our men, and have burnt the bad men’s houses, and destroyed as much 
corn as we thought belonged to them, but have not marched to any 
other town where our honest brothers lived, but have sent for them all 
to come and talk and smoke and eat with us, and let them all see that 
we will not hurt any of their people, our brothers, that are honest and 
will not kill our people. And we now tell you, in plain words, that if 
you kill any more of our people, we will come down and destroy the 
town that does the mischief, unless you bring the rogues to us ; and if 
our people have killed any of your people since we came down, you 
must blame your bad men for it, for we do not know your bad men 
when they are in the woods. You have killed our old commanders, 
Colonel Donelson and Colonel Christian, who were always your friends 
when you were brothers, and were our great warriors and Counsellors; 
and that you may not be any more deceived, we now tell you, plainly, 
that our great counsellors have sold us the lands on the north side of 
the Tennessee to the Cumberland Mountain, and we intend to settle and 
live on it, and if you kill any of our people for settling there, we shall 
destroy the town that does the mischief; and as your people broke the 
peace you made with Congress and us, and killed our men, it was your 


346 


TREATY OF COYATEE. 


faults that we come out to war. We have right to all the ground we 
marched over, hut if you wish to live brothers, and be at peace, we will 
let you live in Coytoy, as brothel’s, in your old houses, if you will agree 
to give up the murderers when you can get them ; and we only claim 
the island in Tennessee, at the mouth of Holston, and from the head 
of the island to the dividing ridge between Holston River, Little River 
and Tennessee, to the Blue Ridge, and the lands North-Carolina sold 
us, on the north side of Tennessee, which lines and terms we will agree 
to lay before our Great Council, and if you will agree to live brothers 
and friends, notwithstanding our taking of it by the sword, which is 
the best right to all countries, we will do our best endeavours to get our 
Council to give you all some goods, in token of our sincere peace and 
lasting friendship, although you refused to give up the murderers at 
Chota Ford when we sent to you and demanded them of you, agreeable 
to your treaty with us before we did you any harm, which, had you 
have done, we would not have marched into your town, but would 
have taken you by the hand and been brothers. Now, can you blame 
us, when your people broke the good Talks and spilt our blood ? We 
call upon the Great Man above to witness, and you, yourselves, know, 
that we have acted agreeable to our former treaty, and only wish to 
punish the bad men and settle on the land North-Carolina sold us. 

Wm. Cocke, 

« Alex. Outlaw, 

Samuel Wear, 
Henry Conway, 
Thomas Ingles. 


Attest— Joseph Conway. 


answer. 

August 3d. 

Brothers :—You have spoke to me. I am very thankful to you for it. 
My brother, William Christian, took care of every body, and was a good 
man; he is dead and gone. It was not me nor my people that killed 
him. They told lies on me. I loved Col. Christian, and he loved me. 
He was killed going the other way, over the big river. I never heard 
of your Great Council giving you the land you speak of. I talked, last 
fall, with the great men from Congress, but they told me nothing of 
this. I remember that the great men and I talked together last fall, 
and did not think this murder would have happened so soon. We talk 
good together now, but the great people, a good way off, don’t talk so 
good as you ; they have spoke nothing to us about, the land, but now 
you have told us the truth. We Lope we shall live friends together on 
it, and keep our young men at peace, as we all agree to sign the above 
terms and live brothers hereafter. 


Wm. Cocke, 

Alex. Outlaw, 

Saml. Wear, 

Henry Conway, 

Thomas Ingles. 

Attest— Joseph Conway. 


his 

Old M Tassel, 
mark 

his 

Hanging Maw. 
mark. 


MISSION OF GENERAL COOKE AND JUDGE CAMPBELL. 


347 


The difficulties with the Indians being thus adjusted, and 
provision being made for co-operating with Georgia against 
the Creeks, it remained for the authorities of Franklin to re¬ 
concile conflicts nearer home. The irnperium in imperio 
condition of things threatened anarchy or misrule—perhaps 
disaster and ruin to all parties. The people in some of the 
revolted counties had sent forward their representatives to 
the General Assembly of North-Carolina, which met in No¬ 
vember, at Fayetteville. They were, in like manner, repre¬ 
sented in the Assembly of Franklin. Taxes were laid by 
both governments and collected by neither, the people not 
knowing, as was pretended, which had the better right to 
receive them; and neither government was forward in over¬ 
ruling the plea, for fear of giving offence to those who could 
at pleasure transfer their allegiance.* Previous attempts 
had failed in securing from North-Carolina her consent to the 
separation of her revolted counties. Disaffection had already 
manifested itself against the authority of Franklin, and some 
of those who at first were the most zealous and clamorous 
for the separation, were now opposing it in their legislative 
capacity at Fayetteville. Every day brought new embar¬ 
rassments to the administration of Governor Sevier, who, 
with the Assembly, was devising plans, by which to extri¬ 
cate the new government from impending danger. One of 
these was the appointment of General Cocke and Judge 
Campbell, as Commissioners, to negotiate a separation. Each 
of them was well suited for the purpose of his mission. The 
former was identified with the new settlements, by an early 
participation in the privation, enterprise and danger of the 
pioneer life. More recently, he had taken an active part in 
founding the new state—had been appointed its delegate to 
Congress—commanded a brigade of its militia, and held other 
positions implying confidence in his talents and address. His 
colleague had also a minute acquaintance with every ques¬ 
tion relating to either of the parties—held the highest judi¬ 
cial station in the government from which he was accredited, 
and by his private worth was entitled to the respect of the 
one to which he was sent. 


* Haywood. 


348 


GOVERNOR SEVIER TO GOVERNOR CASWELL, 


To secure to his embassy the greater consideration and 
weight, the Governor of Franklin addressed to the Governor 
of North-Carolina a communication, conceived in respectful 
and lenient terms, yet manifesting, at the same time, earnest¬ 
ness and determination, in maintaining the rights and ad¬ 
vancing the interests of his state. It is dated at his private 
residence. 

Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 28th October, 1786. 

Sir :—Our Assembly have again appointed Commissioners to wait 
on the parent state, who, I hope, will cheerfully consent to the separa¬ 
tion as they once before did. 

It gives us inexpressible concern to think that any disputes should 
arise between us, more especially when we did not in the first instance 
pray the separation, but adopted our course after the same was done by 
Act of your Assembly. We humbly conceived we should do no wrong 
by endeavouring to provide for ourselves, neither had we the most dis¬ 
tant idea that the Cession act would be repealed, otherwise matters 
might not have been carried to the length they are. The propriety of 
the repeal we do not pretend to scrutinize, as respecting the policy of 
your state ; but, permit us to say, that, in our opinion, we discover many 
embarrassments both parties are likely to labour under in consequence 
of the repeal. We cannot suppose that Congress will consider itself 
well treated by North-Carolina, and we doubt that body will, thereby, 
become in some measure inattentive. 

The late Indian Treaties in the south seem deeply to concern each 
party, especially now we find Congress have ratified the proceedings, 
and we have called on your state to carry the same into effect, so far as 
respects the same. We do not pretend to discriminate the motives that 
induced that body to enter into those measures, but beg leave to say, that, 
in our opinions, that had the deed or deeds been executed agreeable to 
the Cession act, that then our lands in the westward would have been 
secured under the conditions of that act; but, under the present cir¬ 
cumstances, the greatest part of our western country lies in a very 
doubtful and precarious situation. I hope your Assembly will take un¬ 
der their serious consideration our present condition, and, we flatter our¬ 
selves, that august body will not submerge into ruin so many of their 
late citizens, who have fought and bled in behalf of the parent state, and 
are still ready to do so again, should there be an occasion. Our local 
and remote situation are the only motives that induce us to wish for a 
separation. Your constitution and laws we revere, and consider our¬ 
selves happy that we have had it in our power to get the same estab¬ 
lished in the State of Franklin, although it has occasioned some confu¬ 
sion among ourselves. We do, in the most candid and solemn manner, 
assure you that we do not wish to separate from you on any other 
terms, but on those that may be perfectly consistent with the honour 
and interest of each party ; neither do we believe there is any among 
us who would wish for a separation, did they believe the parent state 


ACCREDITING HIS COMMISSIONERS. 


349 


would suffer any real inconveniency in consequence thereof. We would 
be willing to stand or fall together, under any dangerous crisis what¬ 
ever. 

We cannot be of the opinion that any real advantages can be ob¬ 
tained by a longer connection. Our trade and commerce is altogether 
carried on with other states, therefore neither party is benefitted on that 
bead ; and whether it can be suggested that the business of government 
can be extended from five to eight hundred miles distance, is a matter I 
leave to your own good sense to judge of; and, further, it cannot be 
supposed that the inhabitants who reside at that distance, are not equally 
entitled to the blessings of civil government, as their neighbours who 
live east, south, or any other point, and not one-fourth of the distance 
from the seat of government, besides the Incomparable advantages of 
the roads and other easy communications, that you have on the east of 
the Apalachian. However inconsiderable the people of this country 
may appear at this day, reason must inform us that the time is not far 
distant, when they will become as consequential in numbers, if not more 
so, than most of the Eastern States, and when your Excellency will be 
pleased to view the many advantages arising from the fertility of our 
soil, and the moderate and salubrious climate, you cannot, I presume, 
differ in sentiments on this head. 

We will admit that our importation is not so flattering, but our ex¬ 
ports are equal to any. As to our present abilities, we must confess 
they are not so great as could be wished for; but, happily for us, we have 
the parent, and many old and experienced states to copy after. 

As to my own part, I have always considered myself happy while under 
the government of North.Carolina, and highly honoured with the dif¬ 
ferent appointments they have been pleased to confer. 

I heartily wish your Legislature had either not repealed, or never 
passed the Cession act, for probably it may occasion much confusion, 
especially should your Assembly listen too much to prejudiced persons, 
though this I have no right to suggest, but fear we may have a quarrel 
sufficient on our hands without any among ourselves. 

I am authorized to say there is no set of people can think more highly 
of your government than those who want the separation, and they only 
wish it to answer their better conveniency; and, though wanting to be 
separated in government, wish to be united in friendship, and hope that 
mutual good offices may ever pass between the parent and infant state, 
which is my sincere wish and desire. 

Judge Campbell, on account of ill health, was unable to 
accompany the other Commissioner on his embassy to Fay¬ 
etteville. But, desirous of effecting its object, “ a ratifica¬ 
tion of our independence,” he forwarded to Governor Cas¬ 
well his written argument in support of it, as follows : 

♦ ^ State of Franklin, ) 

Caswell County, Nov. 30th, 1786. j 

May it please your Excellency— 

I have hesitated to address your Excellency on so delicate a subject as 


350 


judge campbell’s written argument. 


the present. I shall only state a few facts, and leave your Excellency to 
draw the conclusion. 

Is not the continent of America one day to become one consolidated 
government of United States? Is not your state, when connected with 
this part of the country, too extensive ? Are we not, then, one day to be a 
separate people ? Do you receive any advantage from us as now situated ? 
or do you ever expect to receive any? I believe you do not. Suffer us, 
then, to pursue our own happiness in a way most agreeable to our 
situation and circumstances. The plans laid for a regular and sys¬ 
tematic government in this country, are greatly frustrated by the oppo¬ 
sition from your country. Can a people so nearly connected as yours 
are with ours, delight in our misfortunes ? The rapid settlements that 
are making, and have been made out of the bounds prescribed both by 
your state and ours, is a matter worthy your consideration ; our divisions 
are favourable to those who have a mind to transgress our laws. If you 
were to urge us, and it were possible we should revert back to you. in 
what a labyrinth of difficulties would we be involved ? Witness the 
many lawsuits, which have been decided under the sanction of the laws 
of Franklin, the retrial of which would involve many persons in certain 
ruin. 

If we set out wrong, or were too hasty in our separation, this country 
is not altogether to blame ; your state pointed out the line of conduct, 
which we adopted; we really thought you in earnest when you ceded us 
to Congress. If you then thought we ought to be separate, or if you 
now think we ever ought to be, permit us to complete the work that is 
more than half done; suffer us to give energy to our laws and force to 
our councils, by saying we are a separate and independent people, and 
we will yet be happy. I suppose it will astonish your Excellency to 
hear that there are many families settled within nine miles of the 
Cherokee nation. What will be the consequence of those emigrations? 
Our laws and government must include these people or they will be¬ 
come dangerous; it is vain to say they must be restrained. Have not 
all America extended their back settlements in opposition to laws and 
proclamations? The Indians are now become more pusillanimous, and 
consequently will be more and more encroached upon f they must, they 
will be circumscribed. Some ofyour politicians think w T e have not men 
of abilities to conduct the reins of government: this may in some mea¬ 
sure be true, but all new' states must have a beginning, and we are 
daily increasing in men both of political and law knowledge. It was 
not from a love of novelty, or the desire of title, I believe, that our leaders 
were induced to engage in the present revolution, but from pure neces¬ 
sity. We were getting into confusion, and you know any government is 
better than anarchy. Matters will be differently represented to you, 
but you may rely on it, a great majority of the people are anxious for 
a separation. Nature has separated us ; do not oppose her in her work ; 
by acquiescing you will bless us, and do yourself no injury ; you bless us 
by uniting the disaffected, and do yourself no injury, because you lose 
nothing but people who are a clog on your government, and to whom 
you cannot do equal justice by reason of their detached situation. 

I was appointed to wait on your General Assembly, to urge a ratifi- 


GENERAL COCKe’s ADDRESS TO ASSEMBLY. 


351 


cation of our independence, but the misfortune of losing one of my eyes, 
and some other occurrences, prevented me. You will, therefore, par¬ 
don me for the liberties I have taken, whilst endeavouring to serve a 
people whose situation is truly critical. 

Notwithstanding these earnest representations made in 
behalf of the people of Franklin, the Assembly of North- 
Carolina, disregarding their protests and memorials, con¬ 
tinued to legislate for them. The territory that had been em¬ 
braced in the new county of Spencer, under the Franklin 
Government, was, by the Legislature of North-Carolina, laid 
off into a new county called Hawkins, and civil and mili¬ 
tary officers were at the same session appointed for it, and 
the time was fixed by law for holding the courts. The As¬ 
sembly had also taken into consideration the measures 
necessary to be .adopted in relation to the revolters in 
Franklin. At this moment, General Cocke, the other Cojn- 
missioner from the State of Franklin, appeared in Fayette¬ 
ville, and, at his request, was heard at the bar of the House 
of Commons. In a speech of great length, as copied from 
Haywood, he pathetically depicted the miseries of his dis¬ 
tressed countrymen ; he traced the motives of their separa¬ 
tion to the difficult and perilous condition in which they had 
been placed by the Cession act of 1784 ; he stated that the 
savages in their neighbourhood, often committed upon the de¬ 
fenceless inhabitants the most shocking barbarities; and 
that they were without the means of raising or subsisting 
troops for their protection ; without authority to levy men', 
without the power to lay taxes for the support of internal 
government; and without the hope that any of their neces¬ 
sary expenditures would be defrayed by the State of North- 
Carolina, which had then become no more interested in their 
safety than any other of the United States. The sovereignty 
retained being precarious and nominal, as it depended on the 
acceptance of the cession by Congress, so it was anticipa¬ 
ted would be the concern of North-Carolina for the ceded 
territory. With these considerations full in view, what were 
the people of the ceded territory to do, to avoid the blow of 
the uplifted tomahawk? How were the women and children 
to be rescued from the impending destruction? Would Con- 


352 


PATHETICALLY RECOUNTS THE TRIALS AND 


gress come to their aid ? Alas ! Congress had not yet ac¬ 
cepted of them, and possibly, never would. And if accepted, 
Congress was to deliberate on the quantum of defence which 
might be afforded to them. The distant states would wish 
to know what profits they could respectively draw from the 
ceded country, and how much land would remain, alter 
satisfying the claims upon it. The contributions from the 
several states were to be spontaneous. They might be too 
limited to do any good, too tardy for practical purposes. 
They might be unwilling to burthen themselves for the salva¬ 
tion of a people not connected with them by any endearing 
ties. The powers of Congress were too feeble to enforce 
contributions. Whatever aids should be resolved on, might 
not reach the objects of their bounty, till all was lost. 
Would common prudence justify a reliance upon such pros¬ 
pects? Could the lives of themselves and their families be 
staked upon them? Immediate and pressing necessity called 
for the power, to concentrate the scanty means they possessed 
of saving themselves from destruction. A cruel and insid¬ 
ious foe was at their doors. Delay was but another name 
for death. They might supinely wait for events, but the first 
of them would be the yell of the savage through all their 
settlements. It was the well-known disposition of the sav¬ 
ages to take every advantage of an unpreparedness to receive 
them, and of a sudden to raise the shrieking cry of exulta¬ 
tion over the fallen inhabitants. The hearts of the people of 
North-Carolina should not be hardened against their breth¬ 
ren, who have stood by their sides in perilous times, and 
never heard their cry of distress when they did not instantly 
rise and march to their aid. Those brethren have bled in 
profusion to save you from bondage, and from the sangui¬ 
nary hands of a relentless enemy, whose mildest laws for 
the punishment of rebellion, is beheading and quartering. 
When driven in the late war, by the presence of that enemy, 
from your homes, we gave to many of you a sanctified asy¬ 
lum in the bosom of our country, and gladly performed the 
rites of hospitality to a people we loved so dearlv. Every 
hand was ready to be raised for the least unhallowed viola¬ 
tion of the sanctuary in which they reposed. 


VINDICATION OF THE FRANKS. 


35 3 


The act for our dismissal was, indeed, recalled in the winter 
of 1784; what then was our condition? More pennyless, 
defenceless and unprepared, if possible, than before, and un¬ 
der the same necessity as ever, to meet and consult together 
for our common safety. The resources of the country all 
locked up, where is the record that shews any money or sup¬ 
plies sent to us ?—a single soldier ordered to be stationed on 
the frontiers, or any plan formed for mitigating the horrors 
of our exposed situation? On the contrary, the savages are 
irritated by the stoppage of those goods on their passage, 
which were promised as a compensation for the lands which 
had been takeriTrom them. If North-Carolina must yet hold us 
in subjection, it should at least be understood to what a state 
of distraction, suffering and poverty, her varying conduct 
has reduced us, and the liberal hand of generosity should be 
widely opened for relief, from the pressure of their present 
circumstances ; all animosity should be laid aside and buried 
in deep oblivion, and our errors should be considered as the 
offspring of greater errors committed by yourselves. It be¬ 
longs to a magnanimous people to weep over the failings of 
their unfortunate children, especially if prompted by the in¬ 
considerate behaviour of the parent. Far should it be 
from their hearts to harbour the unnatural purpose of adding 
still more affliction to those who have suffered but too much 
already. It belongs to a magnanimous people to give an 
industrious attention to circumstances, in order to form a just 
judgment upon a subject so much deserving of their serious 
meditation, and when once carefully formed, to employ, with 
sedulous anxiety, the best efforts of their purest wisdom, in 
choosing a course to pursue, suitable to the dignity of their 
own character, consistent with their own honour, and the 
best calculated to allay that storm of distraction in which 
their hapless children have been so unexpectedly involved. 
If the mother shall judge the expense of adhesion too heavy 
to be borne, let us remain as we are, and support ourselves 
by our own exertions ; if otherwise, let the means for the con¬ 
tinuance of our connexion be supplied with the degree of 
liberality which will demonstrate seriousness on the one hand^ 

and secure affection on the other. 

23 


$54 


THE REMOVAL OF OLD OFFICE HOLDERS, DRAWS 


His speech was heard with attention, and he retired. 

The Assembly progressed in deliberating on the measures to be 
adopted with respect to the revolted counties. By another act of this 
session, they pardoned the offences of all persons who had returned to 
their allegiance to the State of North-Carolina, and restored them to all 
the privileges of the other citizens of the state, as if the said offences 
and misconduct had never existed. With regard to decisions respecting 
property, which were incompatible with justice, they enacted, that the 
person injured should have remedy at common law. They continued 
in office all officers, both civil and military, who held and enjoyed such 
offices on the 1st of April, 1784; but declared vacant the offices of all 
such persons as had accepted and exercised other offices and appoint¬ 
ments, the acceptance and exercise of which were considered to be a 
resignation of their former offices held under the State of North-Caro¬ 
lina ; and they directed that such vacant offices, both civil and military, 
shall be filled with proper persons to be appointed by the General As¬ 
sembly, and commissioned by the Governor of North-Carolina, as by 
law directed.* 

The latter provisions of this act produced great dissatis¬ 
faction amongst the people upon whom it was intended to 
operate. The old office holders were capable, they had been 
faithful, and their experience and attention to official duty 
had secured universal confidence and approbation These, 
upon whom the new appointments were conferred, were 
many of them non-residents, inexperienced and not reliable, 
selected by the favouritism of some functionary in the old 
state, and, for that reason, odious to the people. Their ap¬ 
pointment was denounced by and drew forth the bitter con¬ 
demnation of some of both parties. The temper of the com¬ 
plainants is seen in the letter following, from Judge Camp¬ 
bell to the Governor. 

State of Franklin, ) 
Caswell County, March 18th, 1787. j" 
May it please your Excellency : 

I was honoured with yours of the 23d of February, for which I 
beg you to accept of my most cordial acknowledgments. The majority 
of the people of Franklin proclaim, with a degree of enthusiastic zeal, 
against a reversion to your state. Indeed, I am at a loss to conjecture 
whether your Assembly wished us to revert; if so, why did they treat 
the old faithful officers of this country with so much contempt ? Officers 
who have suffered in the common cause, who have been faithful in the 
discharge of the trust reposed in them, have been displaced, without 
even the formality of a trial. Representations by a few malcontents 


* Haywood. 


FROM JUDGE CAMPBELL A FURTHER REMONSTRANCE. 355 


might have been the cause of such proceedings, but surely it was a 
most impolitic step. If the old officers, who were the choice of the 
people, and under whom they have long served, had been continued, I 
doubt not but all things would have been settled here, agreeable to the 
most sanguine wish of your General Assembly ; but such infringements 
on the liberties and privileges of a free people will never be attended 
with any salutary consequence. I also blame the law, which passed in 
your Assembly, to enable the people here to hold partial elections. If 
it was intended to divide us, and set us to massacreing one another, it 
was well concerted, but an ill-planned scheme, if intended for the good 
of all. The great number of warrants which issue from your entry- 
taker’s office, without the composition money being paid, is a very great 
evil, and will tend exceedingly to embarrass this country. But I under¬ 
stand your Assembly have put a stop to such unfair proceedings. You 
mention, if the people here could be brought to agree in making a 
general application to the Legislature of North Carolina, the desired 
object might easily be brought about. Human nature is the same in all 
countries. To expect to bring a people, cordially and unanimously, to 
adopt even the most salutary measure, is not to be expected, and they 
will most assuredly be refractory to doubtful and exceptionable plans. 

The people here—for I have been in public assemblies and made it 
my business to collect their sentiments—dread the idea of a reversion. 
They say, if North-Carolina is in earnest about granting them a separa¬ 
tion, why not permit them to go on as they have begun, and not involve 
them in inextricable difficulties, by undoing the work of two or three 
years past ? They made offers by their agent, which they think was 
favourable to your country; but they rejected it with contempt. I 
mean the bill offered by General Rutherford to your Assembly, in behalf 
of this people. What conditions, say they, would North-Carolina extort 
from us, were we under their laws and immediate influence? Indeed, 
my mind is tilled with painful anxiety for this people ; the sword of jus¬ 
tice and vengeance will, I believe, be shortly drawn against those of this 
country who attempt to overturn and violate the laws and government 
of Franklin, and God only knows what will be the event. If any blood is 
spilt on this occasion, the act for partial elections from your country will be 
the cause of it ; and I am bold to say, the author of that act was the 
author of much evil. That your Excellency may not be in the dark 
about the spirit and determination of a great majority of these people, 
in supporting, maintaining and defending their beloved Franklin, I shall 
give you a brief and concise detail of what has transpired here since the 
kite of our memorial and personal application to the Legislature of 
North-Carolina has been announced to us. Pains were taken to col¬ 
lect the wishes of the people respecting a reversion ; many, who were 
formerly lukewarm, are now flaming patriots for Franklin. Those who 
were real Frank Unites, are now burning with enthusiastic zeal. They 
say that North-Carolina has not treated us like a parent, but like a step- 
dame. She means to sacrifice us to the Indian savages ; she has broke 
our old officers, under whom we fought and bled, and placed over us 
many men unskilled in military achievements, and who were none of our 
choice. The General Assembly has been convened and steps were taken for 


.356 


AUTHORITY OF FRANKLIN IN GREENE COUNTY. 


our internal security, with a degree of unanimity never before known in a 
deliberative assembly. A treaty is set on foot with the Indians. r l he 
land office, as opened to the Tennessee from the south side of French Broad 
and Holston Rivers, did not interfere with the north side, where your 
office was opened, and cautiously avoided interfering with the rights of Con¬ 
gress. You may judge from the foregoing whether these people are in 
earnest or not. You must not conclude we are altogether unanimous, 
but, I do assure you a very great majority, perhaps nineteen-twentieths, 
seem determined to persevere at all hazards. I make no doubt but your 
Excellency wall use your influence to bring matters to a friendly and 
advantageous issue for both countries. Nothing that the love of hu- 
manity can inspire me with, shall be wanting on my part. 

The Legislature of North-Carolina, at the same session 
when this obnoxious act was passed, adopted the concilia¬ 
tory measure of relinquishing to the citizens of the revolted 
counties all the taxes due and unpaid since 1784. This, with 
the act of pardon and oblivion for such as should return to 
their allegiance to North-Carolina, had the desired influence 
upon a part of the disaffected. Commissions were sent to 
and accepted by several in Washington, Sullivan, and Haw¬ 
kins counties, as justices of the peace, under the authority 
of the old state, and by them courts were held and law ad¬ 
ministered, as though the State of Franklin did not exist. In 
Greene county, and the new counties below it, men could 
not be found willing to accept the offered commissions. 
There the authority of Franklin was supreme, and there 
^ \ was no conflict of jurisdiction. It was very different 
l elsewhere, and especially in Washington county. Pre¬ 
vious to the revolt, courts had been held at Jonesboro’, and 
had afterwards been held at the same place under the new 
government. Now, when the sentiment of allegiance to 
North-Carolina had, in some measure, become general, the 
newly appointed magistrates, as directed by law, opened and 
held their courts at Davis’s, ten miles above Jonesboro’, on 
Buffalo Creek. The partizans of one government quarrelled 
with those of the other. The officers of each, in discharge 
of official duty, came into conflict with the authority of the 
rival government. The animosity, thus engendered, became 
the more acrimonious, as this county was the residence of 
Governor Sevier, and also of Col. John Tipton, who, though 
at first a leader in the revolt, had now become promi- 


GEN. SHELBY HOLDS A CONFERENCE WITH GOV. SEVIER. 357 


nent at the head of the old state party. These two, alike 
brave, ambitious and patriotic, and champions of their re¬ 
spective adherents, kept the people in a constant tumult, 
each, alternately, breaking in upon and interrupting the 
courts and jurisdiction of the other. The horrors of a fra¬ 
tricidal conflict seemed inevitable, and measures were adopt¬ 
ed by both parties to allay the agitation and restore quiet. 
General Rutherford had introduced before the Legislature of 
North-Carolina a measure of conciliation, that would have 
been acceptable to the malcontents beyond the mountain, 
but it was instantly rejected. The mission of General Cocke, 
and the pacific overtures of Judge Campbell, had been abor¬ 
tive and unsuccessful. As a dernier resort, negotiation was 
attempted, to reconcile the conflicts of interests and of feeling 
between the two states. Who should be the negotiator? An 
officer of the old state ? The opposition to such an one, was 
at one time a mere prejudice—it had now become a senti¬ 
ment of inappeasable malignity, and no offers of compromise 
from him could be for a moment entertained. Policy dicta¬ 
ted that he should be selected from the western people them¬ 
selves, and that he should be one who, from his past position, 
was identified, in all his sympathies and interests, with the 
West. General Evan Shelby, high in the confidence of his 
countrymen everywhere, remarkable for his probity, can¬ 
dour, good sense and patriotism, was requested by Gov. Cas¬ 
well to take charge of this delicate negotiation; and, in con¬ 
junction wjth others, whose assistance he solicited, met a 
Commission from the State of Franklin, on the 20th day of 
March, 1787, at the house of Samuel Smith. At this con¬ 
ference Gov. Sevier represented his own government, aided 
by such of its friends as he chose to invite. The result of 
their mutual efforts to accommodate existing difficulties, and 
to prevent the occurrence of those of greater magnitude, now 
constantly apprehended, was given in the letter following, 
from General Shelby to Governor Caswell: 

Sullivan County, March 21st, 1787, 
Dear Sir :—Your letter, and the packets which you w r ere pleased to 
forward by your son, I have received, and the commissions to the several 
counties belonging have been forwarded, except those to the county of 


358 


TERMS OF THE COMPROMISE. 


Greene, yet in ray hands, not well knowing who to direct them to. The 
proclamations have been disposed of accordingly. I have held a confe¬ 
rence with Mr. John Sevier, Governor of the Franklin people. The 
enclosed is a copy of what was there concluded between him and me. 
It is submitted to the legislature. The people of Franklin have lately 
held an Assembly for their state, and have passed a bill for opening an 
office for to receive entries for the lands included between French Broad 
and Tennessee Rivers. Also, they have laid a land and poll-tax on the peo¬ 
ple. Conformable to the commissions for the peace sent up, courts of 
pleas, &c., have been held in the counties of Washington, Sullivan and 
Hawkins, without any opposition. Many people are firmly attached to 
North-Carolina ; others are as obstinate against it; however, it is to be 
hoped that time and reflection will restore them friendly to North- 
Carolina. 

The animosities arising from difference of opinion in governments 
among our people here, have run high. To quiet the minds of the 
people, and preserve peace and tranquillity till something better could 
be done, was the reason that induced me to hold a conference and con¬ 
clude on the articles enclosed. I would be much rejoiced if, as you 
mention, you would think, in earnest, to come and live among us. You 
might do much here. 

CONFERENCE AT SMITH’S. 

“At a conference held at the house of Samuel Smith, Esquire, on the 
20th day of March, 1787, between the Honourable Evan Shelby, 
Esquire, and sundry officers, of the one part, and the Honourable John 
Sevier and sundry officers, of the other part. Whereas, disputes have 
arisen concerning the propriety and legality of the State of Franklin, 
and the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the State of North-Carolina over 
the said state and the people residing therein. 

“ The contending parties, from the regard they have to peace, tran¬ 
quillity and good decorum in the Western country, do agree and recom¬ 
mend as follows : 

“ First. That the courts of justice do not proceed to transact any busi¬ 
ness in their judicial departments, except the trial of criminals, the 
proving of wills, deeds, bills of sale, and such like conveyances ; the 
issuing of attachments, writs and any legal process, so as to procure 
bail, but not to enter into final determinations of the suits, except the 
parties are mutually agreed thereto. 

“Secondly. That the inhabitants residing within the limits of the dis¬ 
puted territory are at full liberty and discretion to pay their public taxes 
to either the State of North-Carolina or the State of Franklin. 

“ Thirdly. That this agreement and recommendation continue until the 
next annual sitting of the General Assembly of North-Carolina, to be 
held in November next, and not longer. It is further agreed, that if 
any person, guilty of felony, be committed by any North Carolina jus¬ 
tice of the peace, that such person or persons may and shall be received 
by the Franklin sheriff or gaoler of Washington, and proceeded against 
in the same manner as if the same had been committed by and from any 
such authority from under the State of Franklin. It is also recom¬ 
mended, that the aforesaid people do take such modes and regulations, 


A TEMPORARY QUIET* RESTORED. 


359 


and set forth their grievances, if any they have, and solicit North-Caro- 
lina, at their next annual meeting of the General Assembly, for to 
complete the separation, if thought necessary by the people of the 
Western country, as to them may appear most expedient, and give their 
members and representatives such instructions as may be thought most 
conducive to the interest of our Western World, by a majority of the 
same, either to be a separate state from that of North-Carolina, or be 
citizens of the State of North-Carolina. 

“ Signed and agreed, on behalf of each party, this day and year above 
written. Evan Shelby, 

John Sevier.” 

A temporary quiet succeeded this compromise, and the peo¬ 
ple having the right of paying their taxes, and of owing 
allegiance to either of the rival governments, at their 
own option, the jurisdiction of both was for a time co-ordi¬ 
nate. No better proof need be adduced that the inhabitants 
of the disaffected country were law-abiding, honest, just, and 
peaceable, than their demeanour under this unwonted condi¬ 
tion of questionable allegiance. Anywhere else, anarchy, 
misrule, tumult and violence, would have followed. Preva¬ 
lent sentiment was, amongst these primitive people, essen¬ 
tially the law, and had the validity and force of legislative 
authority. Popular opinion was radically sound. It was in 
favour of right and justice. The people bowed to its supre¬ 
macy, and paid allegiance to its mandates. They needed no 
other tribunal. 

Still, a wound had been inflicted upon the dignity of the 
parent state, and there were not wanting men in the coun¬ 
try, willing to appease her wrath, and make an atonement 
for the indignity and injury she had received. These, finding 
fault with and condemning the acts of the new state, re¬ 
ported its wrong doings to Governor Caswell. They were 
clamorous about trespasses committed upon Cherokee terri¬ 
tory, by the intruding “ Franklinites,” and foreboded what 
really took place, a renewal of Indian aggression upon the 
settlements, if these were not restrained. Such is the im¬ 
port of the letter following : 

Chota, 25th March, 1787. 

Sir :—At my arrival in this place, I found the Indians in greater 
confusion than I had ever seen before, owing in part to Colonel John Lo¬ 
gan’s expedition against them, together with daily encroachments of the 



360 


COLONEL MARTIN TO GOVERNOR CASWELL. 


Franklintons on their lands. They have actually opened a land office 
for every acre of land that the Legislature of North-Carolina ceded to 
them north of the Tennessee, which includes several of their principal 
cornfields, and a part of their beloved town, Chota, and the whole town 
of Rial, and are' now settling on the banks of the river. I this day 
finished a Talk with the Indians, a copy of which I enclose to your Ex¬ 
cellency. Three letters have lately been brought to the different towns, 
and read, from the French at the Muscle Shoals, which inform the Indians 
that the English, French and Spanish, have actually joined to carry on 
a war against America ; that the Americans have stopped their trade 
from Detroit, by seizing several of their boats on the Mississippi; that 
they will not undertake to furnish them in future 1 with anything but 
guns, knives, tomahawks, and ammunition ; of these articles they shall 
have plenty. Various are the conjectures of the traders respecting 
war with the Cherokees. My opinion is, there will be a great deal of 
mischief done, if not an open war, unless the Franklinites can be re¬ 
moved off their land; which, I am well assured, cannot be done without 
an armed force. 

Another*writer, under date March 26th, of this year, in¬ 
forms the governor, “ Politics in this part of the country 
run high. Y ou hear in almost every collection of people, 
frequent declarations of hurrah for North-Carolina! and 
others in the same manner for the State of Franklin.” “ The 
Franklin Assembly have passed their act to punish, by 
imprisonment, any person that shall act in the commission 
of justice of the peace or other civil office, under the as¬ 
sumed authority of North-Carolina. God only knows where 
this contention will end. I fear it will end in blood.” 

Governor Caswell received another letter of still more por¬ 
tentous import, from an accredited agent, who had been sent 
to spy out the real condition of affairs in his trans-montane 
territory. In his tour of observation, he seems to have de¬ 
tected not only infidelity on the part of the people of Frank¬ 
lin to North-Carolina, but “ a tendency to dissolve the federal 
bands.” He is the first to advise “ the interference of go¬ 
vernment” to suppress the insurgents. 

Col. Hutchings to Gov. Cas^vell : 

Hawkins County, the 1st April, 1787. 

Sir :—I received your Excellency’s letter of the 27th Feb., 1787, with 
the enclosed papers and others forwarded; and in compliance with the 
contents, I give you a statement of the proceedings in this quarter, as 
you signified a desire to know how the law r s and a return to the old go¬ 
vernment set on the minds of the people. I find in the county of Greene 
the people are much divided. In the other three counties, about two- 


GOVERNOR CASWELL TO GOVERNOR SEVIER. 


361 


thirds are much pleased with the laws and a return to the old govern¬ 
ment. The commissions and appointments are generally received. The 
people on the Indian hunting grounds, 1 learn, are very obstinate, and I 
suppose will pay little or no respect to your Excellency’s proclamation 
for their removal. The Franklin party yet persist, and seems to impede 
the progress of civilization and retard the operation of the most salutary 
laws. They have lately held an Assembly and passed several acts, and 
seem vigorous in executing them. They have opened an office for the 
lands south of French Broad to the banks of Tennessee River. The 
land is to be sold at forty shillings per hundred acres, the first ten 
shillings in hand, and two years credit for the other thirty shillings. 
This unites the inhabitants of those lands to their party ; and in order 
to frighten others into a compliance with them, the Assembly have 
passed an act to fine and imprison any person who shall dare to act 
under the authority of North-Carolina.:—for the'first offence five pounds ; 
a second offence, ten pounds and a year’s imprisonment; and the governor 
at his discretion to summon a guard over them, which guard are to be 
paid out of the property of the offender. They have also empowered 
the governor to raise the militia to oppose the operation of the laws of 
North-Carolina, who are now enlisting and giving four hundred acres of 
land bounty. This is under a colour of guarding the frontiers. Should 
they offer any insult to the civil authority, I expect it will be difficult to 
prevent an effusion of blood. I think your Excellency will readily see the 
necessity of the interference of government; and unless those people are 
entitled to exclusive and separate emoluments from the rest of the com¬ 
munity, they ought, certainly, to be quelled. If we are in our allegiance, 
protection ought to be reciprocal. I, therefore, give it as my opinion, 
that it is highly necessary that notice should be taken of the conduct of 
those people, as there are many plans and matters agitated by them, 
which seem to have a tendency to dissolve even the federal bands. Seve¬ 
ral letters I have in my possession, which can be spoken of no other 
way. A few lines from your Excellency, with your advice howto conduct 
myself in this unhappy dilemma, would be most thankfully received. 

The Governor of North-Carolina thought proper, after the 
adjournment of its legislature, to communicate directly to 
Gov. Sevier, the proceedings of that body in reference to the 
revolters. It follows: 

Kinston, 23d February, lYSY. 

Sir :—I was favoured with your letter of the 28th of October, on the 
subject of a separate and independent government on your side of the 
Apalachian, which 1 did myself the honour of laying before the Gene¬ 
ral Assembly. Their resolutions and determinations on that subject, I 
had flattered myself it would be in my power to have forwarded you 
copies of, by this time. It must, therefore, suffice, that I acquaint you 
for the present, that the Assembly, from the representation of persons 
from among yourselves, was induced to believe it was proper for the peo¬ 
ple to return to subjection to the laws and government of North-Caro¬ 
lina ; that they are not yet of strength and opulence sufficient to sup- 


362 


REPLY OF GOVERNOR SEVIER. 


port an independent state; that they, the Assembty, wish to continue 
the benefits and protection of the state towards them, until such time 
as their numbers and wealth will enable them to do for themselves, 
when they, the Assembly, are free to say, a separation may take place. 
In the meantime, the most friendly intercourse between the citizens on 
the eastern and western waters, is strongly recommended; and as the 
people westward of the Apalachian have received no benefit from Go¬ 
vernment for the two years last past, they are willing to exempt them 
from the payment of the public taxes. 

Thus, sir, you have in substance, as far as I recollect, the amount of 
the proceedings of the Assembly, save the appointment of civil and 
military officers for the three old and a new county ; the brigade to be 
commanded by Evan Shelby, Esq. In the civil department, Judge 
Campbell is re-appointed; and the representatives carried out commis¬ 
sions for the county officers, civil and military. I have not a doubt, but 
a new government may be shortly established, if the people would 
unite, submit to the former government, and petition for a separation. 
This, I think, is the only constitutional mode, and I firmly believe, if 
pursued, will be a means of effecting the separation on friendly terms, 
which I much wish ; and I cannot say but I have my own satisfaction 
in view, as I expect, if life and health and strength last, to lay my 
bones on the western waters. Twelve months will bring about a re- 
lease to me from public employment, and it is my intention then to visit 
that country once more ; and if I can find a place, to secure an agreeable 
private retreat for the remainder of my life, I mean to establish it as 
the place of my residence. I wish you and your friends to consider the 
propriety of these measures, and if you think proper to adopt them, 
you will, I think, answer your views with respect to a new government, 
and come a shorter way to obtain the same, than by divisions among 
yourselves ; for there will be greater obstructions in your way than those 
occasioned by the mere opinion of the people here. These are my candid 
sentiments. I may be mistaken, but time will evince the propriety or 
otherwise, of my observations. 

In answer to this communication, the Governor of Frank¬ 
lin writes, under date, 

Jonesboro’, 6tli April, 1787. 

Sir :—I was favoured with yours of 23d February, in which your 
Excellency was pleased to favour me with a detail of the proceedings of 
your Assembly. I must own, before their rising, I had the fullest hopes 
and confidence, that body would have either agreed to the separation, on 
honourable principles and stipulations, or otherwise endeavoured to have 
re-united us upon such terms as might have been lasting and friendly, 
but I find myself and country entirely deceived ; and if your Assembly 
have thought their measures would answer such an end, they are equally 
disappointed. But I firmly believe, had proper measures been adopted, 
an union, in some measure, or perhaps fully, would have taken place. 
We shall continue to act as independent, and would rather suffer death 
in all its various and frightful shapes, than conform to any thing that is 
disgraceful. 


COLCILfATORY REPLY OF GOVERNOR CASWELL. 


363 


The firm and decisive tone of this letter, was in accord¬ 
ance with the present temper of Sevier and his adherents. 
The compromise entered into between the contracting par¬ 
ties, March 20th, was found to be, in some of the counties, of 
little avail. “It is agreed and recommended,” were terms 
sufficiently explicit and strong to be obligatory on the masses, 
and their “regard to peace, tranquillity and good decorum,” 
led them to respect the provisions of the agreement. But 
in Washington, Sullivan and Hawkins, where the recent act 
of North-Carolina had vacated certain of the offices, and 
commissions under her authority had been accepted and 
acted under, a spirit of faction and discontent developed 
itself. The ins and the outs , as is sometimes seen in more 
modern times, quarrelled. A question arose as to the pow¬ 
ers of those who had negotiated the late “agreement and 
recommendation.” By common consent, the office holders 
considered them invalid and irregular. The truce was ended. 
Gov. Sevier determined that he and the other officers of 
Franklin would “act as independent.” 

To Gov. Sevier’s letter, Gov. Caswell replied, in a very 
friendly and conciliatory spirit, under date, 

Kinston, April 24th, lYsY. 

Dear Sir :—I had the honour to receive your letters by Mr. Meek. 
I cannot account for the conduct of our Assembly in their last session. 
I know some of the gentlemen’s sentiments did not coincide with my 
own, but still think if the people on your side the mountain had then 
been more unanimous, the measures of a separation on just and 
honourable principles would have been pursued ; and if it were possible 
for the people amongst you to prevail upon themselves to apply by suffi¬ 
cient number, to give convincing proofs of far the greater part of the 
whole being desirous of establishing a new government upon such prin¬ 
ciples, the same may yet be effected. If the violences of the passions of 
some men among you are not restrained, if they are suffered to break 
out, it will be putting the day further off; and, perhaps, the separation 
may not be effected without bloodshed. This, I am sure, neither you nor 
anv other man capable of reflection, would wish to see brought about, 
if it can be evaded by justifiable means. 

You may rely upon it that my sentiments are clearly in favour of a 
separation, whenever the people to be separated think themselves of 
sufficient strength and abilities to support a government. This separa¬ 
tion to be established upon reasonable, honourable, equitable and just 
principles, reciprocally so to those who will still continue the old go¬ 
vernment, as well as those who are to form the new. My ideas are that 


364 


GENERAL SHELBY ADVISES ENERGETIC MEASURES. 




nature, in this formation of the hills between us, and directing the 
courses of waters so differently, had not in view the inhabitants on 
either side being longer subject to the same laws and government; that 
it might be convenient for them, as she has liberally bestowed on the 
minds of thinking men wishes to enjoy and obtain for themselves, and 
others in their circumstances, equal benefits, privileges and immunities 
with the rest of mankind. 

I conclude, by recommending unanimity among you, as the only 
means by which your government ever can obtain energy, even when 
the separation is effected by consent of North-Carolina. 

General Shelby, the other diplomatist, proposed, in the 
meanwhile, to the government he represented, the adoption 
of more energetic and efficient measures. 

Sullivan County, May 4th, 1787. 

Sir :—The 27th of April past, I called the colonels (viz : Tipton, 
Maxwell and Hutchings) of Washington, Sullivan and Hawkins coun¬ 
ties, in order to consult on some measures which might be most salutary 
for the safety of this country at the present time. The gentlemen met, 
accordingly, at my house, and several gave it as their opinion that I 
should address government in the following manner : As the safety and 
well being of government are now at hazard, and the liberties and pro¬ 
perties of the good citizens thereof wrested from them by parties of fac¬ 
tion, notwithstanding the lenient and conciliatory measures of the 
General Assembly, by a call of the commanding officers of the several 
counties, and sundry complaints from individuals and the enclosed copies 
of letters, it was thought proper to advise with your Excellency on the 
occasion, and send a just statement of the proceedings. The Assembly 
of Franklin being called, have passed and ratified the following acts : 
They have opened an office for the lands reserved for the Indians, from 
French Broad Fiver to the Tennessee River ; also, an act fining and im¬ 
prisoning any person who shall dare act under the authority of the State 
of North-Carolina, under which act they proceed with the greatest rig¬ 
our, beating and imprisoning, and seizing the property by men in arms. 
By a third act, in order to complete their designs and draw a party to their 
interest, they have laid their taxes one shilling the poll and sixpence 
per hundred acres of land, after the collection of which they give three 
years tax free. These methods, with many others, such as appointing 
officers to carry into execution their treasonable acts and designs, a total 
subversion of all laws and good government, even every sense of civiliza¬ 
tion, are lost among them. I have, therefore, thought it expedient to 
call upon you for your immediate assistance, having the faith and honour 
of the Legislature of North-Carolina pledged to us, that we shall remain 
secure in our liberties and properties. The matter is truly alarming, and it 
is beyond a doubt with me that hostilities will in a short time commence, 
and without the interference of government without delay, an effusion of 
blood must take place. I, therefore, think it highly necessary that one 
thousand troops, at least, be sent, as that number might have a good 
effect; for should we have that number under the sanction of govern- 



COLONELS HUTCHINGS AND BLEDSOE’S LETTERS; 


3G5 


ment, there is no doubt with me they would immediately give way, 
and would not appear in so unprovoked an insurrection. On the con¬ 
trary, should a faint and feeble resistance be made, the consequence 
might be very fatal, and would tend to devastation, ruin and distress. 
Should your Excellency think it convenient to call on the commonwealth 
of Virginia, I have reasons to believe we might meet with their aid, as 
they have four counties nearly bordering on us, and would be the most 
speedy assistance we could come at, in case your troops do not reach us 
in time to relieve us. I think it highly necessary that a quantity of 
ammunition be forwarded to us, as it is very scarce in this country. Thus, 
sir, you have before you the result of my conference with the aforemen¬ 
tioned colonels; it is plain where the measure therein advised, if adopted, 
will end. The matter is entirely referred to government, and I hope 
something may be done and some measure adopted, to put a final end 
to the present unhappy disturbances. The officers in Greene county 
have all engaged in the new state affair, and have, therefore, refused to 
receive their commissions. There is scarcely any money in the country. 
I have been obliged to fit out this express with horse and cash to bear 
him down. It is to be expected your Excellency will procure some money 
to bear his expenses home again. Your Excellency will perceive, by 
comparing the enclosed in my last letter with this, that the people of 
Franklin have not assented to the agreement which was entered into 
with their governor, for the preservation of peace and good order in this 
country. Not many men are here engaged in vindicating the authority of 
North-Carolina. They have hitherto behaved with that coolness and 
prudence which ever ought to characterize good subjects, assured of 
their safety under the government they are in; at the same time, con¬ 
vinced that allegiance and protection are reciprocal, they expect to enjoy 
the one as they have yielded the other. 

Among the papers enclosed by General Shelby to the 
Governor of North-Carolina, was a letter to himself from 
Col. Hutchings, of Hawkins county, of April 22d, in which, 
speaking of the officers of the new state, he says: 

They have, among them, a Major Elholm, from Georgia, who, I am 
informed, is a great advocate for their cause ; also, a Major Jones, who 
fled from Virginia. They advise Cromwell’s policy to be adopted, Mr. 
Cocke threatening confiscation and banishment. That the gentle¬ 
men have not been very candid, this Major Donelson will give you a 
further account of. Cocke’s party are getting very insolent. I expect, 
in a few days, I shall be obliged to try his boasted number. I am ma¬ 
king the necessary preparations, and cannot doubt success if they have 
not assistance from Greene county. I have more than five their number 
in Hawkins. 

Col. Anthony Bledsoe, at the time a citizen of Davidson 
county, and of great personal influence and weight of cha¬ 
racter, aided, by his presence in the disaffected counties, in 


366 


GOVERNOR CASWELL DISSUADES FROM VIOLENCE, 


keeping down any violence or outbreak. He seconded the 
views of General Shelby, without being so specific as to the 
“.decided part ” he wished the government of North-Caro- 
lina to act. His letter follows : 

Sullivan County, May 4th, 1787. 

j Dear Sir :—When I last addressed your Excellency, I little expected 
to have dated a second from the same place. I have stayed long enough in 
this part of the country to see the appearance of the long-dreaded con¬ 
fusion—long enough to see and hear the measures of the last session 
of the General Assembly treated with the greatest contempt. I have 
always been of opinion that, without the greatest prudence, it was to 
end in blood, and am now further convinced that, without government 
acts a decided part, hostilities will shortly commence. Might I be per¬ 
mitted to request your Excellency’s addressing these people, and advi¬ 
sing them of the necessity and advantage of returning to their duty once 
more, and the danger and evil consequences of their persisting in the 
attempt of their supporting an independence ? I do assure your Excel¬ 
lency, that it is my opinion, your address on that occasion would have a 
very good effect on the principal people in the revolted party. I judge 
this will accompany a letter from General Shelby addressed particularly 
on this subject. 

To his suggestions of maintaining the authority of North- 
Carolina by an armed force, Governor Caswell replies to 
General Shelby, under date, 

Kinston, May 21st, 1787. 

Sir :—Your letter of the 4th current, came to my hands the 19th. I 
stated the situation of your country to the Council, and laid your letter 
and every other information I possessed respecting the same, before 
them for advice ; the result of their deliberations, I have the honour of 
enclosing you a copy of; they may not answer your expectations, but I 
hope will prove satisfactory, when I inform you upon what principles 
they acted. 

They think it would be very imprudent to add to the dissatisfaction of 
the people there, by showing a wish to encourage the shedding of blood, 
as thereby, a civil war would be eventually brought on, which ought at all 
times to be avoided, if possible; but more especially at the present, as 
we have great reason to apprehend a general Indian war. If the 
northern and southern tribes should unite with your Cherokee neigh¬ 
bours, you will stand in need, they think, of all your force; and there¬ 
fore recommend unanimity amongst you, if it can by any means be 
effected ; as you thereby will be much more able to defend yourselves, 
than you possibly can be when divided; let alone the circumstances of 
cutting each other’s throats. Besides these, it would be impracticable to 
raise an armed force here, to be sent to your assistance at this time, if 
we were ever so much disposed thereto, for the following reasons: The 
people in general, are now engaged in their farming business, and if 
brought out, would very reluctantly march; there is no money in the 


AND ADDRESSES THE MALCONTENTS. 


3G7 


treasury to defray the expenses of such as might be called out; nor, in 
fact, have we arms or ammunition; that, under such circumstances, it 
would be necessary to attempt it. 

I must, therefore, recommend to you, the using every means in your 
power to conciliate the minds of the people, as well as those who call 
themselves Franklinites, as the friends and supporters of government. 
If things could be dormant, as it were, till the next Assembly, and each 
man’s mind be employed in considering your common defence against 
the savage enemy, I should suppose it best, and wherever unanimity 
prevails among your people, and their strength and numbers will jus¬ 
tify, an application for a separation ; if it is general, I have no doubt 
of its taking place upon reciprocal and friendly terms. 

I have written a letter to the inhabitants of the counties of Washing- 
ton, Sullivan, Greene and Hawkins, stating matters in such a point of 
view, as the opinion of the Council; a copy of which I have the honour 
to enclose you. Your express also carries a letter for the commanding 
officer of each of the counties, which you will be pleased to forward 
to them. 

Accompanying this letter, Governor Caswell also for¬ 
warded, through General Shelby, the following address: 

To the Inhabitants of the counties of Washington, Sullivan, Greene and 

Hawkins: 

• Friends and Fellow-Citizens :—I have received information that the 
former contention between the citizens of those counties, respecting the 
severing such counties from this state, and erecting them into a separate, 
free, and independent government, hath been again raised, notwith¬ 
standing the lenient and salutary measures held out to them by the 
General Assembly in their last session ; and some have been so far mis¬ 
led, as openly and avowedly to oppose the due operation and 
execution of the laws of the state, menacing such as should ad¬ 
here to the same, with violence; and some outrages on such occasions, 
have been actually committed, whereby sundry of the good citizens of 
the said counties have been induced to signify to government their ap¬ 
prehension of being obliged to have recourse to arms, in order to sup¬ 
port the laws and constitution of this state. And notwithstanding the 
behaviour of some of the refractory might justify such a measure, yet 
I am willing to hope, that upon reflection and due consideration of the 
consequences which must ensue in case of the shedding of blood among 
yourselvel, a moment’s thought must evince the necessity of mutual 
friendship and the ties of brotherly love being strongly cemented among 
you. You have, or shortly will have, if my information is well-grounded, 
enemies to deal with, which will require this cement to be more strong 
than ever; your whole force may become necessary to be exerted against 
the common enemy, as it is more than probable they may be assisted 
by the subjects of some foreign power ; if not publicly, they will fur¬ 
nish arms and ammunition privately to the Indian tribes, to be made use of 
against you; and when your neighbours are so supported and assisted 


368 


POPULAR DISCONTENT APPEASED. 


by the northern and southern Indians, if you should be so unhappy 
as to be divided among yourselves, what may you not then apprehend 
and dread ? Let me entreat you to lay aside your party disputes ; they 
have been, as I conceive and yet believe will be, if continued, of very 
great disadvantage to your public as well as private concerns. Whilst 
these disputes last, government will want that energy which is neces¬ 
sary to support her laws and civilize; in place of which, anarchy and 
confusion will be prevalent, and, of course, private interest must suffer. 

It certainly would be sound policy in you, for other reasons, to unite. 
The General Assembly have told you, whenever your wealth and num¬ 
bers so much increase as to make a separation necessary, they will be 
willing the same shall take place upon friendly and reciprocal terms. Is 
there an individual in your country who does not look forward, in expec¬ 
tation, *of such a day’s arriving? If that is the case, must not every 
thinking man believe, that this separation will be soonest and most 
effectually obtained by unanimity ? Let that carry you to the quiet 
submission to the laws of North-Carolina, till your numbers will justify 
a general application; and then, I have no doubt, but the same may be 
obtained upon the principles held out by the Assembly; nay, it is my 
opinion that it may be obtained at an earlier day than some imagine, if 
unanimity prevailed amongst you. 

Although this is an official letter, you will readily see that it is dicta¬ 
ted by a friendly and pacific mind. Don’t neglect my advice on that 
account; if you do, you may repent it when it is too late ; when the 
blood of some of your dearest and worthiest citizens may have been 
spilt, and your country laid waste in an unnatural and cruel civil war ; 
and you cannot suppose if such an event should take place, that go¬ 
vernment will supinely look on, and see you cutting each other’s throats, 
without interfering, and exerting her powers to reduce the disobedient. 

I will conclude by once more entreating you to consider the dreadful 
calamities and consequences of a civil war. Humanity demands this of 
me ; your own good sense will point out the propriety of it; at least, 
let all animosities and disputes subside till the next Assembly ; even let 
things remain as they are, without pursuing compulsory measures until 
then, and I flatter myself that honourable body will be disposed to do 
what is just and right, and what sound policy may dictate. 

Nothing yet had occurred in the transactions between 
Franklin and North-Carolina so well calculated to heal the 
breach, and effect a reconciliation between them,, as this 
letter of Gov. Caswell, and the action of the North-Carolina 
Legislature communicated in it. The origin and cause of 
the separation, at the time it occurred, was the Cession Act. 
That had been repealed. The great object of the secessionists 
now, was independence of North-Carolina, so as to avoid a 
re-enactment of the repealed law. The apprehension of 
that objectionable and inadmissable policy was removed in 


\ 


SETTLEMENTS SOUTH OF FRENCH BROAD. 


369 


the minds of some of the earliest and most steadfast friends 
of Franklin by the assurances of the Governor and Legisla¬ 
ture of North-Carolina, that, at the proper time, a new state 
should be formed, and their cherished wishes for indepen¬ 
dence should be gratified, if the malcontents would return 
to their allegiance. The argument was forcible—to many 
perfectly satisfactory and irresistible. It inflicted a vital 
stab upon the new government, which, within the next year, 
caused its dissolution. 

PROGRESS OF THE SETTLEMENTS SOUTH OF FRENCH BROAD. 

The Irish Bottom began to be settled. George McNutt 

was one of the earliest emigrants. His daughter,-, 

afterwards the wife of Col.-McFarland, and still living 

in Jefferson county, was the first white child born south of 
French Broad. Nancy Rogers, daughter of Jonah Rogers^ 
was the second. 

After the treaty of Dumplin, great facilities existed for 
( occupying the country acquired under it, south of 
° l French Broad and Holston, and the stream of emi¬ 
gration was principally directed in that channel. • From 
Henry’s Station, at the mouth of Dumplin, the emigrants 
crossed the river, settling along Boyd’s Creek Valley, where 
McGaughy’s, Newell’s and other stations were formed. 
They soon crossed the ridge dividing that stream from Elijah, 
and formed a station, McTeer’s, still in the occupancy of a 
descendant of the same name, William McTeer, Esq. It’ 
soon became the nucleus of an excellent neighbourhood of 
intelligent, worthy and patriotic citizens—emigrants princi¬ 
pally from the valley of Virginia, who brought with, and 
diffused around them, republicanism, religion, intelligence 
and thrift. They were, for several years, annoyed and ha¬ 
rassed by Cherokee incursions. The proximity of their set¬ 
tlement to the fastnesses of the adjoining mountains, made it 
necessary, constantly, to guard their frontier. While one 
worked in the field, another acted as a scout or a sentinel. 
They were often driven into stations, and twice had to leave 
their farms and cabins, and fall back, for a short time, upon 
the older settlements. But gaining, year after year, addition¬ 
al strength by new emigrations, they gradually extended the 
24 




370 STATIONS IN SEVIER AND BLOUNT COUNTIES. 

settlements down the valley of Elijah and NailPs Creek. 
Henry’s, McTeer’s, McCullock’s, Gillespie’s, Craig’s, Kelley’s, 
Houston’s, Black’s, Hunter’s, Bartlett’s, Kirk’s, Ish’s, and oth¬ 
ers, were, soon after, the neuclei of settlements. During the 
formation and defence of all these stations, a volume would 
not contain the instances of Indian outrage and aggression 
perpetrated against the property and lives of the inhabitants, 
nor the heroic and soldierly conduct of the brave frontier- 
men, in protecting themselves, repelling invasion, pursuing 
and chastising the savages, inflicting a just retaliation with 
vengeful severity upon the cruel Cherokees, in their distant 
villages and the seclusions of the mountains. Boys became 
men—women turned soldiers—assisting in defence of the 
family and the home. Vigilance and heroism, and fearless¬ 
ness and energy, characterized the entire population. Could 
a diagram be drawn, accurately designating every spot sig¬ 
nalized by an Indian massacre, surprise or depredation, or 
courageous attack, defence, pursuit or victory by the whites, 
or station, or fort, or battle-field, or personal encounter, the 
whole of that section of country would be studded over by 
delineations of such incidents. Every spring, every ford, 
every path, every farm, every trail, every house, nearly, in 
its first settlement, was once the scene of danger, exposure, 
attack, exploit, achievement, death. Some of these are 
given in their chronological order, elsewhere. A few other 
instances, culled from the whole, are here given : Houston’s 
Station stood about six miles from Maryville, where Mr. 
Minnis has since lived. It was occupied by the families of 
James Houston, McConnell, McEwen, Sloane and Henry. 
It was attacked by a party of Indians, one hundred in num¬ 
ber. They had, the day before, pursued the survivors of the 
Citico massacre, in the direction of Knoxville, many of 
whom they had killed. Elated with their preceding suc¬ 
cesses, they determined, on their return, to take and murder 
the feeble garrison at Houston’s. A vigorous assault was 
made upon it. Hugh Barry, in looking over the bastion, 
incautiously exposed his head to the aim of an Indian rifle. 
He fell, within the station, fatally wounded, having received 
a bullet in his forehead. The Indians were emboldened by 
this success, and prolonged the conflict more than half an 


HEROISM OF MRS. m’eWEN. 


371 


hour. The garrison had some of the best riflemen in the 
country within it, and, observing the number and activity of 
the assailants, they loaded and discharged their guns with all 
possible rapidity. The women assisted them as far as they 
were able. One of them, Mrs. McEwen, mother of R. H. 
McEwen, Esq., of Nashville, and since the wife of the 
Senior S. Doak, D.D., displayed great equanimity and hero¬ 
ism. She inquired for the bullet moulds, and was engaged, 
busily, in melting the lead and running bullets for different 
guns. A bullet from without, passing through the inter¬ 
stice between two logs of the station, struck the wall near 
her, and rebounding, rolled upon the floor. Snatching it 
up, and melting and moulding it quickly, she carried it to 
her husband and said : “ Here is a ball run out of the In¬ 

dians’ lead; send it back to them as quick as possible. It is 
their own; let them have it in welcome.” 

Simultaneously with the extension of the settlement of the 
country south of French Broad, after the Franklin Treaty 
at Dumplin, was its expansion north of that stream and on 
Holston. Adam Meek made the first settlement on the head 
of Beaver Creek, at the place in the Quaker Valley now 
owned by John Bales, Sen. Mr. Meek had no neighbour 
west of him, and so sparse were the settlers on the east, that 
at first he procured meal from the neighbourhood of Greene- 
ville. 

Mr. Meek was a surveyor, an emigrant from Mecklenburg 
county, N. C., and had, as early as 1785, explored the coun¬ 
try and made surveys on the frontier. Like most other pio¬ 
neers, Mr. Meek built his first cabin of round poles. This 
he covered with bark and grass, which, for the first year, 
sheltered his family. During the Indian alarms, the family 
frequently retired, at evening, to a deep sink, three-quarters 
of a mile from their cabin, and there spent the night. A fort 
or station was, at a later period, formed at the Strawberry 
Plains, now the residence of Rev. Thomas String-field. In 
this station the settlers collected together for mutual protec¬ 
tion and defence. It soon became the centre of an enter¬ 
prising, respectable and intelligent population, and there is 
still, one of the most flourishing and enlightened neighbour- 


372 


gillaim’s station erected. 


hoods in the country—distinguished for its Institutions of 
learning, its churches, its thrift and general prosperity. 

Lands had been entered and surveyed, and grants issued 
for them, in what is now Knox and Grainger counties. The 
current of population followed the vallies, and here and 
there along the valley south of Clinch Mountain, could be 
seen springing up in the forests, at the head of Flat Creek, 
Bull Run and Beaver Creek, the humble cabin of the back¬ 
woodsman. In the fork between Holston and French Broad, 
new settlers began their clearings. Henry’s Station, at 
Dumplin, ceased to be the last post north of the river. A 
little colony from it crossed Bay’s Mountain, and formed 
what was known as Greene’s, afterwards Manifold’s, Station. 
Near it, Gibson, Beard, Bowman and Cozby settled, and with 
them came James White, afterwards the proprietor of Knox¬ 
ville. He first pitched his tent four miles above the mouth 
of French Broad, and on its north bank, near the present 
residence of John Campbell, Esq. His early compatriots, 
Greene and Cozby, settled soon after near him, but on the 
opposite side of the river. Captain Thomas Gillespie set¬ 
tled three miles below, on the north side of the river. The 
ruins of his house are still seen. It stood near the present 
residence of Mr. James Hufacre. A little later came Jere¬ 
miah Jack, Esq., and settled the second plantation above the 
mouth of Frehch Broad. 

Robert Armstrong planted corn and raised a crop, this 
1787 \ year, on the plantation which, next year, he settled 
l on Holston, a little above the mouth of Swan Pond 
Creek. Mr. Devereaux Gillaim, at the same time, occupied 
the plantation embracing the point between French Broad 
and Holston. His first cabin stood east of the dwelling house 
of the present proprietor, between it and the church. 

Archibald Rhea, Sen., settled immediately opposite, on the 
south bank of French Broad. Alexander McMillan settled 
the place now occupied by Rev. Thomas Stringfield, then, as 
now, known as Strawberry Plains, and soon after removed 
to the farm on which he died, four miles above Armstrong’s 
Ferry, on the present New Market Road. 

The settlements between the rivers were less annoyed by 


mrs. Gillespie’s presence of mind. 


373 


the Indians, than those south or north of them. Almost in¬ 
sulated by the rivers, the intervention of these large streams 
furnished to the inhabitants some immunity from invasion. 
On one occasion, however, some armed warriors crossed the 
river, and presented themselves at the door of Captain Gil¬ 
lespie’s cabin. The captain had, the day before, been clear¬ 
ing in the island and burning brush, and the fires were still 
burning there, in view of the house. He had left home 
earty that morning, on his way to Dumplin, twelve miles off. 
The Indians, finding Mrs. Gillespie unprotected, entered the 
house, and one of them taking out a scalping knife, drew it 
across his bare arm, as if sharpening it He then went to a 
cradle, in which an infant lay asleep, and indicated with his 
finger a line around its head, along which he intended to 
apply the knife in scalping it. The other Indians looked on 
with savage ferocity. The heroic mother, with surprising 
presence of mind, sprang to the door, and, looking in the 
direction of the clearing, exclaimed, in a loud voice, “ White 
men, come home! come home, white men ! Indians ! Indians!” 
The warriors, disconcerted by her well contrived stratagem 
and her well timed equanimity, precipitately left the house? 
dashed down the hill towards the spring, and disappeared in 
the cane-brake. Mrs. G. bearing her child in her arms, es¬ 
caped in the opposite direction, and in sight of the path 
along which her husband would return. She had gone 
several miles in anxious apprehension of the murderous pursuit 
of the warriors, when she met the captain. He guessed the 
cause of their unexpected meeting, took the mother and 
the child upon his horse, carried them hastily back to Mani¬ 
fold’s ; leaving them there, he reinforced himself with three 
men, and returned in haste to his house. The savages had 
plundered it of its contents, and while some were carrying 
ofFthe spoils, one was busily engaged in setting fire to the 
house. He was fired upon by Captain G., who had outrode 
the other horsemen, and shot without dismounting. The In¬ 
dian was partly obscured by the smoke of the fire he was 
kindling, and escaped. The other men came up, the property 
was recaptured and the Indians were driven across the river. 
Two of them were wounded in crossing, at the mouth of 
Burnett’s branch. It was believed that the Indians came to 


374 WHITE AND CONNER SETTLE THE FUTURE KNOXVILLE. 

steal rather than to murder; indeed, this neighbourhood 
suffered more by having their horses stolen, than by any other 
form of Indian aggression. On one occasion only, is it re¬ 
collected that the people generally went into a station. A 
sudden invasion of Little River settlement produced an alarm, 
and the settlers temporarily forted at Gillaim’s; the alarm 
subsided, and the people returned to their plantations. 

The population accumulated rapidly ; being accessible by 
the two rivers, the neighbourhood received many families 
from the upper counties in boats and canoes. Amongst these 
were James Anderson, Moses Brooks and George McNutt, 
Esq., who removed from Chucky and settled on the north 
side of Holston, above Knoxville. James White, the year 
before, had moved from his first cabin in the Fork, and settled 
on what is since White’s Creek. With Captain White, came 
his old neighbour from Iredell county, North-Carolina, and 
comrade in arms, James Conner, the worthy ancestor of H. 
W. Conner, Esq., of Charleston, South-Carolina. These 
two were the first to disturb the virgin soil, on which the 
future Knoxville was to be built. Tradition says, that the 
lot on which the First Presbyterian church now stands, was 
the place first cleared by them. Pounded corn was the only 
bread the first settlers used. Their rifles, which had been 
used in the war of the Revolution, procured them meat. 
Their cabin stood half a mile from the mouth of the creek, 
and on its west side, north of Mrs. Kennedy’s orchard. This 
cabin afterwards constituted one corner of White’s Fort; 
Captain Crawford and others forted in it with him. A quad¬ 
rangular plat of ground, containing a quarter of an acre, 
was chosen, on each corner of which was a strong cabin, 
but of less imposing appearance than Mr* White’s, which 
was two stories high. Between these corners, stockades 
were placed eight feet high, impenetrable to small arms, 
and having port-holes at convenient height and distance. 
A massive gate opened in the direction of the spring. 
White’s Fort became the central point for emigrants, and 
the rendezvous for rangers and scouts. They were charmed 
with its beauties. In their short rambles around their en¬ 
campment, they noticed an elevated parallelogram, extend¬ 
ing south, and terminating with a bold front upon the Holston. 


THE RURAL BEAUTY OF ITS ENVfRONS. 


375 


A creek of considerable size glided along its eastern, and 
another along its western base, from the banks of which 
gushed forth, in close proximity, fountains of excellent water. 
It was noticed that the two streams furnished several eligi¬ 
ble sites for water power. The highest point of land between 
them, seemed designed by nature for a barrack or garrison. 
As then seen, the site of the future Knoxville was lovely in 
the extreme—almost entirely sheltered by the primitive forest, 
in its rich foliage, and having an air of enchanting coolness 
and rural retirement and seclusion — its quiet disturbed 
only by the playful murmurings of rivulets, formed by the 
several springs, and winding through their grassy borders in 
stillness to the creeks. Wooded hills and sylvan slopes com¬ 
pleted the picture of rural beauty. The high land terminated 
abruptly towards the Holston, seen here and there through 
the tall trees, winding its way along the cane-brakes 
which lined its margin. Immediately opposite, was the Lit¬ 
tle Island, robed in green and almost submerged by the tur¬ 
bid stream. The southern shore presented, in one place 
lofty hills, resting upon a perpendicular cliff—in another, 
rising with a more gradual ascent to the ridge beyond. The 
whole country was carpeted with verdure and clothed with 
trees—dense woods surrounding you, with the solitude and 
silence of nature. These attractions, and the advantages of 
its position, had pointed out the place as the nucleus of a fu¬ 
ture settlement. Mr. White soon had other settlers as his 
neighbours. John Dearmond settled south of the river, near 
Col. Churchwell’s Ferry, and other emigrants came rapidly 
around White’s Fort. A small tub-mill was erected by him. 
The necessity for it was so urgent, that at first he was forced to 
use a very inferior stone for runners. These were still in 
use at the time of the treaty in 1791. Amongst other emi¬ 
grants, John Adair moved this year to his late residence in 
Knox county. He had been appointed Commissary under 
North-Carolina, to furnish provisions for the Cumberland 
Guards, and in the discharge of that trust, took his position on 
the extreme frontier. Adair’s Station was erected at the same 
time with White’s, about five miles north of it. The country 
began to be reached by wagons; settlers were gradually ex' 


376 


campbell’s station erected. 


tending themselves west, and in quick succession, Well s, Ben¬ 
nett’s, Byrd’s, Hackett’s and Cavett’s Stations, were lormed. 
Campbell’s Station was settled by several emigrants of that 
name from Virginia, survivors ol the gallant regiment which 
had signalized itself at King’s Mountain. Of these the 
principal one was Col. David Campbell, who has left the 
savour of a good name wherever he was known. He was 
the ancestor of the present Governor of Tennessee, who has 
so well sustained the reputation of the Volunteer State, in 
the late Mexican War. 

At first, each of these stations was a single cabin in the 
midst of a clearing. When Indian disturbances broke out, 
the inhabitants clustered together in the strongest one near 
them, and it then became a Station. They have all disap¬ 
peared, except Colonel Campbell’s, which still exists as the 
east end of the present dwelling house of Mr. Martin. 

Jacob Kimberlin found lead, and furnished it to the inha- 

( bitants. It was found south of French Broad, not far 
1787 1 

( from Gap Creek, on the farm now owned by Jere 
miah Johnson, Esq. 

Besides the Counties of Franklin, the State was also ar¬ 
ranged into Districts. Whether these were judicial or mili¬ 
tary, this writer has no means of determining. The only 
evidence he has been able to procure of this subdivision of 
Franklin, is furnished by the “ commission ” of one of its 
Colonels, of Elholm District.* The origirial is before the 
writer, in the bold chirography of Governor Sevier. The 
seal of the state affixed to it, is a small wafer, covered with 
common paper. There was, in all probability, no other seal 
of state. 

Leaving here the chronological order of events in Frank¬ 
lin, we pause to review some transactions in its Foreign 
policy, which could not be so well introduced elsewhere. 

Georgia, desirous of extending her settlements to the rich 

*Elholm District was, doubtless, so called in honour of Major Elholm. In thi» 
district, as the tradition is, was embraced all the territory of Franklin, below 
Washington county, viz: Greene, Caswell and Sevier counties. Washington 
District probably embraced Washington, Sullivan, Spencer and Wayne coun¬ 
ties. 


FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF FRANKLIN. 


377 


interior of the state, had established Houston county in that 
part of her territory north of the Tennessee River, 
and including the Great Bend of that stream, oppo¬ 
site the Muscle Shoals. The Commissioners appointed to 
organize the new county, held an adjourned meeting, July 
30, 1784. 

“Present, Stephen Heard, Chairman; John Donelson, Joseph Martin 
and John Sevier, Esqrs. 

“The Board resolved that John Sevier be appointed to receive locations 
and entries of lands, and that William Blount, Esq,, Lachlin McIntosh, 
John Morell, John Donelson, Stephen Heard, William Downs, John Se¬ 
vier, Charles Robertson, Joseph Martin and Valentine Sevier, junior, 
Esqrs., be appointed justices of the peace. 

“That John Sevier be recommended as Colonel, John Donelson, Lieut. 
Colonel, and Valentine Sevier, junior, Major. John Donelson, Esq., was 
appointed Surveyor, and Joseph Martin, Esq., recommended as Agent 
and Superintendent of Indian Affairs. The Entry-taker is requested to 
attend and receive entries for claims of land, on the fifteenth day of 
March next, at or near the mouth of Elk River. 

“The Board, adjourned to the 15th March next, and then to meet at 
the mouth of Elk River. Stephen Heard, Chairman. 5 ’ 

It is not known that the Board ever assembled at the 
mouth of Elk. It is scarcely probable that they did as the 
military expedition which accompanied them, descended the 
Tennessee River no further than the point where it was in¬ 
tersected by the state line. The appearances of the Indians 
were so hostile, the Commissioners remained but a few days, 
and then withdrew. 

A further meeting of the Board took place 29th July, 
1785, when it was 

% 

“ Resolved , That the application be made to the Governor and Council 
by William Downs and Thomas Napier, Esquires, Commissioners, or 
either of them, for their direction and approbation, to have ten tracts of 
land, containing ten thousand acres each, to be laid out in the bend of 
Tennessee, for public use.” 

The Board met at Washington, July the 24th, 1787, and 

“ Took into consideration the state of the business, agreeable to a former 
resolution of the General Assembly, and having certain accounts from 
the State of Franklin, and the settlements of the Cumberland and Ken¬ 
tucky, that a number of people from the aforesaid settlements are about 
to go into the District of Tennessee, to make settlements thereon. 

“ Resolved , With leave of the Executive Council, that the business of 
surveying in said district, be immediately put into execution, agreeable 
to a Resolve of the Assembly, of February, 1784.” 



378 


LAW OF THE STATE OF FRANKLIN. 


At the ensuing session of the Legislature of Franklin, the 
necessary provision was made to raise a force of mounted 
riflemen, sufficient to succour Georgia and subdue the Creek 
Indians. We copy the act of the Franklin Assembly from 
the original manuscript in the possession of this writer. 

Whereas, it appears to this House, from a letter of the 27th of 
August, 1786, to his Excellency, Governor Sevier, from his Honour, the 
Governor, Edward Telfair, of the State of Georgia, with certain informa¬ 
tion that the Creek Indians had declared war against the white people, 
and had committed several murders on their frontier of late ; and that 
in consequence of which, he had sent a Peace Talk to the nation of In¬ 
dians, and that from the best accounts he could get, they intended to 
make vigorous assaults on the white people, as soon as they had 
gathered their corn ; and that the said state intends to carry on a vigo¬ 
rous campaign against said Indians, if they do not treat with said state, 
and were to march by the first of November next; and also by a letter 
from Colonel Joseph Martin, dated the first of October, instant, with cer¬ 
tain accounts that the Creek Indians were laying in a large quantity of 
powder, for the purpose of carrying on the war, which was furnished by 
the Spaniards; and that they had spies in all the Cherokee towns, and 
on our frontiers, and were making every preparation for war ; and have 
had also information from the Cherokee Indians, that the Creeks intended 
attacking our frontier, and were making outrageous threats against us 
daily. And whereas, it is the indispensable duty of the inhabitants of 
this state to guard against all dangers, and the Confederation directs dnd 
empowers each state to defend itself against any enemy. 

Be it therefore Resolved by this General Assembly , That each county 
in this state, raise one-fourth of the militia of each county, who are here¬ 
by required to hold themselves in readiness, to march on horse to the 
frontiers of this state, at the shortest notice, to defend their own state, in 
case there should be any attacks made on it by any enemy, or nation of 
Indians, when attacked by the State of Georgia, and that every six men 
furnish themselves with one pack-horse, and twenty days’ provision 
each man. 9 

2. And be it further Resolved , That there be officers appointed to 
command such men so raised, and that they all go as militia men, and 
to be paid as such, and all plunder taken in action from the enemy, shall 
be free plunder to the captors. 

3. That the light horse regiment of this state be immediately 
equipped, and made ready to march with the above draft. 

4. And be it further Resolved, That the Governor and Council hold 
a friendly correspondence with his Honour, the Governor of Georgia; 
and that they communicate to him our intentions, and that the men 
so raised, and holding themselves in readiness, march at their direc¬ 
tion, on the shortest notice, to the protection of our frontiers. 

And it is Resolved , That his Excellency the Governor be directed to 
hold the militia of this state in immediate readiness to march to the aid 
of the frontier, on the shortest notice. 


PROMULGATION OP THE FRANKLIN LAWS. 


379 


Resolved, That the Governor, by and with the advice of his Council, 
is hereby empowered to call the Assembly to any part of the state he 
thinks right, to direct the movements of the army, now ordered out, in 
case he should find it necessary to march them out of the state. 

Attest— 

Jo. Conway, C. S. Gilbert Christian, S. S. 

I. Taylor, C. C. Henr. Conway, S. C. 

October 13th, 1786. 

As far as is now known, the manuscript from which the 
above is copied, is the only legislative enactment of the 
State of Franklin that has survived the ravages of time and 
accident. At that day, there was no printing press nearer 
than Richmond, Newbern or Charleston. The proceedings 
of Franklin were never printed, and for that reason it be¬ 
came necessary to revive a provision made under similar 
circumstances, many years before, in North-Carolina ; and 
that was, at the opening of the first session of the county 
courts, and at the first militia training or muster, after the 
rise of the General Assembly, an individual was appointed to 
read all recent enactments aloud in the hearing of the peo¬ 
ple, at the court-house or muster-grounds. Thirty years 
since, the late Col. F. A. Ramsey was often mentioned as 
“ the man who read Sevier’s laws to the militia of Franklin.” 

If further proof were wanting to show that the “ Consti¬ 
tution of the State of Frankland ” was never adopted or 
acted under, the above act furnishes that proof irrefragably. 
That Constitution, as has been seen, provides for a single 
house, while this act is signed by the Speaker of the Senate, 
and by the Speaker of the Commons, and is also attested by 
the Clerk of the Senate, and by the Clerk of the Commons. 

After intelligence had reached the authorities of Georgia 
that the people of Franklin, of Cumberland and of Kentucky, 
were intending to emigrate to the Bend of Tennessee, another 
attempt was made to effect the settlement of Houston county. 
Gov. Sevier was written to on the subject. ITis reply is dated: 
Gov. Sevier to Gov. Telfair : 

State of Franklin, ) 

Washington County, 14th of May, 1786. j 

Sir :—Being appointed one of the Commissioners of Tennessee 
District, I beg leave to inform your Honour that it appears impractica¬ 
ble to proceed on that business before the fall season. 


380 


PROJECTED INVASION OF THE CREEKS. 


/ 


The people here are apprehensive of an Indian war. Hostilities are 
daily committed in the vicinities of Kentucky and Cumberland. Cols. 
Donelson, Christian, and several other persons, were lately wounded and 
are since dead. 

The success of the Muscle Shoal enterprise, greatly depends on the 
number that will go down to that place. A small force will not ba 
adequate to the risk and danger that is to be encountered, and the peo¬ 
ple here will not venture to so dangerous a place with a few. 

Your Honour will be pleased to be further informed, and, through 
you, the different branches of your government, that no unfair advan¬ 
tage will betaken from this quarter; no surveying will be attempted 
until a force sufficient can be had, and timely notice given to those who 
may intend to move down. The people in this quarter wish to pro¬ 
ceed in the fall, but will wait your advice OH^this subject. Your Hon¬ 
our may rest assured that I shall, with pleasure, facilitate everything in 
my power that may tend to the welfare of this business. 

Gov. Telfair, replying to Sevier’s letter of May 14, in¬ 
formed him, Aug. 27, 1786, that thp Legislature of Georgia 
had postponed the consideration of the Tennessee Land 
District ; that the Creek Indians had been committing mur¬ 
ders and depredations on the frontier of Georgia ; that com¬ 
missioners had been appointed to negotiate terms of a peace, 
in failure of which, the state would, at once, carry on vigor¬ 
ous hostile operations against that tribe. It had been sug¬ 
gested, continued Gov. Telfair, that the State of Franklin 
intended to march a body of .men against the Creeks. “I 
flatter myself it will be greatly to the success of both 
armies to begin their movements at one and the same time, 
should it become necessary. The first of November I sug¬ 
gest as the time for marching. On this subject I have to 
solicit your immediate answer and determination.” He also 
informs Gov. Sevier that Robert Dixon and Stephen Jett, 
Esquires, were appointed Commissioners on the part of 
Georgia, to confer with him on that subject. 

Not long after the date of this letter, to wit, Aug. 26, 
1786, Governor Houston, of Georgia, commissioned Governor 
Sevier, Brigadier-General for the District of Tennessee. 
This brigade was formed for the defence of Georgia, and 
for repelling any hostile invasion. 

Governor Sevier was not unwilling to accept this evidence 
of the confidence and friendship of the Governor and people 
of Georgia. He was sensible of the opposition Franklin 


EMBASSY OF MAJOR ELHOLM. 


381 


had encountered, and the growing discontent and difficulty 
yet to be encountered from some in the new state, and from 
the government of North-Carolina. His Cherokee neigh¬ 
bours, and their allies, the Creeks, were ready, at any mo¬ 
ment, to take advantage of the necessities of the infant 
government, and to involve it in a general war. He took 
the precaution, therefore, to assure himself of the good feel¬ 
ing and co-operation of the Georgians, and to identify that 
people with his own in the common cause of self-defence 
and self-protection. With many of their leading men he 
had become acquainted, in his several campaigns to the 
South, during the Revolutionary war. Some of them were 
at his side on King’s Mountain, and other battle grounds of 
that struggle. Some of them, at its close, had followed him 
to the West, and adhered to his fortunes in every vicissitude. 
The countrymen of Clarke, and Pickens, and Matthews, all 
knew his gallantry and were his steadfast friends. Of these, 
no one appreciated Governor Sevier more highly than a 
foreigner, Caesar Augustus George Elholm. He was a 
Frenchman or Polander, a member of Pulaski’s Legion, and 
was with that brave leader at the siege of Savannah. A 
feat performed, in part, by him, once considered fabulous, 
but recently authenticated by I. K. Tefft, Esq., of Savannah, 
is here given in the words of that learned antiquarian and 
accurate historian: 

“ While the allied army was engaged before Savannah, and while 
the siege was pending, Col. John White, of the Georgia line, conceived 
and executed an extraordinary enterprise. 

“ Captain French, with one hundred and eleven British regulars, 
had taken post on the Ogechee River, about twenty-five miles from 
Savannah. At the same place lay five British vessels, of which four 
were armed, the largest mounting fourteen guns and the smallest four. 
Col. White having with him only Captain Caesar Augustus George 
Elholm, a sergeant and three men, on the night of the 1st of October, 
1779, approached the encampment of French, kindled many fires, 
which were discernible at the British station, exhibiting from the man¬ 
ner of arranging them the plan of a camp. To this stratagem he 
added another. He and his comrades, imitating the manner of the 
staff, rode with haste in various directions, giving orders in a loud voice. 
French became satisfied that a large body of the enemy were upon him, 
and on being summoned by White he surrendered his detachment, the 
crews of the five vessels, forty in number, and one hundred and thirty 


382 


FRANKLIN NEGOTIATIONS WITH 


stand of arms. Having thus succeeded, Col. White pretended that he 
must keep back his troops, lest their animosity should break out, and an in¬ 
discriminate slaughter take place, in defiance of his authority, and that, 
therefore, he would commit them to three guides, who would conduct 
them safely to good quarters. The deception was carried on with so 
much address, that the whole of the British prisoners were safely con¬ 
ducted by three of the captors for twenty-five miles through the country 
to the American post at Sunbury. One of these captors was C. A. G. 
Elholm.” 

Such was Major Elholm, who is now introduced to the 
reader, and will again be mentioned as bearing further part 
in the affairs of Franklin. 

When, in 1786, it became necessary for the new state to 
strengthen the relations of friendship and good feeling with 
other communities, Governor Sevier, through the Legislature 
of Franklin, professed a readiness to unite with Georgia, 
and make common cause with that state in the prosecution 
of the war against the Creeks, which seemed then inevitable. 
The management of this proposition, Sevier entrusted to 
Major Elholm, whom he despatched to Augusta. Bearing 
with him the strongest evidences of the Governor’s confi¬ 
dence, and with “ sealed instructions” in his possession, he 
waited upon the Executive of Georgia. In accordance with 
the main object of his mission, Elholm succeeded in procuring 
an embassy to accompany him on his return, to whose care 
was committed the charge of enlisting the Western people 
into an invasion of the Creek nation. An account of the re¬ 
ception of the embassy in Franklin, and the Major’s con¬ 
jectures of its results, will be given in his own words. The 
reader will excuse the Major’s Gallicisms. They are well 
atoned for by his ardour and enthusiasm. 

Major Elholm to Gov. Telfair : 

Governor Sevier’s, Franklin, September 30, 

Sir :—I does myself the honour to inform your Excellency, that your 
Commissioners set out from this the 28th inst., by the way of Kentucky 
and Cumberland. They were received very politely by his Excellency 
the Governor, from whose zeal for to assist you, aided by the inclination 
of the Franks, I am fully convinced your embassy will meet all wished 
success by the Assembly of this State, which is ordered to assemble 
12th next, by his Excellency’s command, in consequence thereof. Seve¬ 
ral of the inhabitants have waited on the governor, for to be informed 
of the contents of the embassy from Georgia. And when being ac- 


GEORGIA, TO MARCH AGAINST THE CREEKS. 


383 


quainted therewith, it gave me great pleasure to find no other apprehension 
appeared, but that of making peace with the Creeks without fighting, 
by which occasion they said so favourable a chance for humbling that 
nation would fall dormant. The Governor, in order that the Americans 
may reap a benefit from the dread the Cherokees and Chickasaws feels 
from the displeasure and power of the Franks, he has despatched letters 
to them, offering them protection against the Creek nation, with condi¬ 
tion that they join him. 

Cumberland, it seems, has it at this time in contemplation to join in 
government with the Franks. If so, so much the better, and it would 
surely be their interest so to do, as they are yet few in numbers, and 
often harassed by the Indians. 

Judging from apparent circumstances, you may promise youself one 
thousand riflemen and two hundred cavalry, excellently mounted and 
accoutred, from this state, to act in conjunction with Georgia. 

“ P. S. Governor Sevier received letters from the principal men in 
Cumberland, which inform him of a convention held lately at that place, 
w T hen Commissioners were chosen by the people with power for to join 
with the Franks in their government. 

“Mr. John Tipton’s party, which is against the party of the new 
government, seems deep in decline at present, which proves very favour¬ 
able to the embassy from Georgia.” 

Gov. Sevier to Gov. Telfair : 

Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 28th Sept., 1786. 

Yours of the 27th August, I am honoured with. I consider myself 
much obliged with the information your Honour was pleased to give me 
respecting the manner and form you intend to conduct with the Creek 
Indians. 

You will please to be informed, that the deliberations of our Assembly 
have not, as yet, been fully had, respecting the marching a force against 
that nation of Indians. Our Assembly will be convened in a few days, 
at which time, I make not the smallest doubt, but they will order out a 
respectable force to act in conjunction with the army of your state. The 
determinations of our Legislature I shall immediately communicate to 
vour Honour, as soon as the same can be fully obtained. The move¬ 
ments to begin about the first November, I fear will be rather early for 
our army. Could the time be procrastinated a few days, I hope it would 
not obstruct the success of the expedition. Shall be much obliged by 
being informed of the time of marching, should the same be found ne¬ 
cessary. Also, as near as may be, of the time and place your army 
may be expected in the Creek country. 

Gov. Telfair replied, under date of 28th November, 1786, 
“That Commissioners appointed to treat with the Creek na¬ 
tion have concluded a peace, on account of which every 
preparation for hostile operations are now suspended.” The 
governor also expressed a hope that the peace might be 
lasting. This hope was doomed to be disappointed. 


384 


ACTION OF GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF GEORGIA. 


The offer of assistance by the people of Franklin, made 
by Gov. Sevier, and his recommendation of Major Elholm, 
his ambassador, to the Governor and Council of Georgia, 
drew forth the following action : 

House of Assembly, 3d Feb., 1787. 

Mr. O’Brien, from the Committee to whom was referred the letter 
from John Sevier, Esq., brought in a report, which was agreed to, and 
is as follows: 

That the letters from the said John Sevier, Esq., evince a disposition 
which ought not to be unregarded by th's state, particularly in the in¬ 
tention of settlers in Nollichucky, etc., to co-operate with us during the 
late alarm with the Indians, provided the necessity of the case required 
it; they, therefore, recommend to the House, that his Honour, the 
Governor, inform the Honourable John Sevier, Esq., of the sense 
this state entertains of their friendly intentions, to aid in the adjustment 
of all matters in dispute between us and the hostile tribes of Creek In¬ 
dians that were opposed to this state. 

That in regard to Major Elholm, who has been so particularly recom¬ 
mended, they cannot forbear mentioning him as a person entitled to the 
thanks and attention of the Legislature, and recommend that his Hon¬ 
our, the Governor, draw a warrant on the Treasury, in favour of Major 
Elholm, for the sum of fifty pounds. 

Subsequently, an act was passed by the Legislature of 
Georgia, authorizing the Governor and Executive Council to 
make an engagement with the people of Franklin to sup¬ 
press the hostilities of the Creek Indians. 

Gen. Clarke to Gov. Sevier : 

Augusta, Feb. 11th, 1787. 

Dear Sir :—I received your favour by Major Elholm, who informed 
me of your health. Assure yourself of my ardent friendship, and that 
you have the approbation of all our citizens, and their well wishes for 
your prosperity. We are sensible of what benefit the friendship of 
yourself and the people of your state will be to Georgia, and we hope 
you will never join North-Carolina more. Open a Land Office as speed¬ 
ily as possible, and it cannot fail but you will prosper as a people ; this 
is the opinion current among us. 

I have considered greatly on that part of your letter which alludes to 
politics in the Western country. It made me serious, and as seven 
states have agreed to give up the navigation, it is my friendly advice that 
you do watch with every possible attention, for fear that two more states 
should agree. I only observe to you, that the Southern States will ever 
be your friends. 

It was reported that East and West Florida were ceded by the Span¬ 
iards to France, but it is not so. I know that you must have the navi¬ 
gation of the Mississippi. You have spirit and right; it is almost every 
man’s opinion that a rumour will rise in that country. I hope to see 


SEVIER ELECTED MEMBER OF THE CINCINNATI. • 


385 


that part myself yet. Adieu ; Heaven attend you and every friend, with 
my best respects. 

Governor Telfair also addressed him, under date— 

Augusta, Georgia, 13th February, 1787. 

Sir: .... I took the liberty, in my place, to lay your communica¬ 
tions before the legislature, with a few comments thereon. I am happy, 
sir, to inform you, they were received with that attention and respect 
due to the friendly manner in which you were pleased to convey the aid 
you were authorized to afford the state, in case of active operations 
being found necessary to be carried on against the Creek Nation. 

Governor Sevier, writing to Governor Matthews, says, 
under date— 

Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 3d March, 1787. 

Sir :—Yours of 12th February, with the resolves of the Honourable 
the General Assembly therein enclosed, I had the honour to receive 
from Major Elholm. A principal chief of the Choctaws arrived here, 
who had come by way of the Creek Nation, and was there informed, 
that nation intended hostilities against the State of Georgia early this 
spring;—that they intended last summer to have given Georgia a home 
stroke, had not a small party, contrary to their councils, committed hos¬ 
tilities before the main body of the warriors was ready to go out. 

Permit me, sir, to return you my sincere thanks, and through you the 
other gentlemen of your state, for the great honour done me on the 
fifth day of February last. 

The honour alluded to in this last paragraph by Gov. Se¬ 
vier, was the recommendation of his election as an honorary 
member of the District Society of the Cincinnati. His cer¬ 
tificate of membership is before the writer. In the report of 
the Committee, appointed to “investigate the merits of the 
Honourable Brigadier-General John Sevier,” it is mentioned 
** That he had a principal merit in the rapid and well con¬ 
ducted volunteer expedition, to attack Colonel Ferguson, at 
King’s Mountain, and a great share in the honour of that 
day, which is well known gave a favourable turn to our 
gloomy and distressed situation, and that an opportunity 
never yet appeared, but what confessed him an ardent friend 
and real gentleman.” 

He is then recommended for, and received the appointment 
of a “ Brother Member of the Cincinnati,” at Augusta, 12th 
of February, 1787. 

Major Elholm had become, not less by his address than by 

his enthusiasm, a favourite in Georgia. The Executive Coun- 
25 



386 LETTERS OF ENCOURAGEMENT TO SEVIER, 

I 

cil received him as a man of distinction, and invited him to 
a seat with them, while the subject of his mission was under 
consideration. There and elsewhere, he took every oppor¬ 
tunity to descant, in his fervid manner, and in the most glow¬ 
ing terms, upon the excellence and beauty of the country 
from which he came, and dwelt at length upon the prowess 
of the western people, and their devotion to liberty and in¬ 
dependence, and succeeded in creating an interest and enthu¬ 
siasm in their behalf. “Success to the State of Franklin, 
His Excellency Gov. Sevier, and his virtuous citizens,” be¬ 
came a common toast. 

Gen. Clarke continued his correspondence, under date— 

Georgia, 22d May, 17S7. 

Sir: . Should any further appearance of war be apparent, I 

shall take the earliest opportunity of communicating it to you, with the 
expectation of acting in confidence and concert with your state, in the 
operations taken against the Creeks. 

I am very sorry to hear you have not peaceably established your¬ 
selves in the State of Franklin, and that the unhappy contention yet 
prevails between that and the State of North-Carolina, and more parti¬ 
cularly when they think of reducing you by force of arms. These ideas 
have not proceeded from any assurance from this state, as it is the re¬ 
ceived opinion of the sensible part of every rank in Georgia, that you 
will, and ought to be, as independent as the other states in the Union. 

Other gentlemen of distinction and character in Georgia, 
in like manner, held out to the Governor of Franklin assu¬ 
rances, not of good wishes only^but of assistance. One of 
them writes, under date, 

Wilkes County, State of Georgia, May 21, 1787. 
Wm. Downs to Gov. Sevier: 

Sir: .... We have various reports respecting the different opi¬ 
nions of the politics of your state. I must inform you I have had, within 
these few months, the different opinions of a number of the greatest poli¬ 
ticians in our state respecting yours, who give it as their opinion, that 
it will support itself without a doubt; and, from what I can understand, 
would give every assistance in their power. 

As a further means of adding to the strength of the new 
state, Governor Sevier and his Council asked the advice of 
Doctor Franklin. His reply is dated— 

Philadelphia, June 30, 1787. 

Sir. I am \eiy sensible of the honour your Excellency and your 
Council have done me. Put, being in Europe when your state was 
formed, I am too little acquainted with the circumstances, to be able to 




FROM GEN. CLARKE, COL. DOWNS AND DR. FRANKLIN. 387 


offer you any thing, just now, that may be of importance, since every 
thing material, that regards your welfare, will, doubtless, have occurred 
to yourselves. There are two things which humanity induces me to 
wish you may succeed in : the accommodating your misunderstanding 
with the government of North-Carolina, and the avoiding an Indian 
Avar by preventing encroachments on their lands. Such encroachments 
are the more unjustifiable, as these people, in the fair way of purchase, 
usually give very good bargains ; and, in one year’s war with them, you 
may suffer a loss of property, and be put to an expense vastly exceed¬ 
ing in value what Avould have contented them, in fairly buying 
the lands they can spare. 

I will endeavour to inform myself more perfectly of your affairs, by 
inquiry, and searching the records of Congress; and if any thing should 
occur to me, that I think may be useful to you, you shall hear from me 
thereupon. I conclude with repeating my wish, that you may amicably 
settle your difference with North-Carolina. The inconvenience to your 
people, attending so remote a seat of government, and the difficulty to 
that government in ruling well so remote a people, would, I think, be 
powerful inducements to it, to accede to any fair and reasonable propo¬ 
sition it may receive from you, if the Cession act had now passed. 

The Doctor continued to address Goal Sevier, in his official 
capacity, as late as December of this year. 

Gen. Wm. Cocke, a Brigadier of the Franklin militia, and 
a member of the council of state, addressed Governor 
Matthews the following, dated— 

State of Frankland,* 

Mulberry Gro\ t e, 25th June, 1787. 

Sir :—When I take a view of the local and political situation of this 
country, I conceive the interests of your state, so far as respects Indian 
affairs, almost inseparable Avith the safety and happiness of this country ; 
and on hearing that the Creek Indians have committed hostilities in 
Georgia, I have endeavoured to consult with my friends here, on the 
subject of lending you any assistance in our power, provided you should 
stand in need of such assistance; and I am certain everything to serve 
your state or its interests, will be done by the people of Franklin, that 
they could, with reason, be expected to do. I imagine General Kennedy 
will be able to raise a thousand or fifteen hundred men, as volunteers, 

* It is worthy of remark, that this letter is dated, “ State of Frankland.” This 
is the only instance, as this annalist avers, in the whole list of letters and other 
papers which he has had such ample opportunity to read and examine in the 
preparation of these sheets, in which the name of the new state is not spelled 
“Franklin.” In the Convention, Gen. Cocke had been in favour of the (rejected) 
“Constitution of the State of Frankland,” and may be supposed to have retained 
from a feeling of paternity, the name first intended for his bantling. It is ob. 
•ervable, however, that in the body of his letter, he gives the proper orthography 
— Franklin. 


388 


THE PROCEEDINGS IN WASHINGTON COUNTY 


and I think I can raise a like number. An army of two or three thou¬ 
sand, will be quite sufficient to march through any of the towns that wo 
should have to pass through. I hope the Indians have not been so 
successful in your state as the Cherokees report; the accounts from that 
nation are that the Creeks have killed twenty-five families, without the 
loss of a man. I have ordered the different colonels under my com¬ 
mand, to hold their men in readiness, and on being well assured of tho 
Indians attacking your state, we shall march into their towns, so soon 
as we shall be requested by you. But lest the United States might 
think us forward, we shall remain in readiness, until we are called for by 
the State of Georgia or until hostilities are committed in our state. 

Propositions to assist in the conquest of the Creek nation 
were also made to Gov. Sevier, by the King, Chiefs and Lead¬ 
ers of the Chickasaws. 

The proffered auxiliaries from the Chickasaws, the re¬ 
peated assurances of co-operation from Georgia, and the ex¬ 
pected assistance from Virginia and Cumberland, stimulated 
both the authorities and people of Franklin to undertake the 
subjugation of the Creeks. Another consideration in favour 
of that policy, exerted at this moment a powerful influence up¬ 
on the mind of Governor Sevier. Some of the causes for sepa¬ 
rating the western counties from the parent state, had either 
ceased to exist, or operated now, upon the minds of the peo¬ 
ple with less intensity, and it was very evident that a very 
formidable party in Franklin was now opposed to a further 
continuance of the new government. 

In Washington county, this opposition had become most 
apparent. The magistrates appointed by the authorities of 
North-Carolina, met at the house of William Davis, some dis¬ 
tance from the seat of justice, and organized a court, when 
the following proceedings took place : 

County Proceedings. 

1’78'7.—February Term, met at the house of William Davis. 

Present, John McMahon, James Stuart, and Robert Allison. 

George Mitchell was elected Sheriff pro. tem., and John Tipton wai 
elected Clerk pro. tem., and Thomas Gomly, Deputy Clerk. 

Feb. 6. The gentlemen on the Dedimus, appointed justices of the 
peace for said county, are as follows : John Tipton, Landon Carter, Ro¬ 
bert Love, James Montgomery, John Hamer, John Wyer, John Strain, 
Andrew Chamberlain, Andrew Taylor, Alex. Moffett, William Pursley, 
Edmond Williams, and Henry Nelson. 

John Tipton presented commission as Colonel of the county, and 
Robert Love as Major, and were qualified. 



ASSUME A MORE SERIOUS ASPECT. 


389 


Tlio next Quarterly Term of this Court was held at the same place. 

At May Term, Tuesday 8th, the Court elected John Pugh Sheriff, 
Alexander Moffett, Coroner, and Elijah Cooper, Stray-master. 

Ordered by the Court , That the Sheriff of this county demand the 
public records from John Sevier, formerly Clerk of this county. 

Ordered , That the Sheriff notify Wm. McNabb to appear before the 
next County Court, with all the records as former Ranger. 

Ordered , That the Sheriff demand the key of the County Jail at 
Jonesboro, from the former Sheriff of this county. 

In other counties, the authority of Franklin was so far 
extinct, that of North-Carolina so fully recognized, that elec¬ 
tions were not held for the Greeeneville Assembly, but repre¬ 
sentatives were regularly chosen for the legislature of the old 
state, to meet at Tarborough, on the 18th November. Of 
those thus elected, several had been the early and steadfast 
friends of separation and independence, and had been the 
principal functionaries of the new commonwealth. Even 
Greene county, which had refused to allow commissions 
emanating from the old dynasty, to be accepted and acted 
under, within its boundaries, had partaken of the general * 
defection, and had elected to the Assembly at Tarborough, 
David Campbell, the presiding Judge upon the Franklin 
Bench, as Senator ; and Daniel Kennedy, one of the Frank¬ 
lin brigadiers, and James Reese, Esq., once a member of its 
legislature, to the House of Commons. 

Washington county, in like manner, was represented by 
John Tipton, James Stuart, and John Blair ; all of whom had 
been the first to propose, and the most active in carrying 
into effect, the insurrectionary movement. Sullivan county 
had chosen Joseph Martin, John Scott, and George Maxwell; 
and Hawkins county, Nathaniel Henderson and William 
Marshall; all original supporters of Franklin, and advocates 
of separation. Sevier and Caswell counties alone main¬ 
tained their allegiance to the new state, and adhered to Gov. 
Sevier and his fortunes; and even in these, there were not 
wanting men whose position was equivocal, and who hesi¬ 
tated not to dissuade from further resistance to the current^ 
which now set so strongly in favour of the mother state. 
Harassed by the difficulties that surrounded his official posi¬ 
tion, and perplexed by the duties and responsibilities devolv- 


300 


SEVIER INVITES THE MEDIATION OF GEORGIA, 


ing on him as a patriot, Governor Sevier instituted a further 
embassy to the State of Georgia, with the hope of extrica¬ 
ting himself and his government from surrounding embarrass¬ 
ments. As a dernier resort, he invited the mediation of 
Georgia between North-Carolina and Franklin; and ad¬ 
dressed to Governor Matthews the following communi¬ 
cation : 

Franklin, 24th June, 178Y. 

Sir :—The Honourable Major Elholm waits upon your Assembly, in 
character of Commissioner from this State, with plenary powers. 

The party in opposition to our new republic, although few and in¬ 
considerable, yet, by their contention and disorder, they occasion much 
uneasiness to peaceable minds. We are friendly citizens of the Ameri¬ 
can Union, and the real desire we have for its welfare, opulence, and 
splendour, makes us unwilling and exceedingly sorry to think, that any 
violent measures should be made use of, against the adherents of any of 
our sister states ; especially the one that gave us existence, though now 
wishing to annihilate us. And what occasions in us excruciating pain is, 
that perhaps we may be driven to the necessity, unparalleled and unex¬ 
ampled, of defending our rights and liberties against those, who not long 
since, we have fought, bled and toiled together with, in the common 
cause of American Independence, or otherwise become the ridicule of 
a whole world. This I hope, however, God will avert; and that a re¬ 
union will take place on honourable, just, and equitable principles, re¬ 
ciprocally so to each party, is our sincere and ardent wish. 

When we remember the bloody engagements in which we have 
fought together against the common enemy, the friendly, timely and 
mutual supports afforded between the State of Georgia and the people 
of this country, it emboldens us to solicit you, sir, and through you the 
different branches of your government, that you will be graciously 
pleased to afford to the State of Franklin such of your countenance as 
you may, from your wisdom and uprightness, think, from the nature of 
our cause, we may deserve,—in promoting the interest of our infant 
republic, reconciling matters between us and the parent state, in such 
manner as you, in your magnanimity and justice, may think most expe¬ 
dient, and the nature of our cause may deserve. 

Permit us to inform you that it is not the sword that can intimidate 
us. The rectitude of our cause, our local situation, together with the 
spirit and enterprise of our countrymen in such a cause, would inflame 
us with confidence and hopes of success. But when w r e reflect and call 
to mind the great number of internal and external enemies to American 
Independence, it makes us shudder at the very idea of such an incurable 
evil, not knowing where the disorder might lead, or what part of tho 
body politic the ulcer might at last infect. 

The nature of our cause we presume your Excellency to be sufficient¬ 
ly acquainted with. Only, we beg leave to refer you to the Cession act 
of North-Carolina, also the constitution of that government, wherein it 


AND WRITES TO ITS ASSEMBLY. 


391 


mentions that there may be a state or states erected in the West, when¬ 
ever the legislature shall give its consent for the same. 

We cannot forbear mentioning, that we regard the parent state with 
particular affection, and will always feel an interest in whatever may 
concern her honour and prosperity, as independent of each other. 

For further information, 1 beg leave to refer you to Honourable Ma¬ 
jor Elholm. 

xiccompanying this communication, was one addressed to 
the Speaker of the Georgia Assembly, dated— 

Franklin, 24th June, 1787. 

Sir :—At the request of a number of respectable inhabitants of Vir¬ 
ginia, North-Carolina and Franklin, I am induced to write your honour¬ 
able body, respecting the Tennessee lands, informing you that there is a 
large number of the aforementioned people who, for some time past, 
have been at considerable expense, in order to equip themselves to be¬ 
come residents in that quarter, who have been led to believe, from the 
tenor of your resolves, and the conduct of the Commissioners appointed 
for that business, that they, the people, might, with great propriety, ex¬ 
pect to become immediate settlers. 

Permit me to inform your honourable body that we have every rea¬ 
son to believe, that the making the aforesaid settlements would be of in¬ 
finite advantage to your state, and of much utility to the adventurers ; 
and further, were that place inhabited, from the great advantages it 
would be to this state, I am confident that Franklin would give every 
necessary support to the inhabitants, that might be wanting to protect 
them from the ravages and depredations of any of the hostile tribes of 
Indians, which will, in a great measure, be effected, by erecting some 
garrisons on the frontier of our state, which w r e have lately resolved to 
do. We submit it to your wiser consideration, and myself, as one of 
your Commissioners, shall be happy in rendering every exertion that the 
duty of my office may require, in compliance with your determinations. 

Sevier continued his efforts in behalf of his tottering go¬ 
vernment, and under date 6th July, 1787, says to General 
Kennedy : 

Dear General :—I met with the Old State party on the 27th last 
month ; few of our side met, not having notice. I found them much more 
compilable than I could have expected, except a few. I have agreed to 
a second conference, which is to be held at Jonesboro’, the last day of 
this month. You will please to give notice, to all those appointed by the 
convention, that may be within your district, to be punctual in attending 
at the time and place. I shall earnestly look for you there, and as many 
other of our friends as can possibly attend, and I flatter myself some¬ 
thing for the good of the public may be effected. 

In the “Columbian Magazine,” for November, 1787, is 
found the following extract of a letter from General Cocke 
to Major Elholm, at Augusta, Georgia. 


392 


GOVERNOR SEVIER TO GOVERNOR MATTHEWS. 


Mulberry Grove, State of Franklin, ) 

August 27, 1787. j 

Col. Tipton the other day appeared with a party of about fifty men, 
of such as he could raise, under a pretence of redressing a quarrel that 
had arisen between our sheriff and the sheriff of North-Carolina, though 
their principal view was, to put themselves in possession of our records. 
This conduct produced a rapid report, that they had made a prisoner 
of his Excellency, to carry him to North-Carolina, which caused two 
hundred men to repair immediately to the house of Col. Tipton, before 
they became sensible of the mistake, and it was only through the influence 
of his Excellency, that the opposite party did not fall a sacrifice to our 
Franks. Dujjng this time, a body of about fifteen hundred-veterans, 
embodied themselves to rescue their governor (as they thought) out of 
the hands of the Nortli-Carolinians, and bring him back to the moun¬ 
tains—an instance that proves our citizens to have too noble a spirit to 
yield to slavery or to relish a national insult. 

Continuing his corresnondence with Governor Matthews, 

O A 7 

Governor Sevier writes: 


Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 30th August, 1787. 

Sir :—I had the honour to receive your favour of the 9th inst., by 
the express. You are pleased to mention, that you are of opinion that 
your Assembly will be favourably disposed towards this state. The 
measures entered into by your Executive, relating to our business, we 
are very sensible of, and the honour you thereby do us. 

I have enclosed your Excellency copies of two letters from Colonels 
Robertson and Bledsoe, of Cumberland, wherein you will be informed 
of the many murders and ravages committed in that country by the 
Creeks. It is our duty and highly requisite in my opinion, that such 
lawless tribes be reduced to reason by dint of the sword. 

I am very sensible, that few of our governments are in a fit capacity 
for such an undertaking, and perhaps ours far less so than any other ; 
but, nevertheless, be assured, that we will encounter every difficulty to 
raise a formidable force to act in conjunction with the army of your state 
in case of a campaign. 

We have lately received accounts, from some gentlemen in Virginia, 
who generously propose to send a number of volunteers to our assistance. 
We shall cultivate their friendship, and I make no doubt but a consider¬ 
able number may be easily raised in that quarter. 

Our Assembly sat but a few days. The only business of importance 
done, w r as the making a provision for the defence of our frontier, by 
raising four hundred men, which is nearly completed. They are to be 
stationed in the vicinity of Chickamauga, and in case of actual operations 
against the Creeks this number will be ready. 

Our Assembly is to meet on the 17th of next month, at which time 
I shall do myself the honour of laying your despatches before that hon¬ 
ourable body, who, I am happy to inform you, will be favourably disposed 
to render your state every assistance in their, power, by making such ar¬ 
rangements as may be judged adequate to the business. Their do 


393 


COLONELS ROBERTSON AND BLEDSOE TO SEVIER. 

f 

terminations on this subject will be immediately communicated to your 
honour, so soon as the same can be had and fullv obtained. 

The letter above referred to from Col. Robertson, bears 
date, 

Nashville, Aug. 1st, 17 8 7. 

Sir •—By accounts from the Chickasaws, we are informed that at a 
Grand Council held by the Creeks, it was determined, by that whole 
nation, to do their utmost this fall to cut off this country, and we expect 
the Cherokees have joined them, as they were to have come in, some 
time ago, to make peace, which they have not done. Every circumstance 
seems to confirm this. The 5th day of July, a party of Creeks killed 
Captain Davenport, agent for Georgia, and three men in the Chickasaw 
nation—wounded three and took one prisoner, which the Chickasaws 
are not able to resent for want of ammunition. 

The people are drawing together in large stations, and doing every 
thing necessary for their defence; but, I fear, without some timely as¬ 
sistance, we shall chiefly fall a sacrifice. Ammunition is very scarce, 
and a Chickasaw, now here, tells us, they imagine they will reduce our 
station by killing all our cattle, etc., and starving us out. We expect, 
from every account, they are now on their way to this country, to the 
number of a thousand. I beg of you to use your influence in that 
country to relieve us, which, I think, might be done by fixing a station 
near the mouth of Elk, if possible, or by marching a body of men into 
the Cherokee country, or in any manner you may judge beneficial. We 
hope our brethren in that country will not suffer us to be massacred by 
the savages, without giving us any assistance, and I candidly assure you 
that never was there a time in which I imagined ourselves in more dan¬ 
ger. 

Kentucky being nearest, we have applied there for some present 
assistance, but fear we shall find none in time. Could you now give us 
any ? I am convinced it would have the greatest tendency to unite our 
counties, as the people will never forget those who are their friends in a 
time of such imminent danger. 

I have wrote to General Shelby on this subject, and hope that no di¬ 
vision will prevent you from endeavouring to give us relief, which will 
be ever gratefully remembered by the inhabitants of Cumberland, and 
your most obedient humble servant. 

That from Col. Bledsoe, bears date, 

Sumner County, Aug. 5th, 1787. 

Dear Sir :—When I had last the pleasure of seeing your Excellency, 
I think you was kind enough to propose, that in case the perfidious 
Chickamaugas should infest this country, to notify your Excellency, and 
you would send a campaign against them without delay. The period 
has arrived that they, as I have good reason to believe, in combination 
with the Creeks, have done this country very great spoil by murdering 
numbers of our peaceful inhabitants, stealing our horses, killing our 
cattle and hogs, and burning our buildings through wantonliess, cutting 
down our corn, etc. 


394 


MAJOR ELHOLM’s PROJET. 


I am well assured that the distress of the Chickamauga tribe is the 
only way this defenceless country will have quiet. The militia being 
very few, and the whole, as it were, a frontier, its inhabitants all shut 
up in stations, and they, in general, so weakly manned, that in case of 
an invasion, one is scarcely able to aid another, and the enemy daily in 
our country committing ravages of one kind or other, and that of the 
most savage kind. Poor Major Hall and his eldest son, fell a sacrifice 
to their savage cruelty two days ago, near Bledsoe’s Lick. They have 
killed about twenty-four persons in this country in a few months, besides 
numbers of others in settlements near it. Our dependence is much 
that your Excellency will revenge the blood thus wantonly shed. 

Gov. Sevier to Gov. Matthews : 

Franklin, 28th Oct., 1787. 

Sir :—I have fortunately met with Mr. William Talbot, who is now 
on his way to your state. I am happy to have it in my power to in¬ 
form your Excellency that the Legislature of this State has passed an 
act, authorizing the Executive to forward an aid to your assistance, con¬ 
sisting of nine hundred men, together with several companies, who of¬ 
fer their assistance, from Virginia. 

W r e flatter ourselves this force, with that from your state, will be suf¬ 
ficient to answer the wished for purpose. We now wait the determina¬ 
tion of your state, and shall endeavour to comply with any reasonable 
request we may receive from your state towards carrying on a campaign, 
in conjunction with you, against the Creek Indians. The Creeks, I am 
told, have, in some measure, abated their hostilities at Cumberland. 
They have not done us any damage in this quarter as yet. 

These several communications were submitted to the Exe¬ 
cutive Council of Georgia. 

While they were under consideration, Major Elholm was 
invited to a seat in the Council, and was requested to fur¬ 
nish a projet of the military preparation necessary for the 
conquest of the Creek nation, and the settlement of the Great 
Bend of the Tennessee River. The plan he submitted 
and advised, was to appropriate the Great Bend as boun¬ 
ties, to the officers and soldiers employed in taking and 
occupying it; and that while they continued to maintain and 
protect their settlements, without expense to Georgia or 
Franklin, the inhabitants should pay no taxes for a term of 
years. In support of his plan, Major Elholm added, “I am 
certain you may expect at least one thousand men from 
Franklin.” 

Gov. Sevier, desirous of procuring the assent of the parent 
state to the separation and independence of Franklin, ap¬ 
pointed another Commissioner to North-Carolina. One of 


FURTHER FOREIGN EMBASSIES. 


395 


the Council, F. A. Ramsey, was selected for that mission. 
It is tradition that he proposed to assume, on'the part of the 
new government, the whole Continental debt of North-Caro- 
lina. At first his embassy met the favourable attention of 
the Legislature, but the failure to adopt the Federal Consti¬ 
tution, then under discussion, produced delay, and the nego¬ 
tiation failed. After his project was acted on by the Coun¬ 
cil, Major Elholm made the following address. 

To His Excellency , George Matthews, Esq., 

and the Honourable Council: 

Moved with the liveliest sense of obligation, for your attention paid 
to the Franks, my constituents, I feel it the most pleasing task to so¬ 
licit, for a moment, to give the due thanks to the magnanimity of your 
government, in the name of my fellow-citizens. 

We are prepared to move in concert with the operation of your mili¬ 
tary forces, against our common enemy ; and for that purpose, a detach¬ 
ment of upwards of a thousand men, well accoutred, now waits on your 
Excellency’s chief movements and command, with a reserve on occa¬ 
sion, to increase said force, two thousand strong. 

To which it was replied by Governor Matthews: 

In Council, Augusta, Nov. 5, 1787. 

To the Honourable George Eliiolm, Esq., 

Commissioner from the People of Franklin. 

Sir :—Your obliging and very friendly letter I had the honour to 
receive, aud which was laid before the Executive Council. I have now, 
sir, to return you, (in behalf of the supreme power of this state,) my 
warmest thanks for your assiduity, as well as for the close attention you 
have paid mutually to the State of Georgia and the people of Franklin. 
Impressed deeply as we are, for the welfare of all those who have had in¬ 
dependence enough to free themselves from British usurpation, we cannot 
but be mindful of the good people of Franklin, and hope, ere long, the 
interests of bqth will be securely and lastingly cemented. 

Permit me, now, sir, to wish you a safe return, and a happy sight of 
the people by whom you were commissioned ; in which I am joined by 
the honourable the Executive. 

Governor Matthews to Governor Sevier : 

Augusta, Nov. 12th, 1787. 

Sir :—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 30th 
August. The Assembly of the State are now fully persuaded that they 
never can have a secure and lasting peace with the Creek Indians, till 
they are well chastised, and severely feel the effects of war. They have 
passed a law for raising three thousand men for that purpose, and have 
empowered the Executive to call for fifteen hundred men from Franklin,, 
in addition to that number ; which united force, I flatter myself, will be 
more than adequate to chastise their insolence and perfidy. Major 
Elholm takes with him the acts for raising the men, which will so fully 


396 


REJOICINGS IN FRANKLIN AT THE 


/ 

inform you on that matter, that I need not touch on the subject. I 
have to request, that you will inform me as soon as possible, if I may de¬ 
pend on that number of troops from Franklin ; and what time they will 
be ready to take the field, as I most ardently wish to have a speedy end 
put to the war. The Bend of Tennessee being allowed for your men, I 
flatter myself, will give pleasure, and, as the bounty is given for fighting 
our common enemy, will be, I am persuaded, thought generous and 
liberal. 

Governor Telfair to Governor Sevier : 

. Augusta, Georgia, 12th Nov. 1787. 

Sir :—It affords me pleasure to congratulate you on the legislature 
of this state, and government, having taken measures that, in my opin¬ 
ion, will prove extremely beneficial to Franklin, inasmuch as to evince 
to the Union that one of the members of it has full confidence in the 
valour and rectitude of the people and government thereof. 

When a people unite in common danger, and when a certain portion 
of the blood of each commonwealth engaged therein must be spilt, in 
the progress and events of a savage war, it will unite friendship, awake 
the feelings, and even hand to posterity a grateful remembrance of past 
transactions; permit me, then, as an individual, to suggest the propriety 
‘of the intended co-operation having for its basis a well-directed force, 
supported by energy, and conducted by talents and abilities. It is a 
crisis by which a young people may rise in estimation, and I flatter my¬ 
self, it will give tone to the name of Franks. 

4 

An officer of similar rank and powers, was directed to ac¬ 
company Major Elholm, on his return from his Georgia 
mission. The negotiation, with the management of which that 
Commissioner had been entrusted, had been conducted with 
zeal and fidelity, and had resulted to the entire satisfaction 
of the governor, the council, and those of the people of 
Franklin, who still adhered to the declining fortunes of 
that state. Despatches containing the proceedings at Au¬ 
gusta, and the alliance between the contracting parties, 
were forwarded by express to Governor Sevier. The intel¬ 
ligence was hailed with acclamations of joy by his adherents, 
and was not unacceptable to that part of the people who 
had transferred, or were prepared to transfer, their allegiance 
to the mother state. The object of the alliance—the con¬ 
quest of the Creeks, and the occupancy of the country below 
them on the Tennessee—accorded exactly with the martial 
spirit of the western soldiery, and comported well with their 
character and taste for adventure and enterprise. Small as 
was their number, remote and inaccessible as was the thea- 


ALLIANCE WITH GEORGIA. 


397 


tre for the contemplated campaign, difficulty and danger 
only stimulated them to the undertaking, and they longed for 
the opportunity of carrying their victorious arms to the coun¬ 
try above Mobile. Rumours had reached them of the occlu¬ 
sion of the Mississippi, and they already cherished the design 
of opening up by their own swords, a channel of commerce 
with the world, in despite of Federal indifference or foreign 
diplomacy and injustice. 

If the people of Franklin rejoiced at the successful issue of 
Elholm’s mission, it may be easily supposed that Governor 
Sevier received the intelligence with the highest gratifica¬ 
tion. He was too sagacious not to have observed, that the new 
state was at the point of dissolution—the crisis was at hand 
which it could not probably survive. Elections had not been 
holden of members for a succeeding session of the Franklin 
Assembly. His gubernatorial term would expire in a few 
short month—she was himself ineligible, and a successor 
could be appointed only by a vote of the legislative bodies. 
The only chance of preserving the integrity of his govern¬ 
ment, was that the projected campaign would silence the 
clamour of the malcontents, and restore harmony and con¬ 
cert to the distracted members of his little republic. This 
hope was fallacious and illusory; but the governor’s per¬ 
severance was indomitable, and he appealed at once to his 
countrymen, and issued the circular which follows, to the 
colonel commandant of each county, and through them to the 
people. 

governor sevier’s circular to the military of franklin. 

28th November, 1787. 

Major Elhohn is just now returned from Georgia with expresses from 
the governor of that state, requiring an aid of fifteen hundred men from 
the State of Franklin, to co-operate with them against the Creek In¬ 
dians, under the following conditions, to wit: 

Ail that will serve one campaign, till a peace is made, shall receive 
as follows : 

A colonel, one thousand two hundred acres; a lieutenant-colonel, one 
thousand one hundred ; a major, one thousand; a captain, nine hun¬ 
dred ; first-lieutenant, eight hundred; second-lieutenant, seven hun¬ 
dred and fifty ; non-commissioned officers, seven hundred ; privates, well 
armed and accoutred, six hundred and forty. 


398 


sevier’s circular to the 


Any general officer, called into the service, to have the following 
proportions :— 

A major-general, fifteen hundred acres ; a brigadier general, fourteen 
hundred acres. 

The Bend of Tennessee is reserved for the troops of Franklin, which 
is a desirable spot, and will be of great importance to this state. We 
are to have an additional bounty of fifty acres on every one hundred 
acres, in lieu of rations, and all other claims against the State of Geor¬ 
gia, which makes our proportion of lands amount to half as much more 
as what is above allotted. A private man’s share, if he finds himself, 
amounts to nine hundred and sixty acres, and officer’s in proportion. 

This great and liberal encouragement will, certainly, induce numbers 
to turn out on the expedition, which will not only be doing something 
handsome for themselves, but they will have the honour of assisting 
a very generous and friendly sister state to conquer and chastise an in¬ 
solent and barbarous savage nation of Indians. 

I now request that you will, with the utmost despatch, cause a gene¬ 
ral muster to be held in your county, and endeavour to get as many 
volunteers to enter into and engage in the aforesaid service, and under 
the above conditions, as is in your power. You may, also, encourage 
active persons to turn out and recruit; and both yourself, and those that 
may recruit, to transmit to me, immediately after the general muster, 
your numbers of recruited volunteers. If I am spared, I think to take 
the field once more, and wish we mav be able to march about Christ- 
mas, if possible, for the sooner we march, the sooner the people can 
return in time to put in their spring crops. 

I congratulate you, and every true friend, on the success of our Com¬ 
missioner in the State of Georgia, and am happy to inform you that 
our situation as a state is now secure and pn a permanent footing— 
much occasioned by one of the members of the Union, through her 
liberal and sisterly affection, having taken us by the hand, and noticing 
us as a people, of which you will be convinced by the copies, &c., 
accompanying this. The good people in this country are under high 
obligations to our trusty and worthy Commissioner, Major Elholm, 
whose acquaintance and abilities have enabled him to accomplish for 
us most desirable purposes. 

I have not time to transcribe and send, for your’s and the people’s 
perusal, a copy, in full, of the Georgia act, respecting Franklin, but 
hope the outlines, herein inserted, will be satisfactory. I also recommend 
that the recruiting officers might apply and take a copy for the satisfac¬ 
tion of those who may be inclined to enter into the service. 

The State of Georgia has appointed Col. George Handley, a respecta¬ 
ble character in that state, to attend the State of Franklin in character 
of Commissioner. I expect him in a few days, and shall be desiious of 
giving him every information before his return. I recommend the in¬ 
formation herein contained, through your patronage, to the people, who, 
I hope, after seeing the great notice and respect shewn them by the 
State of Georgia, in her application to us for our assistance, and the high 
confidence they place in the spirit and bravery of the people here, that 
they will be animated with the idea, that they are now capable of evin- 


MILITTA OF VRANKLIN. 


399 


eing to the world that, lihe a young officer who first enters the field, they 
are competent, from their bravery and merit, to make themselves known 
and respected amongst the nations of the world; and, though we have 
not large cities and sea-ports, which generally sink into wealth and 
luxury, by which means the offspring dwindle into effeminacy and dis¬ 
sipation, yet, I hope, we shall always remain as happy, free and inde¬ 
pendent as any other peopleif not, sure I am, it will be our own 
fault, and we ought never to be pitied. 

This appeal by Governor Sevier, to the gallantry of his 
countrymen, was responded to in their usual warlike spirit. 
An army of volunteers was at once recruited, and, as early 
as December 2d, a letter was addressed by the Governor to 
Colonel Handley, offering the co-operation of his army with 
the forces of Georgia, in the contemplated invasion of the 
Creek nation. To this no answer was received till after the 
governor’s term of office had expired, and he had become a 
private citizen. 

Colonel Handley to Governor Sevier: 

Augusta, Ga., February 19th, l'ZSS. 

Sir :—We now inform you, that we have a just sense of the good 
intentions of the pepple of Franklin towards this state; and we are 
well-persuaded, the information contained in your letter, when properly 
directed, is such as will tend to the mutual welfare and prosperity 
of both. 

We have the satisfaction to assure you, sir, that great progress is 
made in our recruiting service. The regular troops will be marched into 
the Indian country, putting to death all who make opposition. Mercy 
will not be granted on any other terms than a total surrender of their 
country and themselves. 

All this, we assure you, would have happened, had not Congress, 
aoreeablv to their act of the 26th of October, 1787, ordered one Com- 
missioner to be appointed from each of the states, North-Carolina, 
South-Carolina, and Georgia, to hold a treaty with the Indians, and we 
now only suspend our operations till their determinations are known. 

This letter is sufficiently explanatory of the delay in re¬ 
plying to Sevier, as well as of the cause of abandoning the 
expedition. This delay, and the consequent disappointment 
of the militia of Franklin, baffled the hope which the gov¬ 
ernor had cherished of harmonizing his people in support of 
the new government. The volunteers were restless, impa¬ 
tient and disappointed. Employment, suited to their taste — 
danger, with which habit had made them familiar—victory, 
which had ever followed them and their leader—conquest, 
which they never doubted—renown, which they deified— 


400 


WESTERN PREJUDICE AGAINST SPAIN. 


achievement which they idolized, and fame for which they 
sighed, had suddenly vanished and eluded "their grasp. Not 
a word of censure was uttered against their gallant comman¬ 
der-in-chief, but the soldiery remained in sullen discontent 
at home. 

During the disturbances in Franklin, and more particularly 
while Governor Sevier was recruiting an army to co-operate 
with Georgia in the invasion and subjugation of the Creek 
Indians, some restles spirits in the country contemplated the 
seizure of the Spanish posts at Mobile, Natchez and New- 
Orleans. It was well known, that by the stipulations of the 
treaty at Pensacola, in 1784, the authorities of Spain consid¬ 
ered themselves bound to treat the Creeks as friends and allies, 
and that they furnished them supplies of ammunition, if they 
did not excite them to hostilities against the western settle¬ 
ments. This engendered a feeling of resentment against 
Spain, which was exasperated when Congress consented 
to deliberate upon the proposal of Mr. Jay to surrender, for 
a term of years, the right of navigating the Mississippi river. 
It is not strange that, under these circumstances, the western 
people should consider the Spaniards and Creeks alike as 
enemies to them and to their interests ; nor that they should 
agitate the subject of redressing their grievances and main¬ 
taining their rights, by their own arms. This subject was 
agitated in Franklin, and one of the agents of North-Caro- 
lina, in criminating the new government, took occasion to 
impute to Governor Sevier designs unfriendly to the Union. 
At this conjuncture it was, that a letter came into the posses¬ 
sion of the Federal authorities, pointing out unequivocally 
machinations and designs against Spain on the part of Frank¬ 
lin. The letter alluded to, was written Sept. 24, 1787, from 
Charleston, South-Carolina, by John Sullivan, and was ad¬ 
dressed to Major Brown, late of the Maryland artillery, The 
writer, speaking of the Tennessee River, said : “ There will be 
work for you in that country. I want you much. Take my word 
for it, we will be speedily in possession of Ne\v*Orleans.” 
This letter, written about the time the Legislature of Frank¬ 
lin contemplated and authorized the erection of garrisons in 
the Bend of Tennessee, and at the time, too, when the alii- 


DECLINE OF THE FRANKLIN GOVERNMENT. 


401 


ance was matured between them and Georgia, alarmed the 
Federal Government, then negotiating with Spain. The War 
Office at once directed General Harmar to institute the 
strictest enquiry into the subject. No formal conspiracy 
could be detected. Those engaged in it, were probably too 
few, and the embarrassments nearer home too pressing, to al¬ 
low the execution of their plans, which, under other circum¬ 
stances, they could have easily effected. Cumberland, Ken¬ 
tucky and the whole West, could have co-operated in prevent¬ 
ing the occlusion of the Mississippi River against their com¬ 
merce. The inhabitants left the subject to the negotiation 
of the Federal Government, and chose not to disturb its 
foreign relations. 

Having thus presented in detail the foreign affairs of the 
State of Franklin, we return to its domestic transactions. 
Pending the negotiations for obtaining auxiliaries from 
abroad, the new government was every day losing an ad¬ 
herent at home, who, by transferring his allegiance to North- 
Carolina, sensibly diminished the influence and authority of 
Sevier. In 1787, there scarcely remained in the Common¬ 
wealth of Franklin vitality enough to give it a nominal ex¬ 
istence ; its substance and strength were absorbed into the 
Carolina Regime , and the pangs of political annihilation ha¬ 
ving thus come, little more was left of the skeleton of the 
government, than its head. That still, under all the debility 
which affected the body, retained its wonted vitality and vi¬ 
gour. The Council of State had participated in the general 
disaffection, and some of its members had accepted office un¬ 
der North-Carolina, while others had failed to meet their 
colleagues in the Board, or had formally withdrawn from it. 
The judiciary, in its highest department, was annihilated by 
the election of Judge Campbell to a seat in the Tarborough 
Legislature, by which he was soon after appointed Judge of 
the Superior Court for the District of Washington, at Jones¬ 
boro’. The Legislature of Franklin suffered also from the 
prevalent disintegration, and manifested a strong tendency 
to dismemberment. From some of the old counties there 
was no representation, while the delegates from others exhi¬ 
bited indecision or discordance. In September, of this year, 
26 


402 


LAST FRANKLIN LEGISLATURE. 


a quorum was got together, and constituted, at Greeneville, 
the last session of the Legislature of Franklin. Of this body, 
John Menifee was Speaker of the House of Representatives, 
and Charles Robinson, Speaker of the Senate. Their legis¬ 
lation was chiefly confined to unimportant amendments of 
the laws of North-Carolina. The Governor was scarcely 
able to secure the passage of an act, to provide ways and 
means to carry into effect his negotiation with Georgia, and 
for descending the Tennessee River with his troops, and ta¬ 
king possession of its Great Bend. This bill was passed by 
a compromise. The quid pro quo given to the dissentients, 
was the appointment of two delegates, to attend the Legis¬ 
lature of North-Carolina, to make such representations of 
the affairs of Franklin as might be thought proper. Under 
this final adjustment, Judge Campbell and Landon Carter 
were elected delegates—the former of whom, as has been 
already stated, was, at the same time, a member of the Tar- 
borough Assembly. The Greeneville Legislature also passed 
an act, creating a land office in Franklin, with a provision, 
that peltry should be taken by the Entry-taker instead of 
money. 

It is not known that the State of Franklin issued grants for 
lands. It had acquired by treaty with the Cherokees, the 
country south of French Broad, and west of Pigeon. It is 
probable that only incipient measures were adopted for ap¬ 
propriating it to specific purchasers. Eaph county had its 
Entry-taker’s office, and its Surveyor. 

A copy follows, of a Franklin Land Warrant: 

State of Franklin, Caswell County, ) 

No. 17, April 20, 1787. [ 

To the Surveyor of said County , Greeting : 

Whereas, James Ruddle hath paid into the. Entry-taker’s Office of this 
County, ten shillings, for one hundred acres of land in said County ; 
you are hereby required to receive his location for the same, and to lay 
off and survey the above quantity of land, and make return thereof to 
the Secretary’s Office, agreeable to law. 

Given under my hand, at office, this 20th September, 1787. 

John Sehorn, E. T. 

No grant has been found on record, conveying land from 
the State of Franklin. Indeed, few of its official papers 
have survived the ravages of time, and the accidents to 


INCREASING DEBILITY OF FRANKLIN. 


403 


which the partizan and rival conflicts, of the respective offi¬ 
cers of the old and new jurisdiction, exposed them. It is 
tradition, that one of the married daughters of Governor Se¬ 
vier concealed them, on one occasion, in a cave. A portion 
of the Docket of Washington County Court, now before this 
writer, seems to have undergone such an exposure. From 
one of its mutilated pages, he is able to decipher: 

“ On motion being made by the Attorney for the State, and 
at the same time exhibited a handbill containing an ‘ Ad¬ 
dress to the Inhabitants of Frankland State,’ under the sig¬ 
nature of a citizen of the same, the Court, upon the same 
being read publicly in open Court, adjudged it to contain 
treasonable insinuations against the United States, and false, 
ungenerous reflections against persons of distinction in the 
Ecclesiastic department, fraught with falsehood, calculated 
to alienate the minds of their citizens from their government, 
and overturn the same. 

“Upon mature deliberation, the Court condemned said 
handbill to be publicly burned by the High Sheriff of the 
County, as a treasonable, wicked, false, and seditious libel.” 

The defection had, in the meantime, extended further, and 
embraced the State Council. Its members were the last to 
yield to the force of that current in public affairs, which but 
too plainly they saw, was now setting against Franklin. They 
all continued the faithful and steadfast friends of Sevier. 
But the legislature, session after session, became smaller and 
smaller, and confining its action to subjects of immediate 
importance and urgency, failed to elect the State Council, 
and the Governor was left “ alone in his glory.” Some of 
the old Board, though no longer his constitutional advisers, 
dissuaded him from further effort to perpetuate the new go¬ 
vernment, and advised him to yield to the necessity which 
portended its fate, and threatened to overwhelm its Execu¬ 
tive. Vestige after vestige of Franklin was obliterated; its 
judiciary was gone ; its legislature reduced to a skeleton ; 
its council effete, defunct, powerless; its military disorga¬ 
nized, if not discordant; and its masses confused and dis¬ 
tracted, with no concert and unanimity among themselves. 

Distraction extended likewise to the lower judicial tribu- 


404 


CIVIL DISTURBANCES-ANIMOSITY 


nals of Franklin. Discordant elements were found amongst 
the magistrates composing its county courts. The Franklin 
courts elected one set of county officers, while another set 
were chosen by such of the justices as had accepted commis¬ 
sions from North-Carolina. This conflict of jurisdiction was 
succeeded, in some instances, by unpleasant results. The 
possession of the records was, of course, desired by each in¬ 
cumbent. Force and stratagem were resorted to by both 
parties to obtain them. Courts were held in different places, 
and an unarmed body of men would suddenly enter the court¬ 
house of the adverse party, seize its records, and bear them 
off in triumph. An effort would then be made to regain 
them. A scuffle would ensue, ending sometimes in a gene¬ 
ral fight. Scenes of disorder took place, which were gene¬ 
rally sources of merriment and pleasurable excitement, 
rather than causes of settled malice or revenge. The par¬ 
ties separated, and soon after were friends. In Washington 
county, however, the dispute became acrimonious, and at 
length generated a feeling of inappeasable malignity between 
the leaders of their respective parties. From the commence¬ 
ment of the Franklin revolt, this county had been the seat 
of a central influence, which, while it remained united, was 
able to repress any opposition to its authority. That central 
power was represented by two very numerous and most re¬ 
spectable families, the leading members of which were John 
Sevier and John Tipton—each alike brave, patriotic and 
ambitious. Each had been distinguished by martial ex¬ 
ploits and patriotic services in civil life. They had con¬ 
quered together at King’s Mountain, and co-operated to¬ 
gether, harmoniously, in all the incipient measures of the 
insurrectionary government. On one occasion, as has been 
mentioned, when Sevier hesitated and dissuaded from sepa¬ 
ration, Tipton was decided in support of that measure. Tip- 
ton became an officer under the new government. Sevier 
was its Governor. After the repeal of the Cession act, the 
former returned to his allegiance to the parent state, and 
was now a member of its legislature; the latter main¬ 
tained his opposition to it. They were now implacable ene¬ 
mies. Each ot them had political adherents and personal 


BETWEEN GOVERNOR SEVIER AND COLONEL TIPTON. 


405 


friends. Neither of them had a personal enemy. Each of 
these leaders, it is reasonable to suppose, felt the ambition to 
supplant his rival, and prevent his supremacy. 

The Legislature of North-Carolina, at its session of this 
l^SY ( year, continued and extended its conciliatory policy 
( towards the western people. The former acts of 
pardon and oblivion to such as had been engaged in the re¬ 
volt, were re-enacted, and those who availed themselves of 
the advantages specified therein, were restored to the privi¬ 
leges of citizens. Suits were dismissed, which had been 
instituted for the recovery of penalties or forfeitures incurred 
by a non-compliance with the revenue laws, and those who 
had failed to list their property for taxation, for the current 
year, were allowed three months longer in which to comply 
with the law. These pacific and satisfactory measures were 
suggested and supported by the delegates from the western 
counties, then members of the North-Carolina Legislature, 
and went far to remove the remains of discontent and 
quiet the complaints of the citizens. 

The Governor of Franklin still retained his elastic and 
sanguine temper. As late in his administration of Frank¬ 
lin, as January 24, 1788, Governor Sevier continued to 
inspire his adherents with hope. Under that date he 
writes to— 

Hon. General Kennedy : 

Dear Sir :—I have, lately, received some favourable news from Doc¬ 
tor Franklin, and other gentlemen; also, am happy to inform you that 
I find our friends very warm and steady—much more so than hereto¬ 
fore. My son can inform you of some late particulars. Any thing 
material your way, will thank you for a sketch of it by my son. 

I am, sir, your most obdt., 

. John Sevier. 

“Very warm and steady” were, indeed, the friends of 
John Sevier, but not of the Governor of Franklin, now totter¬ 
ing into ruins. In little more than one month, Franklin had 
ceased to be. 

At the return of the members, early in January of this 
1 ^ g8 ( year, from Tarborough, it was announced that the 
l parent state had no intention of acceding to the 
views of those who favoured the establishment of the 
Franklin government. 


406 


• GOVERNOR SEVIER MARCHES AGAINST TIPTON, 


The County Court of Washington still held its sessions at 
Davis’s, under the authority of North-Carolina; that of 
Franklin, at Jonesboro’. Of this court, James Sevier, a 
son of the Governor, was clerk. Of the court at Davis’s, 
John Tipton was clerk. An extract from his docket is here 
given: 

“ 1788, February Term.— Ordered — That the Sheriff take into cus¬ 
tody the County Court docket of said county, supposed to be in posses¬ 
sion of John Sevier, Esq., and the same records bring from him or any 
other person or persons in whose possession they now are or hereafter 
shall be, and the same return to this or some succeeding court for said 
county.” 

A fit opportunity soon after occurred, of testing the supre¬ 
macy of the new and old dynasty. We copy from Hay¬ 
wood : 

A fieri facias had issued in the latter part of the year 
1787, and had been placed in the hands of the sheriff, to be 
executed against the estate of Governor Sevier, in the early 
part of 1788. The sheriff, acting under the authority of 
North-Carolina, by virtue thereof, seized all or the greater 
part, of Governor Sevier’s negroes, to satisfy it, and removed 
them, for safe keeping, from his farm, on Nollichucky River, 
to the house of Colonel Tipton. Sevier was, at this time, on 
the frontiers of Greene county, devising means for defending 
the inhabitants against the incursions of the Indians, whose 
conduct of late, had given room for the apprehension of a 
formal renewal of hostilities. Hearing of the seizure of his 
negroes by virtue of an unlawful precept, as he deemed it, 
and by an officer not legally constituted, he resolved imme¬ 
diately to suppress all opposition to the new government of 
Franklin, and to punish the actors for their audacity. He 
raised one hundred and fifty men, principally in Greene 
county, but partly in Sevier, and what is now called Blount 
and marched directly to Tipton’s house, near to which he 
arrived in the afternoon. Not more than fifteen men of Tip* 
ton’s party were then with him. Sevier halted his troops 
two or thre hundred yards from the house, on a sunken piece 
of ground, where they were covered from annoyance by those 
in the house. Sevier was also incited to action by another 
incident. Tipton, it was said, in order to get possession of 


AND BESIEGES HIM IN HIS OWN HOUSE. 


407 


his person, had collected a party of his adherents, some time 
before, and had sent them off with orders to make Sevier a 
prisoner. The latter happened to be on the frontiers, and 
Tipton’s emissaries missed their aim. When Sevier came 
home and was informed of this attempt, he burned with 
indignation at the ingratitude of it, and at the unrelenting 
temper which he considered to have prompted it. Hence, 
he received an additional motive to action, and resolved, in 
turn, to look for the Saul who searched for him in all the 
dens and hiding places of the country. Tipton had gained 
some intimation of Sevier’s design, and had but just time to 
call for the aid of fifteen of his friends, who were with him 
at the time of Sevier’s arrival. With them he kept posses¬ 
sion of his house, and barricaded it against the expected 
assault, as well as he could, and, with undismayed steadiness, 
waited the arrival of the Governor. The house of Colonel 
Tipton was on Sinking Creek, of Watauga River, eight or 
ten miles east of Jonesboro’. The Governor was not dila¬ 
tory in making his appearance. He presented himself and 
his troops* with a small piece of ordnance, and took post in 
front of the house. He demanded the unconditional surren¬ 
der of Tipton, and of all who were with him in the house. 
Tipton, with the earnest language which he sometimes em¬ 
ployed on emergent occasions, sent word to him “ to fire and 
be damned.” He sent to Tipton a written summons. This, 
with a letter calling for assistance, Tipton immediately sent 
to Colonel Maxwell, of Sullivan, who was commandant of 
militia in that county, and a representative of the county in 
the General Assembly of North-Carolina. For some time, 
Tipton would not permit any communication with Sevier. 
Early the next day, however, he consented that Robert Love, 
Esquire, one of the fifteen who had come to his assistance ? 
might correspond with him. Mr. Love wrote to him through 
the medium of his own flag, and directed his letter to Colo- 
onel Sevier. In reply, it was said, that Colonel Sevier was 
not in camp, alluding to Valentine Sevier, a brother of the 
Governor, who bore the title of colonel. Mr. Love answered 
them, and strongly recommended to the troops to withdraw and 
disband themselves, which, he said, would enable-those who 


408 


RALLY OF THE CLANS. 


supported the government of North-Carolina to countermand 
the orders for levying troops in Sullivan county, and other 
places. The reply made to this recommendation was, that 
Governor Sevier could countermand the orders for their 
march. Here the correspondence ended. A few of the 
most influential persons then with Tipton, were sent out to 
collect reinforcements from the neighbourhood and from the 
settlements above. Two or three were also sent to Sullivan 
county, for the same purpose. On the next day a few men 
joined Tipton, and, in the course of the day, a woman, 
coming to the house on some occasion, in company with 
another woman, was shot in the shoulder.* Some of Se¬ 
vier’s troops occupied an eminence of limestone rocks, with¬ 
in shooting distance of the house, and from that quarter the 
woman was wounded. On the next night Mr. Robert Love 
went out with one man, for the purpose of getting aid from 
the quarter of the country where he resided. On his way 
home, he met his brother Thomas, now General Love, with 
ten or twelve men, going to join Tipton, whom he informed 
of the guard, at the eminence of rocks, which lay near the 
road that led to the house. Mr. Thomas Love, before it was 
light, approached the rocks on a prancing horse, himself 
hemming and coughing. Not being hailed, he went to the 
rocks, at which the guard had been stationed, and found that 
the whole guard was absent. The weather being exces¬ 
sively cold, they had retired to the main body, to warm 
themselves by their fires. Mr. Thomas Love returned to his 
companions and informed them of the absence of the guard 
from their post, whereupon, raising a whoop, they went in 
full gallop to Tipton’s house, and by their junction with the 
besieged, infused fresh vigour into their resolutions. 

Elholm, second in command to the Governor, in order to 
make short work, and to escape from the danger of delay, 
proposed the erection of a light movable battery, under co¬ 
ver of which the troops might safely advance to the walls 
of the house. In the meantime, those coming in and going 
out of tlfe house of Tipton, were fired upon, and one, whose 


* This was purely ac cidental. 


BESIEGING FORCES RETIRE FROM TIPTOn’s. 


409 


name was Webb, was killed; another, whose name was 
Vaun, was wounded in the arm. Maxwell, with all possi¬ 
ble expedition, raised one hundred and eighty men, and 
marching with them, he had halted at Dungan’s Mill, and 
had stayed there in the fore part of the night, till they could 
have just time to reach the camp of Sevier by morning. 
Whilst they were lying there, Sevier’s scouts came within a 
mile of them, and not discovering any advancing enemy, 
returned to their main body. The night was cloudy and 
dark, and in the morning of the 3d of February,* just after 
day-break, which was the time of the attack made by Se¬ 
vier, the snow poured down as fast as it could fall from the 
clouds. Sevier had placed, in the road leading from Sulli¬ 
van county, by the place of his encampment, sentinels to 
watch the approach of the reinforcement to Tipton, which 
was expected from Sullivan. The cold weather was so 
extreme that it had forced them into camp to warm them¬ 
selves for a few minutes. Maxwell and Pemberton advanced 
cautiously, with their men well formed in a line, within 
gunshot of Sevier’s camp, having passed the spot where the 
sentinels were stationed, unobserved. Here they awaited 
the approach of daylight. As soon as objects had become 
visible, the snow falling, and Sevier’s men advancing to the 
attack on the house, the troops under Maxwell fired a volley 
and raised a shout which seemed to reach the heavens, and 
communicated to Tipton and his men in the house, that de¬ 
liverance was at hand. From the house thev re-echoed the 
shout, and instantly sallied out upon the besiegers. In the 
midst of these loud rejoicings, a tremor seized the dismayed 
troops of Sevier, and they fled in all directions, through 
every avenue that promised escape from the victors. Tip- 
ton and Maxwell did not follow them more than two hun¬ 
dred yards. Within one hour afterwards, Sevier sent in 
Robert Young with a flag, proposing terms of accommoda¬ 
tion. They left, in their flight, to be taken by the victors, 
the small piece of ordnance which Sevier had caused to be 
planted upon a battery. Pngh, the high sherifF of Wash- 


*This date is an error. It was the 28th of February, 1788. 


410 


TIPTON RELEASES HIS PRISONERS. 


ington county, was mortally wounded. Divers persons were 
made prisoners who belonged to Sevier’s corps, and amongst 
them two sons of Sevier, James and John. Tipton forth¬ 
with determined to hang both of them. Apprised of the 
rash step he intended to take, the young men sent for Mr. 
Thomas Love, and others of Tipton’s party, with A\hom they 
had a good understanding, and solicited their intercession 
with Tipton. Those persons went directly to him and rep¬ 
resented, in strong terms, the rashness, illegality and impolicy 
of the intended execution. They urged their arguments so 
effectually, that, with tears flowing down his cheeks at the 
mention of his own sons, supposing them to be in the pos¬ 
session of Sevier, abput to be executed by him for offences 
imputed to the father, he pronounced himself too womanish 
for any manly office, and desisted from his purpose. 

This is the account usually given of the affair between 
Tipton and Sevier. It is believed to be mainly correct. The 
declaration put into the mouth of Governor Sevier, that he 
would suppress all opposition to the government of Franklin, 
needs confirmation, or should be qualified. From the com¬ 
mencement of the difficulties between the parent state and her 
revolted counties, Sevier had determined to avoid and in¬ 
tended to prevent violence and bloodshed. His moderation 
and his good temper, have been attested by the narrative of 
every pioneer this annalist has had an opportunity to ex¬ 
amine. The Governor, in every instance, dissuaded his ad¬ 
herents from violence or even tumult. His own letters, 
official and private, breathe the same spirit. The reader will 
recollect how much, and how pathetically, he deprecated a 
resort to force in his letter to Governor Matthews, of June 
24, in which he also speaks of the mother state with affec¬ 
tion and regard—indeed, in a tone of filial piety, which can¬ 
not be too much admired. His conduct during the siege of 
Tipton’s house, and until he withdrew from it, demonstrates, 
what is intended here to be said, that Governor Sevier did 
not intend to maintain the authority of Franklin by force. 
It is known, that in undertaking to recover his property, then 
in the custody oi Tipton’s adherents, and confined in his 
house, the determined spirit of that brave man defied Sevier. 


sevier’s demeanour during the siege. 


41 ] 


Major Elholm advised an immediate assault, and offered to 
lead it. The Governor restrained the ardour of his adjutant, 
and declared that not a gun should be fired. Elholm re¬ 
newed his application for leave to storm the house, when he 
was silenced by the remark from Sevier, that he came not 
there to kill his countrymen, and that those who followed 
him had no such wish or design. Sevier himself, and most 
of his adherents, were too patriotic not to be dissatisfied with 
the position which surrounding circumstances had forced 
him to assume, and which he almost reluctantly now occupied, 
at the head of insurgents, and prompted to engage them in 
a fratricidal warfare. His sword had been often drawn for 
his country—his heart had never quailed before its enemies. 
Over these he had often triumphed ; but now he refused to 
imbrue his hands in the blood of patriotic countrymen and 
friends. The patriot prevailed over the officer—the citizen 
over the soldier. The sternness of the commander yielded 
to the claims of duty and a common citizenship. His de¬ 
meanour during the siege, and especially on the night before 
the assault, is represented by those of his party who served 
under him, before and after this occasion, to have been very 
different from that which he usually manifested. The men 
under his command exhibited the same altered behaviour. 
In all their campaigns, ardour and enthusiasm attended the 
march—care and vigilance the bivouac—the mirthful song 
and the merry jest, were heard in every tent. On these 
occasions, it was the custom of Se\ ier to visit every mess, 
and to participate in thei*hilarity. He spoke of enemies and 
danger before, and friends and home behind them. He was 
thus the companion, and friend, and idol of his soldiery. 
But now the camp of the Governor of Franklin was dreary 
and cheerless. No merry laugh was heard—nor song—nor 
jest. Little care and less vigilance was taken in placing out 
the sentinels. Sevier was silent, appeared abstracted, 
thoughtful, and, at this time only in his whole public life, 
morose and ascetic. Elholm’s vivacity failed to arouse him. 
He communicated little to that officer ; he said nothing to 
his men. He took no precaution, suggested no plan, either 


412 


BOTH PARTIES INDISPOSED TO BLOODSHED. 


of attack or defence. The enemies of his country were not 
before him, and the patriot Governor repressed the aspirations 
of the “ commander-in-chief of the army of the State of 
Franklin.” In no other instance has he given a livelier ex¬ 
hibition of the true moral sublime of patriotism. 

The example of Sevier was contagious. The energy and 
skill of Elholm effected nothing. They could not convert 
American citizens into fratricides. 

A similar spirit actuated the adverse party. Their coura¬ 
geous leader acted only on the defensive. When the siege 
was raised, no immediate pursuit was made. The besiegers 
and the besieged, were soon after friends, and peaceable 
neighbours. It is still strange, under all the circumstances, 
that so few of both parties were killed or wounded. This 
has sometimes been ascribed to and accounted for, by the 
heavy snow storm which occurred during the siege. One 
of the besieged, the late Dr. Taylor, ol Carter county, may 
explain it in his own words. “ We did not go there to 
light. Neither party intended to do that. Many on both 
sides were unarmed, and some who had guns, did not even 
load them. Most of us went to prevent mischief, and did not 
intend to let the neighbours kill one another. Our men shot 
into the air, and Sevier’s men into the corners of the house. 
As to the storm of snow keeping the men from taking a sure 
aim, it is all a mistake. Both sides had the best marksmen in 
the world, who had often killed a deer, and shot it in the head 
too, when a heavier snow was falling. The men did not try to 
hit any body. They could easily fiave done so if they had 
been enemies.” 

The late Colonel Joseph Hamilton, senior, speaking of this 
affair, says : 

Col. Pemberton, of Sullivan, to whom an express had been sent by 
Tipton, soliciting relief, arrived with thirty men. These he stationed 
in front of Sevier’s camp, unperceived by the latter. Pemberton ordered 
a general discharge of the rides of his party. The discharge was made 
intentionally, to avoid shooting any of Sevier’s men. 

On the approach of Sevier’s troops, Captain John Cowan was sent 
in with a flag, proposing some terms of compromise. This was refused 
the first, second and third times. After the reinforcement from Sulli- 


ERROR OF THE DATE OF THE SIEGE. 


413 


van, Captain Cowan was taken prisoner; and refusing to give bail for 
his appearance before a civil court, was retained in custody of Colonel 
Tipton several days. Captain Handley, at length, prevailed with Tip- 
ton, and Cowan was released.* 

The date of the affair before Tipton’s house, as given in 
the account of it taken from Haywood, is the third of Feb¬ 
ruary. This is incorrect. It was, certainty, several days 
later than the twenty-fifth of February. The writer has in 
his possession, a military despatch from Governor Sevier, 
which is here given: 

Major Taylor’s, f 15th February, 1788. 

Dear Captain :—I am informed that the Tipton party have got very 
insolent, and have been guilty of several cruelties and barbarous ac¬ 
tions. I have ordered fifteen men out of each company, to turn out; 
and I am well satisfied that the men of Sevier county will turn out 
bravely. I beg you will use your influence to get as many men out of 
your neighbourhood to turn out, as may be in your power. I shall ex¬ 
pect your company up. I am satisfied that a small exertion will settle 
the matter to our satisfaction. Pray speak to Mr. Allen, and let us raise 
as many men as in our power. For further particulars, I beg leave to 
refer you to the bearer. 

I am, dear sir, your most obdt. humble servant, 

John Sevier. 

Captain John Zahaun, Caswell County, Franklin State. 

Favoured per James Sevier. 

It would require two or three days for the Governor’s mes¬ 
senger to reach Captain Zahaun’sJ residence ; fully as many to 
notify to the militia the purport of the despatch, and to assem¬ 
ble them together ; and as many more to reach the Governor’s 
head-quarters, ten miles above Jonesboro’. Sevier county, 
on whose military ardour the Governor so confidently relied, 
embraced much of the present county of Blount, a distance 
offmore than one hundred miles from Jonesboro’. It is known 
that Colonel Weir and others from that county, were present 
at the siege, and it is not probable, that from the date of 
the despatch to the time of the arrival of the troops at head¬ 
quarters, less than two weeks had elapsed. It was, cer¬ 
tainty, very late in February, or perhaps, early in March, 
when the engagement took place. The late James Sevier, 

♦Manuscripts before me. 

+ Near Jonesboro’. 

I Since known as Sehorn’s Ferry, above Dandridge. 


414 SEVIER WRITES TO GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA, 

of Washington county, believed the date was February 28. 
This accords with the following despatches from Colonel 
Tipton, and with a letter to be hereafter given, from Go¬ 
vernor Sevier himself. 

On Monday, February 25th, Colonel Tipton, writing to 
Colonel Robert Love, says : 

“ The rebels are again rising; Sevier is now making his last effort; 
he has given orders to his officers below, to draft fifteen men out of each 
company, and take property from those that will not serve, and give to 
those that will. This day they are to meet at Greene ; to-morrow at 
Jonesboro’; and Wednesday, if not before, make the push here. I 
therefore request you to give orders to the officers in the Cove, to collect 
their men with the greatest expedition, and march to my house to-mor¬ 
row, fixed in ample manner; as I purpose to defend this quarter, with¬ 
out making any excursions, unless I can get further information. 

I am, sir, with respect, yours to serve, 

John Tipton. 

N. B.—Let no time be lost. 

Though now no longer the Governor of Franklin, and in¬ 
deed without office and authority, and a mere private citizen, 
Sevier continued to correspond with his quondam allies in 
Georgia. He still dates from 

Franklin, 10th April, 1788. 

Sir: —Yours, of the 19th of February, I had the honour to receive. 
In our present confuted situation of affairs, I am not able to reply with 
that accuracy and satisfaction to your Excellency I could wish. Our 
country is, at this time, almost in a state of anarchy, occasioned, as we 
suggest, by the North-Carolinians stimulating a party to act in a hostile 
manner against us. 

Agreeable to our Constitution, my duration in office continued no 
longer than the 1st of March last, and, in our present embarrassed con¬ 
dition, our Assembly have, as yet, failed to make any new appointment. 

It is with great pleasure I inform you that a great number of the peo¬ 
ple of this country discover a ready disposition to aid your state against 
your savage enemies; and let matters occur as they may, if-1 am spared 
I purpose joining your army with a considerable number of volunteers, 
to act in concert with you against the Creeks, though many of 
our enemies are making use of every diabolical plan in their power, in 
* order to destroy our laudable intention. 

I beg your Excellency will be so obliging as to advise us, from time 
to time, of your intended operations, and should your campaign he pro¬ 
crastinated until the fall season, I am of ojnnion you will get a much 
greater number of men from this country. 

Daring the time Governor Sevier administered the affairs 
of the Franklin Government, little disturbances existed upon 




AND REPAIRS TO THE FRONTIER. 


415 


the frontier. The Cherokees had learped, by past experience, 
the danger of hostilities with the Franklin people, when 
commanded by an officer of such vigour and capacity, as in 
all his campaigns had been manifested by Sevier. The In¬ 
dians, until his government was overthrown, stayed, for the 
most part, quietly in their villages, and permitted the settle¬ 
ments to be extended rapidly, and with little interruption, 
from the lower parts of Greene and Spencer counties, to the 
western limits of what is now Knox county, north of Hol- 
ston, and Blount county, south of it. But from the commence¬ 
ment of this year, the Cherokees having constant informa¬ 
tion of the difficulties existing amongst their white neigh¬ 
bours, had manifested evident tokens of dissatisfaction, and 
a general desire for a renewal of hostilities. During the 
short absence of such of the gunmen as had gone from the 
lower settlements to Sevier’s head-quarters, some mischief 
was done on the frontier, and the traders all reported an ap¬ 
proaching Indian invasion. Messengers were immediately 
despatched to the upper counties after Sevier, carrying with 
them representations of the impending danger, and urging 
his immediate return to the exposed border settlements. These 
he received just after his fruitless siege of Tipton’s house, 
and when the disasters of the day hung like a pall around 
him, and ulcerated his wounded spirit. In a moment Sevier 
was himself again ; elastic, brave, energetic, daring and pa¬ 
triotic. At the head of a body of mounted riflemen, he was 
at once upon the frontier to guard and protect its most de¬ 
fenceless points. 

After the departure of Sevier and his adherents, Col. Tip 
ton, on the 11th March, issued again to Col. Robert Love this 
order: 

“You will cause the men of the Greasy Cove to be notified to appear 
at my house on Saturday evening next, well equipped, with arms and 
ammunition, and six days provision. Those that have arms, etc., and 
do not comply, take and give to those that will serve.” 

Colonel Tipton, with a number of troops, were, on the 16th 
of March, collected at Abednego Inman’s. From that place, 
he wrote to General Kennedy, a friend of Sevier’s, that “ my 
business is not to disturb or molest the inhabitants, but 


416 


CONCILIATORY CONDUCT OF GENERAL MARTIN. 


rather to protect them ; and, sir, as I am persuaded that you 
have the interest of the country at large at heart, if it should 
coincide with your approbation, that you should bring the 
Commissions to Greene Court-House to-morrow, for the pur¬ 
pose of establishing a court, so that the inhabitants may be 
exempted of the penalty prescribed by law.” 

General Martin, who now commanded the brigade of 
North-Carolina militia west of the mountain, also wrote to 
General Kennedy, March 21, 1-788. 

“ I am greatly distressed and alarmed at the late proceedings of our 
countrymen and friends, and must beg your friendly interposition, in 
order to bring about a reconciliation, which, you well know, was my 
object in accepting the brigadier’s commission. I am, perhaps, as little 
afraid of stepping forth in the field of action as any other man ; but I 
would be sorry to imbrue my hands in the blood of my countrymen 
and friends, and will take every method in my power to prevent any 
thing of that nature. In our present situation, nothing will do but a 
submission to the laws of North-Carolina, which I most earnestly re- 

V 

commend to the people. You well know this is the only way to bring 
about a separation, and also a reconciliation for our worthy friend, whose 
situation at this time is very disagreeable. I most sensibly feel for him, 
and will go very great lengths to serve him. Pray see him often, and 
give him all the comfort you can. 

“ I am told that a certain officer says, that if I issue an order for a 
reconciliation, that it shall not be obeyed ; but I shall let that gentleman 
know that I am not to be trifled with. Pray write me all what the 
people will do, and whether you will accept your commission, which I hope 
you will. Have the militia immediately offi.ered and prepared for 
action, as I expect a general Indian war shortly. Please give my best 
respects to the people in general. Tell them my object is reconciliation, 
not war.” 

There were few—perhaps none—even of the adherents of 
the old state, whose feelings and wishes, in reference to Se¬ 
vier, were not in exact consonance with those expressed by 
General Martin in this letter. Its tone, its moderation, its 
wisdom, its sympathy for a soldier and a patriot, constitute 
the highest eulogy upon his own good sense, his patriotism 
and his good feelings. They cannot be too much admired or 
imitated. They saved the country from further tumult and 
violence, and all opposition, on the part of Franklin to North- 
Carolina, ceased. 

At this moment of impending tumult and civil discord, a 
missionary of the Christian religion appeared, unexpectedly, 


bisiiop asbury’s opportune arrival. 


417 


in the midst of these conflicting elements of excited passion 
and social and political disorganization. We extract from 
Bishop Asbury’s Journal: “April 28,1788.—We reached 
the head of Watauga ; came to Greer’s. The people are in 
disorder about the Old and New State; two or three men have 
been killed. At Nelson’s, I had a less audience than was 
expected ; the people having been called away on an expe¬ 
dition against the new-statc-men. Preached on Hebrews, 
vi. chapter, 11th and 12th verses.” Shortly afterwards, he 
preached “ at Owens’s, on Psalm 148, verses 17, 18, 19, with 
some fervour. Came to Huflacre’s and Key wood’s, where we 
held Conference three days; and I preached each day. The 
weather was cold; the room without fire, and otherwise uncom¬ 
fortable. We, nevertheless, made out to keep our seats until 
we had finished the essential part of our business.” This 
first Conference west of the mountain—the novelty of such 
an assemblage in the wilds of Watauga—its mission of be¬ 
nignity and peace—the calm dignity and unpretending sim¬ 
plicity of the venerable Bishop, all conspired to soothe, quiet 
and harmonize the excited masses, and to convert partizans 
and factionists into brothers and friends. 

In the meantime, Governor Caswell’s term of office having- 
expired, Samuel Johnston was elected his successor. His 
administration, it was hoped, might effect the restoration of 
harmony in the revolted counties, which the conciliatory 
policy of Governor Caswell had failed to do. He was kept 
advised of the state of affairs, west of the mountains, and in 
the following letter from Colonel Martin, it was recom¬ 
mended to send troops from North-Carolina, to quell existing 
disturbances in Franklin: 

Long Island, 24th March, 1788. 

Sir :—The confusion of this country induces me to lay before your 
Excellency, by express, our present situation, which is truly alarming. 

I sent, on Saturday last, to Sevier and his party, requiring them to 
lay down their arms, and submit to the laws of North-Carolina, but 
can get no answer, only from Colonel Joseph Hardin, which I forward; 
though I know, that on Friday last, they met in Convention, to concert 
some"plan. The bearer of my express to them, informs me, that he 
understood that Sevier had gone towards French Broad, since the 10th 
instant; that Colonel Kennedy, with several others, had gone the same 
way, to carry on an expedition against the Cherokee Indians, which, I 
27 


418 GOV. JOHNSTON DIRECTS THE APPREHENSION OF SEVIER. 

am well assured, wish to be at peace ; except the Chickamauga party, 
which could be easily driven out of that country, if your Excellency 
should recommend it. I am somewhat doubtful, that Sevier and his 
party are embodying, under the colour of an Indian expedition, to 
amuse us, and that their real object is, to make another attack on tho 
citizens of this state; to prevent which, I have ordered the different 
colonels to have their men in good order, until I can hear from your Ex¬ 
cellency ; at which time, I hope, you will give me directions in what 
manner to proceed, in this uncommon and critical situation; for which 
I shall wait, till the return of the express, before I shall take any deci¬ 
sive steps. 

Should the Franks still persist to oppose the laws of this state, 
would it not be well to order General McDowell to give some assist¬ 
ance ? as a few men from there will convince them, that North-Carolina 
is determined to protect her citizens. 

Representations continued to be made to Governor John¬ 
ston unfavourable to Sevier’s conduct and motives, which 
induced him to issue to Judge Campbell, the instructions 
following: 

Hillsborough, 29th July, 178 8. 

Sir :—It has been represented to the Executive, that John Sevier, 
who styles himself Captain-General of the State of Franklin, has been 
guilty of high treason, in levying troops to oppose the laws and govern¬ 
ment of this state, and has with an armed force put to death several 
good citizens. If these facts shall appear to you by the affidavit of 
credible persons, you will issue your warrant to apprehend the said 
John Sevier, and in case he cannot be sufficiently secured for trial in 
the District of Washington, order him to be committed to the public 
gaol. 

At the same time an order was forwarded to General Mar¬ 
tin, to assist the sheriff in the apprehension of Sevier. Go¬ 
vernor Johnston says further, to General Martin: 

“ Sevier, from the state of his conduct, set forth in your letter, ap¬ 
pears to be incorrigible, and I fear we shall have no peace in your 
quarter, till he is proceeded against to the last extremity.” 

These repeated accusations of Sevier and of those impli¬ 
cated with him, in the charges of barbarous and cruel con¬ 
duct, are to be ascribed, in some instances, to political ani¬ 
mosity—and in others, to exaggeration of his conduct, and a 
misapprehension of his designs. He was now really a pri¬ 
vate citizen, without command or authority, and yet, as will 
be hereafter seen, he was constantly at the head of troops— 
volunteers, who selected him as their commander, and 


JOHN SEVIER TO THE INHABITANTS. 


419 


who followed his standard and obeyed his orders, as fully 
and as cheerfully, as if he were yet in power. The 
frontier people knew that they could not be safe, but by their 
own exertions and military services. They needed a leader 
to combine their strength, discipline the troops, project expe¬ 
ditions, secure their exposed stations, expel their Indian ene¬ 
mies, and give quiet and safety to a scattered and defenceless 
people. This responsible duty they imposed upon Sevier 
He could not decline the position thus assigned him by ac¬ 
clamation. He assumed it cheerfully, and executed its du¬ 
ties well. 

Sevier was now on the frontier, and though invested with 
no official power, the Ex-Governor and one of his Franklin 
officers, issued this address. 

“ Major Houston’s Station, 8th of July, 1788. 

“ To the Inhabitants in general :—Yesterday we crossed Tennessee 
with a small party of men, and destroyed a town called Toquo. On 
our return we discovered large trails of Indians making their way to¬ 
wards this place. We are of the opinion their numbers could not be 
less than five hundred. We beg leave to recommend, that every 
Station will be on their guard ; that also, every good man that can be 
spared, will voluntarily turn out and repair to this place, with the ut¬ 
most expedition, in order to tarry for a few days in the neighbourhood 
and repel the enemy, if possible. We intend waiting at this place some 
days with the few men now with us, as we cannot reconcile it to our 
own feelings, to leave a people who appear to be in such great distress. 

John Sevier, 

James Hubbert. 

N. B. It will be necessary for those who will be so grateful as to come 
to the assistance of this place, to furnish themselves with a few days pro¬ 
visions, as the inhabitants of this Fort are greatly distressed with the 
Indians. 

J. S. 

J. H. 

A minute account of Sevier’s further services is given 
by Haywood, from which we copy or condense : 

“ The Cherokees still burned with a desire for war. It seemed, in¬ 
deed, as if nothing could ensure peace but their total extinction. 
The knowledge of their hostile designs was made public by their massa¬ 
cre of Kirk’s family. In the month of May, 1788, Kirk lived with his 
family on the south-west side of Little River, twelve miles south of 
Knoxville; whilst he was absent from home, an Indian by the name 
of Slim Tom, known to the family, came to them and requested to be 
supplied with provisions, which they gave him, and he withdrew ; hav¬ 
ing seen who were there, and the situation they were in with regard to 


420 


SEVIER AT THE HEAD OF VOLUNTEERS, 


defence, be soon after returned from the woods with a party of Indians, 
and fell upon the family—massacred the whole of them, eleven in number, 
and left them dead in the yard. Not long’ afterwards, Kirk coming 
home, saw his dead family lying on the ground; he gave the alarm to 
the neighbourhood, and the militia assembled under the command of 
Colonel Sevier, to the number of several hundred ; they met at Hunter’s 
station, on Nine Mile Creek, which runs into Holston on the South side ; 
thence they marched under the command of Colonel Sevier to the Hi- 
wassee River, and early in the morning came upon a town which had 
been burnt in 17V9 ; the Indians who were in it, fled, and took to the 
river; many were killed in the town ; some were made prisoners, and 
many were fired upon and killed in the river; they burnt the town, and 
returned to Hunter's station. On the next day they went up the Ten¬ 
nessee, to the towns on that river, killed several Indians, burnt the towns, 
and returned to the station. Tallassee, upon the upper part of the Ten¬ 
nessee, was one of these towns. The Indians fled from their different 
towns into the mountains, were pursued by the troops and many of them 
killed. Abraham, a friendly Indian, with his son, who lived on the north 
side of the Tennessee, had declared publicly, that if the Indians went to 
war, he would remain at his own house, and never quit it. When the 
troops came to the south side, Hubbard sent for Abraham and his son 
to come over the river to the troops; they came accordingly; he di¬ 
rected them to return and bring with them the Tassel and another In- 
dian, that he might hold a Talk with them ; they also held up a flag invi¬ 
ting those Indians to come to them ; they did so, and were put into a 
house. Sevier was absent for some time on the business of his com¬ 
mand ; in the time of Ida sbsence, those who were left behind, permitted 
young Kirk, the son of him whoso family was killed, to go with a toma¬ 
hawk into the house where the Indians were enclosed, Hubbard being 
with him ; there Kirk stuck his tomahawk into the head of one of 
them, who fell dead at his feet, the white people on the outside of the 
house looking in upon them. The other Indians, five or six in number, 
seeing this, immediately understood the fate intended for them ; each 
man cast his countenance and eyes to the ground, and one after the other 
received from the hands of Kiik, upon the upper part of the head, the 
fatal stroke of the tomahawk, and were all killed. Sevier returning saw 
the tragical effects of this rash act, and on remonstrating against it, was 
answered by Kirk, who was supported by some of the troops, that if he 
had suffered from the murderous hands of the Indians, as he (Kirk) had, 
that he (Sevier) would have acted in the same way. Sevier, unable to 
punish him, was obliged to overlook the flagitious deed, and acquiesced 
in the reply. 

“It is much to be regretted, that history, in the pursuit of truth, is 
obliged to record, to the shame and confusion of ourselves, a deed of 
such superlative atrocity, perfidy, cowardice and inhumanity. Surely 
something is due to wounded feelings, and some allowance is to be made 
for the conduct of men acting under the smart of great and recent suf¬ 
fering. But never should it be forgotten by an American soldier, that 
his honour must be unspotted ; that a noble generosity must be the regu¬ 
lator of his actions ; that inviolable fidelity, in all that is promised an 


INVADES AND PUNISHES THE CHEROKEES. 


421 


enemy, is a duty of sacred obligation, and that a beneficent and delicate 
behaviour to his captive, is the brightest ornament of his character. 

“Suspicion, ever alive toward the conduct of military commanders, at¬ 
tributed to Colonel Sevier a voluntary absence, whilst many of those 
who were present, acquitted him of ail presentiment of the horrid act. 
Colonel Sevier never acted with cruelty before or since; he often com¬ 
manded ; he was never accused of inhumanity; he could not have 
given his consent on this occasion. Considering existing circumstances, 
he could not maintain as much authority now, as at other times ; he 
was routed, proscribed and driven from his home; he took shelter 
amongst the frontier inhabitants, who now composed his little army ; he 
relied upon them for safety; they consulted only the exasperated feel¬ 
ings of the moment, and had never been instructed in the rules of re¬ 
fined warfare. 

“ Captain Gillespie, on arriving at the river, had also gone oft' with his 
company in search of the enemy, by order of the commanding officer; 
he went up the river on the south side, and crossed where the Indians 
were on the north ; he pursued them several miles and took some pack- 
horses ; on his return the Indians were everywhere in motion; he re¬ 
crossed the river to the south side, at the place where he had just be¬ 
fore crossed. As he ascended the bank on the south side, he saw an 
Indian named Alexander Mayberry, and hailed him, who stopped and 
gave up his gun, and surrendered himself a prisoner. Captain Gilles¬ 
pie then went towards the army which he had left, and as he proceeded, 
was met by a company of soldiers who insisted upon killing his prisoner. 
Captain Gillespie told them that he had taken the Indian a prisoner, and 
that he should not be killed whilst in his possession; they, still 
persisting, and manifesting a determined purpose to put the prisoner to 
death, Gillespie dismounted from his horse, and placing himself between 
them and the Indian, cocked his gun, and gave them the most positive 
assurances that he would instantly pour the contents of it into the heart 
of that man who dared to fire upon the Indian. The resolute air of his 
countenance convinced them that he intended what he said; they de¬ 
sisted and went oft'; he led his prisoner into camp, and delivered him to 
Colonel Sevier, who removed him to Hunter’s station, whence he was 
sent home in safety. 

“ The massacre of Kirk’s family was followed in quick succession by 
that of many others. A man of the name of English, was killed near 
Bean’s station, and James Kirkpatrick between Bean’s station and Hol- 
ston ; some were killed in the neighbourhood of Bull Run, and others at 
places north of Knoxville, and many others on the roads to West Ten¬ 
nessee and Kentucky. The people were compelled to live in forts; they 
built Houston’s station, sixteen miles south of Knoxville, not far from 
the place where Maryville now stands. General Martin sent a party to 
protect the inhabitants of the station, under the command of Major 
Thomas Stewart, which went to the station and garrisoned it. 

“Captain John Fayne, with some enlisted men who composed apart of 
the guard under the command of Captain Stewart, and some of the set¬ 
tlers" who turned out with them, were sent out as scouts to reconnoitre 
the adjacent country ; they crossed the Tennessee River, and entered into 


422 


SITICO DEFEAT, 


an apple orchard, where carelessly they began to gather the fruit; the 
Indians were lying in wait, and had suffered them to march into the 
orchard without molestation. Whilst in the act of gathering fruit, the 
Indians surrounded them, drove them into the river, killed sixteen of the 
whites dead on the ground, took one prisoner, and wounded four, who, 
with difficulty, effected their escape. The scene of this tragedy was at 
a town called Sitico. Captain Evans raised thirty men, who, with him¬ 
self, lived a considerable distance from the place, and was at it in the 
evening of the third day. That night, being on the north bank of the 
Tennessee, they buried the dead whom they found on that side of the 
river, marched back about one mile and encamped on high ground; 
Major Stewart came in also with the enlisted men of the station; these 
were under his command, but the volunteer company was exclusively 
under that of Captain Evans. Next morning they crossed the river at 
the upper end of Chota, and thence to Sitico, where the massacre took 
place; there they found one white man lying on his back with his belly 
ript open ; four men lying on a sand bar with their bellies also ript up, 
and their bowels floating on the water; the head of one man was cut 
off, and his heart and bowels were torn out and strewed about on the 
ground ; after burying the dead, they returned home. Such of the 
company in the orchard as survived the massacre, had fled towards 
Knoxville; these the Indians had pursued to within five miles of that 
place, and in the pursuit killed a great part of them. They then deter¬ 
mined to attack Houston’s station, and with that view marched to it, but 
were beaten off by the garrison. Colonel Sevier was at this time within 
twenty-five miles of the mouth of Holston, and was marching diligently 
to the defence of Houston’s station, which he had been informed the In¬ 
dians intended to reduce, but he had not yet heard of the attack which 
they had actually made upon it. He unexpectedly met one hundred of 
the retreating Indians, fired upon them, compelled them to give way, 
and continued his march to the station; thence he immediately went 
home, and without delay convened Captain John Craig and his company, 
and one or two other companies, and at the special request of Colonel 
Sevier, he was joined also by Captain Evans and his company, who was 
requested to do so by an express sent for the purpose. Captain Evans 
took post in the rear of the front guard : as the army passed through 
Sitico, Evans seeing an old Indian slip into a house between daylight 
and sunrise, took with him John Ish, and rode up to the house, in which 
he saw sitting an old man, and upon dismounting and going into 
the house, saw in it two young Indian fellows, both of whom he and Ish 
killed, and rejoined the army. It marched constantly, and arrived at Chil- 
howee; at this place they found Indians, had a skirmish with them, kill¬ 
ing thirteen dead on the ground; the whites receiving no damage on 
their side ; they all returned home in safety. A few weeks after this, 
Evans raised a volunteer company, and other Captains also raised com¬ 
panies to make an expedition into the Indian nation ; at their solicitation 
Colonel Sevier took the command of them; they crossed the Tennessee 
River and went through Big Tellico town ; thence crossing the Unaea 
mountain, they entered the Valley towns ; whilst the army marched on, 
Captain Hubbard took ten men with him, and following a small path, 


AND OTHER INDIAN BATTLES. 


423 


they came to a house where were seven or eight Indians, who ran out of 
the house, when the whites killed five of them, took one small prisoner, 
and returned to the army. When the army halted at noon, Captain 
Evans discovered an Indian coming down the ridge; he mounted his 
horse, and taking two or three men with him, rode towards the Indian; 
he fired upon Evans and his men, the ball passing through the hunting 
shirt of one of them, and then ran to the foot of the hill, and charging 
his gun, gave them a second fire ; one of the white men fired at him, 
and shot off his fore-finger; the Indian again charged his piece, but 
when he attempted to prime, the blood ran so fast into the pan of the 
fire-lock that he could not effect it; the whites rode up to him and shot 
him down. Marching four miles further, they encamped in hearing of 
the crowing of a cock, from a town that was six miles long; but per¬ 
ceiving that the enemy had left it at the approach of the army, Sevier, 
with the army, in the morning took a different route, which led them to 
the upper end of another town, where the corn was in the silk ; the whole 
of this the army cut down before them. The Indians kept up a constant 
fire, but the distance was too great to do it with any effect. .After en¬ 
camping here all night, Evans, with ten men, was sent to reconnoitre the 
confines of the camp; on the top of a ridge he discovered the signs of 
Indians ; a large body of them had been there, and had thrown off their 
old moccasins and put on new ones ; he immediately gave intelligence 
of this to the Colonel, and was ordered by him to keep the ridge till the 
main body should be ready to march. About one hundred Indians had 
turned back, and others went on, to form an ambuscade in a narrow pas¬ 
sage ; the army followed upon their trail till it came in view of the place 
where it was thought they lay concealed ; the passage which the army 
had to pass through, was one where the path was on the bank of the 
river, under a large cliff of rocks, for one quarter of a mile, which did 
not admit of more than one man abreast, followed by the others in In¬ 
dian file; they had placed two hundred men on the south side of the 
river, ready to receive the whites had they attempted to cross ; one hun¬ 
dred in the front, one hundred in the rear, and three hundred amongst 
the rocks and cliffs ; of the whites, the number was not more than one 
hundred and forty. The danger of marching through this passage was 
judiciously considered by Colonel Sevier as too great to be encountered 
for the advantage to be attained, and he marched for the foot of the 
mountain, where he crossed as he went out. The army drove before it 
three head of neat cattle, and proceeded with so much haste that one of 
the cattle tired and would go no further. Captaiu Evans marched in 
the rear, and having passed the summit of the mountain and proceeded 
about two hundred yards down the other side of it, one of his men said 
that he had left his knife just before lie crossed the top of the mountain, 
and he ran back for it; when he got to the mountain top, he heard the 
Indians ascending on the side of the mountain up which the whites had 
just before come. Intelligence of their vicinity was immediately given 
to the Colonel: it was now between sunset and dark, and the army, 
before it could encamp safely, was obliged to travel ten miles to Big 
Tellico, where, on the plains, it encamped. Five hundred Indians fol¬ 
lowed until they came in view of the camp, and there, their courage fail- 


424 


SPENCER ISSUES A WARRANT AGAINST SEVIER, 


ing, they retired. The next day the troops crossed Tennessee, and re¬ 
turned home.” 

The order given by Governor Johnston to Judge Camp¬ 
bell, to issue a bench warrant against Sevier, was not 
obeyed by that officer. His past relations with the Governor 
of Franklin, and his own agency in several transactions of 
that government, made him unwilling, if he was not other¬ 
wise incapacitated, to execute that duty. But Spencer, one 
of the principal Judges of North-Carolina, held, by author¬ 
ity of that state, in conjunction with Campbell, a Superior 
Court at Jonesboro’, and there issued the warrant against 
Sevier, for the crime of high treason. Ever since his defeat 
at Tipton’s, that brave and patriotic citizen had been in the 
constant performance of the most brilliant actions, of great 
utility to his countrymen. He was amongst the frontier peo¬ 
ple who adored him. He had, by nature, a talent for acqui¬ 
ring popular favour. It was natural for him to travel in the 
paths which led to it. To him it was no secret, that in a 
republican government, where the democratic principle is a 
main ingredient in its composition, the love of the people is 
substantial power. He had a friendly demeanour, a capti¬ 
vating address, and, to crown all, he was a soldier. With 
such qualities, he could not fail to catch the prepossessions of 
the people ; to attach them to his interests, and to mould 
them to the furtherance of his designs. The beloved man 
of the populace is always distinguished by a nick-name ; 
Nollichucliij Jack was the one they gave him. Whenever, 
at future elections, that name was pronounced, it had the 
effect of electrical power, in prostrating the pretensions of 
every opposing candidate. Sevier was generous, liberal and 
hospitable. The people of North-Carolina valued his good 
qualities, and had no disposition to dwell upon his late errors 
with any malevolence. As the government of North-Caro- 
lina was now submitted to universally, they wished not to 
inflict punishment upon any for the part they had taken in 
the late troubles. As he easily, forgave in others, the 
offences committed against him, he had not any suspicion 
that he was not as readily forgiven. He was elevated, by 
his merits, in the public esteem ; he knew not what it was 


WHO IS APPREHENDED. 


425 


to repine at the prosperity of others. But he had not learned 
that he, who was rendered eminent by his services, is the last 
to be pardoned for his faults ; and that a repetition of meri¬ 
torious actions, like oil thrown upon the fire, so far from ex¬ 
tinguishing, actually aggravates the angry passions which 
are roused against him.* 

Sevier, in the meantime, after his return from the frontier, 
appeared openly in all public places, and was present at 
Jonesboro, where General Martin held a council of the mi¬ 
litia officers. During the day, some of the court, and Sevier, 
had an altercation, which revived past difficulties between 
some of the officers and the ex-governor. They had separated 
and left town. After Sevier started, Caldwell, with whom he 
had quarrelled, went to Tipton, and in going and returning, 
collected eight or ten men, with whom he went in pursuit of 
Sevier. Arriving at the house where Colonel Love lodged, 
he went with them to Colonel Robinson’s, where General 
Martin and Major King were. Tipton there had a close 
search made for Sevier, supposing that, as there was a good 
understanding between Robinson and him, the latter might 
be there. The pursuers then went to the widow Brown’s, 
where Sevier was. Tipton and the party with him, rushed 
forward to the door of common entrance. It was about sun¬ 
rise. Mrs. Brown had just risen. Seeing a party with arms 
at that early hour, well acquainted with Colonel Tipton, 
probably rightly apprehending the cause of this visit, she 
sat herself down in the front door, to prevent their getting 
into the house, which caused a considerable bustle between 
her and Colonel Tipton. Sevier had slept near one end of 
the house, and on hearing a noise, sprung from his bed, and 
looking through a hole in the door-side, saw Colonel Love ; 
upon which, he opened the door and held out his hand, say¬ 
ing to Colonel Love, I surrender to you. Colonel Love led 
him to the place where Tipton and Mrs. Brown were con¬ 
tending about a passage into the house. Tipton, upon seeing 
Sevier, was greatly enraged, and swore that he would hang 
him. Tipton held a pistol in his hand, sometimes swearing 
he would shoot him, and Sevier was really afraid that he 

would put his threat into execution. Tipton at length be- 

*Haywood. 


426 


SEVIER TAKEN A PRISONER TO MORGANTON, 


came calm, and ordered Sevier to get his horse, for that he 
would carry him to Jonesboro’. Sevier pressed Colonel 
Love to go with him to Jonesboro’, which the latter con¬ 
sented to do. On the way, he requested of Colonel Love to 
use his influence that he might be imprisoned in Jonesbo¬ 
ro’, and that he might not be sent over the mountains 
into North-Carolina. Colonel Love remonstrated to him 
against an imprisonment in Jonesboro’, for, said he, Tip- 
ton will place a strong guard around you there ; your friends 
will attempt a rescue, and bloodshed will be the result. Se¬ 
vier urged that he would persuade his friends to peaceable 
measures, and expressed great reluctance at the idea of being 
taken from his family and friends. As soon as they ar¬ 
rived at Jonesboro’, Tipton ordered iron hand-cufls to be 
put on him, which was accordingly done. He then car¬ 
ried the Governor by the residence of Colonel Love, and that 
of the widow Pugh, whence he went home, leaving Sevier 
in the custody of the deputy sheriff and two other men, with 
orders to carry him to Morganton, and lower down, if he 
thought it necessary. Colonel Love travelled with him till 
late in the evening, and was requested by the Governor to 
send down to his wife, and let her know of his situation, with 
a request to her to send some clothes to him, and some mo¬ 
ney. Next morning, James Love, the brother of the colonel, 

was dispatched with this message to Mrs. Sevier ; she trans- 

* 

mitted to her husband the necessaries he wanted. A few days 
afterwards, James and John Sevier, sons of the Governor, to¬ 
gether with Mr. Cozby, Major Evans, and some few others, 
were seen by Colonel Love, following the way the guard had 
gone. Before Colonel Love had left the guard, they had, at 
his request, taken off the irons of their prisoner. The next 
morning he attempted to make his escape, but the guard 
overtook him, and one of them, George French, shot at him 
with a pistol as the horses were running, before they stopped 
him. The friends of Sevier say that French had it in charge 
to kill him, and intended to execute his commission, and that 
on the Iron Mountain, on their way to North-Carolina, Gor- 
ley, another oi the guard, informed Sevier of the order and 
intention of French, upon which he endeavoured to make 


AND IS TURSUED AND RESCUED. 


427 


his escape; that in his flight, he became entangled in 
trees and brush, thrown down by a hurricane, and 
could proceed no further, when French came up, and 
fired a pistol at his face, which fortunately did him 
no harm, except burning him with the powder. The bullet 
had slipped out of the pistol unknown to French. The guard 
proceeded with him to Morganton, where they delivered him 
to William Morrison, the then high sheriff of Burke county. 
As the guard passed through the settlement of the McDow¬ 
ells, in Burke county, General McDowell and General Jo¬ 
seph McDowell, the latter of whom had been in service with 
him, and fought by his side in several perilous battles, and 
the former of whom had, a few years since, fled from the 
enemy in his own neighbourhood, and taken shelter under 
the roof of Sevier, both followed him immediately to Mor¬ 
ganton, and there became his securities for a few days, until 
he could go down qnd see a brother-in-law, who lived in that 
county. Agreeable to his promise, he returned punctually. 
The sheriff then, upon his own reponsibility, let him have a 
few days more to visit his friends and acquaintances. By 
this time, his two sons, with Cozby, Evans, and others, came 
into Morganton, without any knowledge of the people there, 
who they were, or what their business was. On striking the 
settlements on the east side of the mountains, they had sepa¬ 
rated, and had come into town singly. Court was, at 
that time, sitting in Morganton, and they were with the peo¬ 
ple, generally, without suspicion. At night, when the court 
broke up and the people dispersed, they, with the Governor, 
pushed forward towards the mountains with the greatest ra¬ 
pidity, and before morning arrived at them, and were beyond 
the reach of any who might think proper to pursue them. 

To this account of the capture and rescue of Sevier, as 
copied from Haywood, it may be added, that besides James 
Sevier, John Sevier, Doctor James Cozby, and Major Evans, 
as above mentioned, Jesse Greene and John Gibson made up 
the party who pursued and re-captured their old com¬ 
mander, and effected his restoration to his incensed country¬ 
men. Evans had been one of the Governor’s favourite mili¬ 
tary officers ; all the rest had been comrades in arms, and 


428 


ROMANTIC RESCUE OF SEVIER. 


were warm personal friends. Cozbv. in all his campaigns, 
had served with, or under him ; not only as a tried soldier, 
but as the bold and skilful surgeon. Further particulars in 
the rescue of Sevier, are derived from one conversant with 
all the actors : 

“ In a luckless hour, the puissant Governor of the western wilds, whoso 
prowess was known and acknowledged, from Watauga to the Chatta¬ 
nooga Mountain, was seized by an armed posse, and conveyed into the 
‘ settlements,’ on a charge of high treason against the State of North- 
Carolina. Had the destroying angel passed through the land, and 
destroyed the first born in every section, the feelings of the hardy fron- 
tiermen would not have been more incensed; had the chiefs and war¬ 
riors of the whole Cherokee nation fallen upon, and butchered the de¬ 
fenceless settlers, the feeling of retaliation and revenge would not have 
been more deeply awakened in their bosoms. They had suffered with 
him ; they had fought under him ; with them, he had shared the dan¬ 
gers and and privations of a frontier life, and a savage warfare; and 
they were not the spirits to remain inactive, when their friend was in 
danger. The chivalry of the country gathered together; a number of 
men were selected to fiy to the rescue ; armed to the teeth, those daunt¬ 
less sons of the woods crossed the mountains, determined to rescue their 
beloved commander, or leave their bones to bleach upon the sand-hills 
of North-Carolina, a proud memento of the children of the West. It 
w r as ascertained that the trial v 7 as to take place at Morganton, and 
thither this daring band bent their eager steps. Their plan v’as, to ob¬ 
tain his release by stratagem, and if that failed, the next step w r as, to 
fire the town, and in the hurry and confusion, burst the prison doors by 
force, and make their escape. Probably, at no time before, had the 
quiet town of Morganton assumed such an air of excitement and inter¬ 
est, as the present; for the fame of the unfortunate prisoner had gone 
before him, and the novelty of the scene had drawn together a large 
crowd. 

“The Franks had approached as near to the town as they deemed it 
prudent, where four of them concealed themselves near the road, while 
two of their number, James Cozby and Nathaniel Evans, went forward 
into the town. They rode to a convenient distance from the court 
house, tied their horses to a limb of a tree, near to which they hid 
their rifles, and boldly entered the town, their capacious hunting shirts 
concealing the side-arms they had prepared in case of need. Soon they 
had mingled with the crowd, and easily passed off for countrymen, at¬ 
tracted there by common curiosity. Evans had taken charge of General 
Sevier’s celebrated race mare, and led her up in front of the court 
house door, the bridle carelessly thrown over her head ; he was, appa¬ 
rently, an unconcerned spectator of passing events. Cosby entered the 
house, and there, arraigned at the bar, sat the object of their solicitude; 
there he sat, as firm and undaunted as when charging the hosts of Wy- 
uca on the Lookout Mountain. 

Slowly he turned his head, and their eyes met; Sevier knew the res- 


% 


HE ESCAPES WITHOUT PURSUIT. 


429 


cue was at hand, but lie was restrained from any outward demonstra¬ 
tion, by a significant shake of Cozby’s head; but it could not prevent the 
tear of gratitude, for he knew there were dating spirits near, that would 
peril their life’s, blood in his defence. During a pause in the trial, 
Cozby stepped forward in front of the Judge, and in that quick and en¬ 
ergetic tone, so peculiar to him, asked the Judge if he was done with 
that man ? The question, manner and tone, caused every person to 
start, to cast their eyes on the speaker, then on the Judge, all in amaze¬ 
ment. In the meantime, Sevier had caught a glimpse of his favourite 
mare standing at the door ; taking advantage of the confusion, he made 
one spring to the door; the next, he was safely in the saddle, and with 
the speed of thought, was borne from the wondering crowd. ‘Yes,’ 
cries a waggish voice, ‘I’ll be damned if you ain’t done with him.’ 
His comrades were not slow to follow in his wake, and, although imme¬ 
diate pursuit was made, a few minutes brought him to the main body, 
who, with one wild shout of victory, closed in the rear, and bore him 
on in triumph. That night they rested at the house of a friend, about 
twenty miles distant; from whence they made an easy journey to their 
homes, content that they had gained a bloodless victory.”* 

Morganton, the place where this rescue of the late Go¬ 
vernor of Franklin was so gallantly made, was the seat of 
justice for Burke county, N. C., and had been selected for 
the trial of the prisoner,*as being the most convenient and 
accessible court in that state, and beyond the limits of the 
late Franklin jurisdiction ; the authorities wisely concluding, 
that at home Sevier could not be successfully prosecuted. 
The change of venue, however, operated nothing in favour 
of the prosecution. Burke had been a strong whig county 
in the revolutionary war, and nowhere were whig princi¬ 
ples, whig sacrifices, and whig efforts, held in higher esteem, 
or more properly appreciated. The McDowell’s, McGimp- 
sie’s, Alexander’s, and all the whigs of that neighbourhood, 
had witnessed, and still gratefully recollected, the timely 
succour and substantial aid rendered to them, a id to their 
cause, in the hour of trial, by Sevier and his countrymen. 
He was now a prisoner in their midst, charged with the 
highest offence known to the laws ; they knew him to be a 
patriot, in exile and distress ; they felt for his sufferings, and 
sympathized in his fallen fortunes. These noble patriots of 
North-Carolina, while sensible that the majesty of law had 
been offended, were yet unwilling that its penalty should be 


*Manuscript of William Smith. 


430 


CONVENTION MEETS TO FORM 


enforced, or that Sevier should be made its victim. They 
stood around the court yard in approving silence, witnessed 
and connived at the rescue, and discountenanced pursuit. 

The capture and brief expatriation of Sevier, served only 
to awaken in his behalf the higher appreciation of his ser¬ 
vices, and a deeper conviction of his claims to the esteem and 
consideration of his countrymen. His return was every¬ 
where greeted with enthusiasm and joy. 

In the meantime, an amendment, or radical alteration of 
the existing Articles of Confederation, had become obviously 
necessary, and was demanded by the condition of things in 
all sections of the country. Apart from the general conside¬ 
ration of the ruined commerce and embarrassed revenues of 
the Confederacy, there were other and more local causes, 
which convinced Congress, and the American people, of the 
necessity of this reorganization of their form of government. 
Of these, none, perhaps, had had greater influence than the 
formidable insurrection in Massachusetts, which, in 1786, 
threatened not only the destruction qf the government of that 
state, but of the Union. “The spirit of insurrection was not 
confined to Massachusetts alone, but was manifested by par¬ 
tial risings in New-Hampshire and Connecticut.” 

The withdrawal of some of the western counties of North- 
Carolina, from the jurisdiction of the parent state, had oc¬ 
curred previous to these insurrections in New-England. Aris¬ 
ing as it did from other and far different causes, and resulting 
in the formation of a temporary state organization, it scarce¬ 
ly deserves to be classed with that of Massachusetts as an 
insurrection. Occurring, however, at a time when the fo¬ 
reign relations of the United States, and the negotiation 
especially with Spain, had produced a general discontent in 
the West, it served to render more evident the necessity of 
remodeling and enlarging the powers of the General Govern¬ 
ment. A Convention was held for this purpose, consisting 
of delegates appointed by the states, who convened at Phila¬ 
delphia, May, 1787. Of this body George Washington was 
elected, unanimously, President. A new system of govern¬ 
ment was at length formed, which the Convention recom- 


THE CONSTITUTION OF UNITED STATES. 


431 


mended should be submitted for ratification to the respective 
states. • 

The new system encountered opposition formidable and 
persevering,—North-Carolina withholding her assent until 
1-70-7 S certain amendments could be obtained. This rejec- 
( tion oi the Constitution was made by the Convention 
of North-Carolina, assembled at Hillsboro’, in which the 
western counties were represented. 

Another Convention was soon after called, to deliberate 
1780 \ u P on P ro P ose d constitution of the United States. 

( All now saw the necessity of a radical reform. De¬ 
puties were elected favourable to the new constitution, and, 
on the 21st of November, 1789, it was adopted and ratified 
by the people of North-Carolina, in convention assembled at 
Fayetteville. 

The Assembly of North-Carolina, which met at Fayette¬ 
ville, extended the act of pardon and oblivion to such of 
those who had taken part in the Franklin revolt, as chose to 
avail themselves of its provisions. But, at the same time, it 
was distinctly provided, “ that the benefit of this act should 
not entitle John Sevier to the enjoyment of any office of pro¬ 
fit, of honour or trust, in the State of North-Carolina, but 
that he be expressly debarred therefrom.” 

An enactment of this kind may have been due to the 
supremacy of law. It was in exact conflict, however, with 
the wishes and voice and decision of the people. Public 
sentiment, even in high places, demanded its immediate re¬ 
peal. Sevier was technically an insurgent. In all respects, 
he was a lover of his country, and had entitled himself to its 
highest honours and its richest rewards. His countrymen 
could not spare him from their military service ; they would 
not refuse him employment in their civil affairs. At the 
time of the annual election in August, of the next year, after 
the legislative infliction of these disabilities, the people of 
Greene county called upon Sevier to represent them in the 
Senate of North-Carolina. He was elected, it need not be 
added, without difficulty. At the appointed time, November 
2, 1789, he attended at Fayetteville, but waited a few days 
before he took his seat. During this interval, the Assembly 


432 


sevier’s disabilities removed. 


passed an act, repealing the clause of a former act, ex¬ 
cluding him from holding any office of honour, profit or trust. 
During the debate on the resolution, acquitting Sevier of the 
alleged treason, and restoring him to the rights of citizen¬ 
ship, Mr. Amy, the member from Hawkins county, warmly 
urged the passage of the bill. In doing so, he gave offence 
to Colonel Tipton, the member from Washington county. A 
rencounter was prevented with difficulty, and the debate 
postponed till the following day. The evening was spent in 
reconciling the disputants, and Mr. Roddy, another member 
from Greene, reprimanded Amy for using language calcu¬ 
lated to irritate Colonel Tipton, and begged him thereafter 
to pursue a course which would “soothe his feelings.” It 
was finally concluded, that on the next day, Colonel Roddy 
should conduct the debate, as least likely to give offence. 
Accordingly, when the debate was resumed, Colonel Roddy 
began his speech, but had not proceeded far, when Colonel 
Tipton became infuriated, sprang from his seat, and seized 
Roddy by the throat. At this moment, Mr. Amy cried out 
to Roddy, “ Soothe him, colonel, soothe him !” The parties 
were soon separated, but a challenge to mortal combat was 
the consequence. By the interference of mutual friends, the 
difficulty was honourably accommodated.* The resolution 
under debate was adopted, and Sevier took his seat, after 
having taken the usual oath of allegiance to North-Caro- 
lina. Some days after, General Davie introduced a resolu¬ 
tion to enquire into the conduct of the senator from Greene. 
It was well known that the proposition would not be favour¬ 
ably received, and, to the great satisfaction of the mover, 
the motion for enquiry was laid upon the table. 

During this session, Sevier was reinstated in the command 
he had held before the Franklin revolt, of brigadier-general 
for all the western counties, and laws were passed confirma¬ 
tory of administrations granted by the Franklin courts, and 
legalizing marriages celebrated under the authority of that 
government. 

The General Assembly, in apportioning the representatives 


* Letter of Isaac Lane. 


SEVIER ELECTED TO UNITED STATES CONGRESS. 


433 


from North-Carolina to the Congress of the United States, 
divided the State into four Congressional Districts—the 
westernmost of which, embraced all her territory west 
of the Alleghanies. From this district, John Sevier 
was elected, and he is thus the first member of Congress 
from the great Valley of the Mississippi. The election was 
to be held on the second Monday and Tuesday in March, and 
certificates of the returning officers were to be brought to 
the house of James White, in Hawkins county, now Knox¬ 
ville, and be there compared by the Clerk of the Superior 
Court of Washington District, who was, for the convenience 
of these remote counties, to attend at that place for that pur¬ 
pose. His certificate to the candidate having the greatest 
number of votes, entitled the member to the commission of 
the Governor; and on this certificate, Ex-Governor Sevier was 
commissioned as the representative elect from Washington 
District, then embracing all the territory of the present 
State of Tennessee. It is believed that he was elected, 
without a competitor or rival. „ Every voter nearly, on Cum¬ 
berland and Holston, knew him and voted for him. 

“Wednesday, June 16th, 1790, John Sevier, another mem¬ 
ber from North-Carolina, appeared and took his seat.”* 

The government of Franklin had ceased to exist since 
17S8 S March 1st, of this year, and this might appear 
l to be the place and point of time in these Annals, to 
suspend the history of settlements formed under that dynasty. 
Inasmuch, however, as lands acquired under its treaties and 
occupied under its laws, never did belong to the jurisdiction 
of North-Carolina, the incidents connected with their settle¬ 
ment, up to the treaty of Holston, may be better detailed here 
than in any other connection. 

It has been heretofore mentioned, that the General Assem¬ 
bly of North-Carolina, at its session of 1783, had designated 
the boundaries of the Cherokee hunting grounds—making 
the Holston, the French Broad and Big Pigeon Rivers, a part 
of these boundaries. The next year, the people of Washing- 
tion, Greene and Sullivan counties, withdrew from their 

* Annals of Congress, by Jos. Galei, yol. ii,p. 1640. 

28 



434 


CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE SOUTH OF FRENCH 


allegiance to North-Carolina, renounced her jurisdiction over 
them, and formed themselves into a separate and distinct 
government. Under that organization, they proceeded to 
exercise all the functions of a sovereign state, and amongst 
others, that of negotiating with the Indian tribe adjoining, 
and of acquiring, by treaty with them, a large addition to 
their territory. The lands thus obtained by the treaty of 
Dumplin, and afterwards enlarged and confirmed by subse¬ 
quent stipulations made at Coyatee, were soon taken into 
possession and settled under the authority of Franklin, 
which proceeded to organize the territory, thus/tcquired, into 
the new county of Sevier, with its courts, its military organi¬ 
zation, and a representation in the Legislature, upon the same 
footing of the older counties. We have traced the rise, pro¬ 
gress and fall of Franklin. At the period of its dissolution, 
we are presented with the strange spectacle of a county, 
settled, organized and governed, suddenly dissociated, and left 
beyond the jurisdiction and protection of any power known 
to the laws of North-Carolina—forsaken and disowned. The 
land embraced within the limits of Sevier county, of Frank¬ 
lin, had not been acquired by treat}- or otherwise, under the 
laws of North-Carolina; the inhabitants, according to her law 
designating the Indian hunting grounds, were there contrary 
to her laws and to the provisions of her treaty stipulating 
the Cherokee boundaries. In a political point of view, 
Sevier county and its inhabitants were known only as part 
of the State of Franklin. That state no longer existed, and 
they were now considered as trespassers upon Indian lands, 
in violation of the laws of North-Carolina, beyond the pale 
of its government, the influence of its judiciary, or the pro¬ 
tection of its military power. In this dilemma, the people 
gave another instance of their law-abiding character, and 
of their capacity to govern themselves. Sensible, that in 
their peculiar situation, they were exposed to the evils re¬ 
sulting from anarchy and violence, they determined to guard 
against and prevent them. Measures were at once adopted 
to frame a temporary form of government, suited to the exi¬ 
gencies of the occasion. It is not now known who were 
prominent in giving vitality to this new organization, who 


BROAD AND WEST OF PIGEON. 


435 


was the President of the Board or its Clerk, nor to whom the 
other principal offices under it were assigned. It is well as¬ 
certained, however, that under its provisions, order, law, 
right and justice, were maintained. Newell’s Station had 
been the seat of justice for Sevier county, under the Franklin 
dynasty, and it is believed under the new order of.things, be¬ 
came the seat of the Committee’s authority, as it was the 
centre of the territory over which its jurisdiction extended. 


ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION. 

We, the subscribers, inhabiting south of Holston, French Broad and 
Big Pigeon Rivers, by means of the division and anarchy that has of 
late prevailed within the chartered limits of North Carolina, west of the 
Apalachian Mountains, being at present destitute of regular government 
and laws, and being fully sensible that the blessings of nature can only 
be obtained and rights secured by regular society, and North-Carolina 
not having extended her government to this quarter, it is rendered ab¬ 
solutely necessary, for the preservation of peace and good order, and the 
security of life, liberty and property to individuals, to enter into the 
following social compact, as a temporary expedient against greater evils : 

Article I. That the Constitution and Laws of North-Carolina shall 
be adopted, and that every person within the bounds above mentioned, 
shall be subject to the penalties inflicted by those laws for the violation 
thereof. 

Article II. That the officers appointed under the authority of Frank¬ 
lin, either civil or military, and who have taken the oaths of office, 
shall continue to exercise the duties of such office, as far as directed and 
empowered by these Articles, and no further, and shall be accountable to 
the people or their deputies for their conduct in office. 

Article III. That militia companies, as now bounded, shall be consid¬ 
ered as districts of the above territory, and each district or militia com¬ 
pany shall choose two members to represent them in a General Commit¬ 
tee, who shall have power to choose their own president and clerk, to 
meet on their own adjournments, and the president shall have power to 
convene the Committee at any time when the exigencies of affairs re¬ 
quire their meeting, and shall have power to keep order and to cause 
rules of decorum terbe observed, in as full a manner as the president of 
any other convention whatever. And in all cases of mal-administra- 
tion, or neglect of duty in any officer, the party grieved shall appeal to 
the Committee, or a majority of them, who shall be competent to form 
a board for business. And upon such application, the Committee shall 
cause the parties to come before them, and after examining carefully 
into the nature of the offence, shall have power to deprive of office, or 
publicly reprimand the offender, as the demerit of the crime may de¬ 
serve, or otherwise to acquit the party accused, if found not guilty. 

Article IV. Where vacancies happen in the military department, the 
same shall be filled up by election,, as heretofore used, and the officers 


436 


SELF-GOVERNMENT EXERCISED. 


thus elected shall be the reputed officers of such regiment or company, 
as the case may be, and shall be accountable to the Committee for their 
conduct as other officers. • 

Article V. The civil officers shall have power to take cognizance of 
breaches of the peace or criminal offences, and where any person is 
convicted of an offence not capital, the officer before whom such offender 
is convicted, shall immediately inflict the punishment directed by law for 
such offence. But where the crime is capital, the officer shall send such 
criminal, together with the evidences for or against him or them, to the 
nighest justice of the peace for North-Carolina, there to be dealt with 
according to law ; but no civil officer shall decide upon cases of debt, 
slander, or the right of property. 

Article VI. Militia officers shall have power to collect their regiments 
or respective companies, emergencies making it necessary, and in case 
of invasion by the common enemy, shall call out their companies regu¬ 
larly by divisions, and each militia man shall give obedience to the com¬ 
mands of his officer, as is required by law, or otherwise be subject to the 
penalties affixed by law for such neglect or refusal, at the judgment of a 
court martial. 

Article VII. And, whereas, it is not improbable that many horse 
thieves and fugitives from justice may come from different parts, ex¬ 
pecting an asylum amongst us, as we are destitute of a regular govern¬ 
ment and laws by which they may be punished, each and every of us 
do oblige ourselves to aid and assist the officers of the different state or 
states, or of the United States, or any description of men sent by them, 
to apprehend such horse thief or fugitive from justice. And if any 
of the above characters should now be lurking amongst us, or shall 
hereafter be discovered to have taken refuge in this quarter, we do seve¬ 
rally bind ourselves, by the sacred ties of honour, to give information to 
that state or government from which they have fled, so that they may 
be apprehended and brought to justice. 

Article VIII. United application shall be made to the next session of 
the Assembly of North-Carolina to receive us into their protection, and 
to bestow upon us the blessings of government. 

Article IX. The captains of the respective militia companies shall 
each of them procure a copy of these Articles, and after calling the com¬ 
pany together for the purpose, shall read them, or cause them to be 
read, distinctly to said company; and each militia man, or householder, 
after hearing them read, if he approve of them, shalUmbscribe his name 
to the articles, as a proof of his willingness to subject himself to them; 
and said Articles shall be the temporary form of government until we 
are received into the protection of North-Carolina, and no longer. 

In several of the provisions of these Articles there may be 
traced a strong resemblance to those of the Watauga Asso¬ 
ciation. They were, probably, copied mainly from them. 
North-Carolina never took these people under her protec¬ 
tion or jurisdiction, and the Association proved to be a good 


VINDICATION OF FRANKLIN. 


437 


substitute for a more formal and perfect system of govern¬ 
ment. This regime continued till after the country became 
the Territory of the United States south of the River Ohio, 
and was then provided for, as the county of Sevier, in 1794. 


VINDICATION OF FRANKLIN. 

This may be considered as theyfinale of Franklin, and the 
J proper place, therefore, to introduce a closing remark 
( upon that anomaly. In speaking of it, terms have 
been used requiring qualification, which, without interrupt¬ 
ing the current narrative, could not be elsewhere given. 
Insurrection, revolt, dismemberment, defection* as here used, 
need to be explained, when applied either to those of the 
western people, who separated from the parent state, or 
those of them who afterwards renounced the new govern¬ 
ment. In either case, the action of the parties need not be 
ascribed to fickleness of purpose or bad faith, much less to 
disloyalty to their proper rulers, or insubordination to regular 
government and law. In vindication of those who once 
appeared on the side of Franklin, and now on the side Of 
North-Carolina, it has been well remarked by Haywood: 

That the face of affairs was quite different at the time of 
the Convention which resolved upon independence, and the 
Autumn of 1786. Before this juncture there was no govern¬ 
mental head to which the people of the western counties 
could carry their complaints. In 1784, it is true, the Assem¬ 
bly which passed the Cession act, retained the sovereignty 
and jurisdiction of North-Carolina in and over the ceded 
territory, and all the inhabitants thereof, until the United 
States, in Congress, should have accepted the cession. Yet, 
in reality, so long as the Cession act continued unrepealed, 
North-Carolina felt herself as much estranged from the inhabi¬ 
tants of the western counties, as she was to any other state or 
territory in the Union; until induced by the bonds of federalism, 
and a common interest so far as concerned their external rela¬ 
tions with the other nations of the globe, but wholly uncon¬ 
nected, so far as regarded their internal regulations and en¬ 
gagements. And as any one state was not obliged, by the 
nature of her Federal duties, to advance monies for the main- 


438 


INHABITANTS PUiRSUE A PACIFIC 


tenance of another in the possession of her-rights, l>ut through 
the intervention of all in Congress assembled ; so neither 
did North-Carolina conceive herself bound to exert her 
strength and resources for the defence of the western coun¬ 
ties, unless in the proportion for which she was liable to 
other Federal contributions. It was in vain, then, to solicit 
her interference in behalf of the western counties, so long 
as the Cession act subsisted, but when that was repealed, 
and the precipitancy of the western people obliterated, it 
cannot be a matter of surprise that well-meaning and intel¬ 
ligent people would, thenceforward, deem it their duty to 
return to they’ dependence on North-Carolina.” 

In behalf of those who sustained the separation from 
North-Carolina until 1788, it may be further added, that in 
withdrawing from the parent state and establishing a sepa¬ 
rate government, the secessionists believed that the course 
adopted by them would least imperfectly preserve quiet and 
order , under the circumstances in which the Cession act had 
placed them. Their course was pacific and conservative, 
and at first, united and harmonized all. Nothing destructive 
or revolutionary, much less belligerent, was intended or con¬ 
templated. In 1784, the Confederacy had demonstrated the 
inadequacy of that organization as a permanent system of 
General Government. The transfer by North-Carolina of 
her western counties to Congress, at that time imbecile and 
powerless, even over the original confederated states, and the 
novelty of the experiment, had produced alarm, excited ap¬ 
prehension and aroused a deep discontent in the new settle¬ 
ments. And, perhaps, these could have been quieted and 
appeased, as effectually, in no other way as the temporary 
assumption and exercise of the power of separate and dis¬ 
tinct self government. 

Again. Heretofore, no instance had presented itself, of 
the formation of an independent state from the territory em¬ 
braced within the boundaries of a political sovereignty. The 
process of separation, and the mode of accomplishing it, were 
all new and unattempted, alike by the people, and the State 
and General Governments. Now, when the creation of these 
new political organizations has become matter of frequent 


AND CONSERVATIVE POLICY. 


439 


occurrence, and plain and easy by its successful trial and 
repetition, we can see little or no Cause, why the subject 
should have then been viewed as embarrassed with inhe¬ 
rent difficulties. But, let it be remembered, that “ in the Ar¬ 
ticles of Confederation, no provision was made for the crea¬ 
tion or admission of new states. Canada was to be admitted 
of right, on her joining in the measures of the United States ; 
and the other colonies , at the discretion of nine states. The 
eventual establishment of new states, seems to have been 
entirely overlooked by the compilers of that instrument.”* 
The inconvenience of this omission in the Articles of Con¬ 
federation, was most apparent, and it may be well ques¬ 
tioned whether the Congress of the Confederacy could, wi thout 
an assumption of power, have given to the people of the 
territory, ceded in 1784, a form of state government, such as 
was guaranteed to them by the provisions of the constitution 
of North-Carolina. 

Under this view of the subject, it is not strange that the 
Cession Act was followed by dissatisfaction and revolt in 
the western counties. Their people had been represented in 
the state convention of 1776, and it had been probably at 
the instance of their own delegates in that body, that the 
provision was then made, “ for the establishment of one or 
more governments westward of this state, by consent of the 
legislature.” Indeed, it may be well questioned, whether, with 
this provision in the Bill of Rights, preceding the Constitu¬ 
tion itself, the act ol Cession was not unauthorized and in¬ 
valid. 

Be that as it may, the cession of her western territory by 
North-Carolina to Congress, as it was, under the Articles of 
Confederation in 1784,was obviously inexpedient and impolitic. 
And it was not till the adoption of the Federal Constitution, of 
1788, that this measure became either wise or practicable. 
This did not escape the discernment of the malcontent but 
virtuous and patriotic people of Franklin, when the new state 
ceased to be; and they returned to their allegiance to the 
mother state. This event was not unexpectecftby its most 


* Mr. Madison, in the Federalist. 


440 


NO TENDENCY TO RADICALISM, 

/ 


steadfast friends and supporters, nor were its effects to be 
deplored. It resulted' from no legislative error or want of 
executive skill, no fickleness of popular sentiment, no defect 
of public virtue. 

Ever % y review of the conduct of both parties in the disaf¬ 
fected counties, from 1784 to 1788, reflects honour upon their 
patriotism, their moderation, their love of order and their 
virtue. No other instance is recollected, in which two an¬ 
tagonistic governments existed so long over the same peo¬ 
ple, with so little anarchy, so little misrule, so little violence. 
A period of nearly four years was passed, under two political 
systems of government, each having its separate Executive, 
State Council, Legislature and Judiciary; each its own 
county and military organizations, its own partizans and 
adherents. And amidst all the rivalry, and faction, and mal¬ 
content, and conflict, personal and official, which must have 
arisen from this unexampled condition of things, the annalist 
has to record but two deaths, almost no bloodshed, and 
little violation of the right of property. Private rights 
wer© held sacred and inviolable. If, in the collisions 
between the officers of the.two governments, an occasional 
feat in pugilism occurred, resulting in a trifling mutilation of 
one or both of the combatants, there followed less of acri¬ 
mony, unmanly revenge and pitiful spite, than is produced by 
the disreputable squabbles of the aspirants and functionaries 
of the present day—members of the same government, and 
united under the same constitution and laws. In all that was 
done in Franklin, we are unable to detect *any tendency to 
radicalism. In their warmest aspirations for self-govern¬ 
ment and independence, there cannot be found one feature 
of modern agrarianism or the prostration of all law, but only 
a disposition to protect themselves from violence and aggres¬ 
sion, and possible danger to their rights. 

This is not the judgment of a partial annalist. It can be 
sustained by the testimony of competent tribunals, east and 
west of the Alleghanies. Their decisions shall be brief! v stated. 

The formation of a new state was only a question as to 
time. In all the letters, manifestos and proclamations of the 
Governor of the parent state, the separation is spoken of as 
not only right in itself, but desirable, and, at the proper time, 


OR PROSTRATION OF ALL LAW. 


441 


expedient. Governor Martin, in 1785, speaking of the sepa¬ 
ration, says : “ Which, in time, no doubt, would have been 
granted by consentand again : “ when a separation might 
take place to mutual advantage and satisfaction, on an 
honourable footingand again : “ until the consent of the 
legislature be fully and constitutionally had for a separate 
sovereignty and jurisdiction.” Governor Caswell, in his let¬ 
ter to General Shelby, in 1787, says: “ Whenever unanimity 
prevails among your people, and their strength and numbers 
will justify an application for a separation, if it is general, I 
have no doubt of its taking place upon reciprocal and 
honourable terms.” And again, in his letter to Governor 
Sevier, of April 24, 1787 : “You may rely upon it, that my 
sentiments are clearly in favour of a separation, whenever 
the people to be separated think themselves of sufficient 
strength and abilities to support a government.” And again, 
in his proclamation to the people of the seceding counties, in 
urging them to union amongst themselves, he reminds them 
that the “ General Assembly have told you, whenever your 
wealth and numbers so much increase, as to make a sepa¬ 
ration necessary, they will be willing the same shall take 
place upon friendly and reciprocal terms. Is there an indi¬ 
vidual in your country who does not look forward, in expec¬ 
tation of such a day’s arriving ? If that is the case, must 
not every thinking man believe that this separation will be 
soonest and most effectually obtained by unanimity ?” And 
adds : “ I have no doubt the same may be obtained upon the 
principles held out by the Assembly. Nay, it is my opinion 
that it may be obtained at an earlier day than some imagine, 
if unanimity prevailed'amongst you.” And again : “ I flat¬ 
ter myself that the Assembly will be disposed to do what is 
just and right, and what sound policy may dictate.” 

So general was the sentiment, even in North-Carolina, in 
favour of the separation, and so little inclination there, to 
prevent it by legislative interference, that the General As¬ 
sembly, though convened by the Proclamation of the Go¬ 
vernor and Council, “failed to meet.” Such was the decision 
of the people of North-Carolina, east of the mountain, on 
the abstract question of a new state west of it. A like 


/ 


I 


442 GENERAL PUBLIC SENTIMENT 

opinion was entertained by Dr. Franklin, and other states¬ 
men abroad. As to the time and the mode of a measure of 
such magnitude, there could not be expected to be entire una¬ 
nimity—there never is—there never will be. Those adopted, 
in 1784, at first as has been seen, gave very general satis¬ 
faction, and harmonized the community most directly inter¬ 
ested, as being the best time and manner of providing the 
least objectionable measures to quiet the discontented and 
aggrieved citizens of the ceded country. Was the revolt of 
1784 justifiable—was it wise—was it patriotic—did it pre¬ 
vent greater evils—would a different policy have secured 
greater good, or produced better results ? may be questions 
of difficult solution. However these may be answered, the 
verdict of the contemporaries of the revolters has ever been 
in their favour, vindicating their patriotism and asserting the 
integrity of their motives. Those most active, and deter¬ 
mined, and steadfast in the revolt, were, and never ceased to 
be, the greatest favourites of their countrymen. General 
public sentiment is seldom wrong—it never condemns the 
innocent—it rarely vindicates the guilty. While it never 
screens the wilful offender, it excuses or palliates uninten¬ 
tional error. It always sustains good intentions and wise 
purposes, and rewards the faithful public servant. This was 
emphatically true as to the Franklin leaders. In 1789, its 
late Governor, Sevier, now a private citizen, and under trial 
for offences against North-Carolina—ineligible under her 
laws to any office—was triumphantly elected a member of 
her Senate—his disabilities were removed by a special enact¬ 
ment in his favour, and he allowed to take his seat. A new 
Congressional District is formed, embracing Cumberland, 
with the late revolted counties—the same Franklin leader is 
elected the member to the Congress of the United Mates. 
Her Western Territory is ceded again by North-Carolina to 
Congress, and the “Territory south-west of the River Ohio” 
is organized, and again “ Sevier and his captains” are promi¬ 
nent, as will be hereafter seen, amongst its officers. The 
Territory becomes the State of Tennessee, and the Ex-Go¬ 
vernor of Franklin is at once called upon to become its chief 
magistrate, in which the partiality of his countrymen con- 


SUSTAINED THE REVOLTERS. 


443 


tinues him for twelve years, when he is transferred by the 
people of the Knoxville District to the United States Con¬ 
gress. He is then appointed by the President of the United 
States to establish an Indian boundary in Alabama; and, du¬ 
ring his absence on that service, by the continued confidence 
of his constituents, he is elected the second time, and with¬ 
out his knowledge or consent, to Congress. This testimo¬ 
nial of the popularity of the leader of the Franklin revolt, 
was the last his grateful countrymen could bestow. lie died 
in the Creek nation, during his absence on the public service, 
and was buried with the honours of war. What further 
and higher honours awaited him, may be inferred from the 
flattering vote and manner of his last election. 

The associates of Governor Sevier, in the Franklin Govern¬ 
ment, received through life similar attestations of public re¬ 
gard and confidence. William Cocke, Esq., who belonged 
to the Legislature and the State Council of Franklin, and 
was its Commissioner to North-Carolina and to the United 
States Congress, a general of its militia, and one of its most 
enlightened advocates throughout its existence, retained, af¬ 
ter the overthrow of Franklin, the uninterrupted confidence 
of the western people. A member of the first Legislature of 
Tennessee, he was by that body elected one of the repre¬ 
sentatives of her sovereignty in the Senate of the United 
States, and was afterwards elected the second time to the 
same position. At the expiration of hisseoond term, he was 
transferred Jo a seat in the Judiciary. Although quite an 
old man, in the war of 1812 , he became a volunteer in her 
militia, and was, to the end of his life, considered a public- 
spirited citizen and a patriot. James White, the father of 
the late Senator White, a member of the Franklin Legisla¬ 
ture, and remarkable for the constancy of his devotion to 
its interests, even when forsaken by its earliest friends, re¬ 
tained, through along life, the unwavering esteem of his fel¬ 
low citizens. The founder of Knoxville is still recollected 
with fondness and respect. He was a member of the Terri- 
ritorial House of Representatives—of the Convention which 
formed the Constitution of Tennessee, and afterwards Speak¬ 
er of its Senate, and Presiding Justice of Knox County 
Court—a general commanding, at an advanced age, a bri- 


444 


COLONEL F. A. RAMSEY. 

4 

gade of militia in defence of the Independence, which, in his 
youth, he had assisted to gain. To extreme old age, he re¬ 
tained the esteem and affection of his fellow citizens, and 
never had a stain upon his unsullied good name. 

In this enumeration of the Franklin leaders, it would be 
infidelity to historical truth, and, in this writer, it were a filial 
impiety, not to mention Colonel Francis Alexander Ramsey, 
the youthful Secretary of the Franklin Convention. Be¬ 
sides other civil and military offices held by him under that 
government, he was a member of its Council ; and in that 
capacity, was entrusted with the delicate duty of negotiating 
with the parent state, the terms of separation and indepen¬ 
dence. As evidences of his trust-worthiness, capacity and 
patriotism, he had conferred upon him by the Territorial Go¬ 
vernment, as well as that of the State of Tennessee, offices 
which implied ability, probity, efficiency and zeal in the pub¬ 
lic service, and high personal character. One of the pioneers 
of Tennessee, in all the varied phases of political organiza¬ 
tion through which the state has passed, Colonel Ramsey not 
only held offices of honour and trust, but discharged their 
duties to the entire satisfaction of the people, and the au¬ 
thorities of government. Offices were showered upon him, 
and he proved himself competent and worthy of them. 

To the names already mentioned, might well be added 
those of their associates, Doak, Carter, Reese, Houston, New¬ 
ell, Weir, Hamilton, Conway and others : each distinguished 
afterwards for piety, public spirit, unobtrusive private worth, 
and military and political services to the country. Revolters 
in 1784, they were, nevertheless, the purest patriots and the 
best men of their day. It is singular and well worthy of re¬ 
mark, that not one of the master-spirits of Franklin, perhaps 
not one of its officers, in a long life of usefulness or distinc¬ 
tion afterwards, ever forfeited the esteem, or lost the confi¬ 
dence, of his countrymen. They became the officers under 
the Territorial Government, and, soon after, the leading 
spirits of the proud State of Tennessee ; a beautiful com¬ 
ment upon the purity of their principles, and the loftiness of 
their patriotism—a fit tribute of respect for their public ser¬ 
vices and their private virtue. 


CUMBERLAND AND OLD FRANKLIN COUNTIES. 


445 


CHAPTER V. 


CUMBERLAND—THE FRANKLIN COUNTIES. 

A young Brave, at the treaty of Watauga, was overheard 
by the interpreter, to urge, in support of the Transylvania 
cession, this argument: that the settlement and occupancy 
of the ceded territory, by the whites, would interpose an im¬ 
pregnable barrier between the Northern and Southern Indians, 
and that the latter would, in future, have quiet and undis¬ 
turbed possession of the choice hunting grounds south of the 
Cumberland. His argument prevailed against the prophetic 
warning and eloquent remonstrance of Occonostota. That 
aged chieftain, covered over with scars, the e^dence of 
many a hard-fought battle for the Dark and Bloody Ground, 
signed the treaty reluctantly, and taking Daniel Boon by 
the hand, said, with most significant earnestness: “Brother, 
we have given you a fine land, but I believe you will have 
much trouble in settling it ; ” words of ominous import, as 
subsequent events too mournfully proved. These events, so 
far as the pioneers of Tennessee were engaged in them, will 
now be narrated. “ Much trouble,” indeed, was experienced 
in settling the ceded country, and that adjoining it. Instead 
of serving as a barrier between the common claimants, the 
settlers became a central point of attack—a target at which 
the surrounding tribes all aimed their deadliest shot. 

We left the colony of Robertson and others, near the 

( French Lick, at the end of a protracted and severe win- 
1780 1 ’ 1 

( ter. The opening spring enabled the savages to resume 

hostilities. The whole line of frontier, from Pennsylvania to 
Georgia, was simultaneously assailed by marauding parties 
of Indians, distributed along its entire extent. Terror and 
consternation were only the precursors of havoc and deso¬ 
lation. The leading chiefs of the Shawnees tribe, which 
had once held possession of the Cumberland Valley, were 
unremitting in their efforts to bring about a general concert 


44G 


CHEROKEES AND CREEKS INVADE CUMBERLAND. 


of action among all the northwestern tribes, for a grand 
exterminating invasion, during the next summer. In this 
they had the approbation and encouragement of British 
agents and officers, at Detroit and on the Maumee, who 
assured them of the powerful aid of their great ally, George 
III.* Similar influences were constantly at work with the 
southern tribes ; and in addition to these general causes of 
dissatisfaction and hostility, Fort Jefferson had been built, 
the previous year, in the territory of the Chickasaws, without 
their consent, and the chief, Colbert, prepared to repel the 
invaders by force. The proximity of this tribe to the Cum¬ 
berland settlement, was cause of serious apprehension and 
alarm. But the first assault upon the Cumberland settlers 
was made by the southern Indians—the Cherokees and 
Creeks. They seized the first opportunity after the hard 
winter was over, to approach the “ improvements ” around 
the Bluff* and to carry amongst the settlers the work of 
massacre and devastation. We abridge from Haywood and 
“ The Museum,” an account of it: 

In the month of April, Keywood and Milliken, two hun- 
l f 7 Q o i ters ’ coming to the fort, stopped on Richland Creek, 
l five or six miles from the Bluff, and as one of them 
stepped down to the creek to drink, the Indians fired upon 
and killed Milliken. Keywood, escaping, brought intelli¬ 
gence of the affair to the fort. Mr. Rains then moved to 
the Bluff, where he continued four years before he could ven¬ 
ture again to settle in the country. The Indians soon after 
killed Joseph Hay on the Lick Branch, and a party of them 
invested Freeland’s Station, and finding an old man, Bernard, 
making an improvement, at what was then called Denton’s 
Lick, killed him, cut off his head, and carried it away. 
With the old man were two small boys, Joseph and William 
Dunham, who escaped unhurt and gave the alarm to the 
people at Freeland’s. A young man, Milliken, between the 
fort and Denton’s Lick, not having heard the alarm, was 
surprised by the Indians, killed, and his head, also, wss cut 
off and carried away. The murderers were either Creeks 
or Cherokees. 

*Monette. 


MANSCo’s STATION BROKEN UP. 


447 


Soon afterwards, in July or August, a party of Indians, be¬ 
lieved to be Delawares, killed Jonathan Jennings, at the 
point of the first island above Nashville. Higher up the 
Cumberland River, on the north side, on the bluff where 
Will iam Williams, Esquire, since lived, Ned Carver was 
killed ; his wife and two children escaped, and came to Nash¬ 
ville. The same party, in a day or two after, killed William 
Neely, at Neely’s Lick, and took his daughter prisoner. 

At Eaton’s Station, they also killed James Mayfield, near 
the place where, previously, Porter had been shot in the day¬ 
time by Indians in the cedars, in view of the station. In 
November or December, they shot Jacob Stump, and at¬ 
tempted to kill the old man, Frederic Stump, but he reached 
the station in safety, after being pursued by the Indians 
three miles. At Mansco’s Lick, Jesse Balestine and John 
Shockley were killed. In the winter of the same year, Da¬ 
vid Goin and Risby Kennedy were killed at the same place, 
and Mansco’s Station was broken up ; some of its inhabi¬ 
tants went to Nashville, and others to Kentucky. At Bled¬ 
soe’s Lick, or on the creek near it, two persons were killed : 
W. Johnston and Daniel Mungle, hunting together on Bar¬ 
ren River, the former was killed, and the latter escaped by 
flight. 

Late in this year, a company of Indians tried to intercept 
Thomas Sharp Spencer, returning to the Bluff with several 
horses loaded with meat, after a successful hunt. They 
fired at, but missed him. The horses were captured, and 
with their cargo, were taken up the river. 

At Station-Camp Creek, the same Indians took other 
horses, that had strayed from a camp of white men near at 
hand, but which had not been discovered by the enemy. 

At Asher’s Station, two miles and a half from where Gal¬ 
latin now stands, some white men were sleeping in a cabin ; 
the Indians crept up at break of day, and fired, killing one 
man, whom they scalped. They also wounded another, 
Philips, and captured several horses. With these, they went 
off in the direction of Bledsoe’s Lick, when they were unex¬ 
pectedly met by Alexander Buchanan, James Manifee, Wil¬ 
liam Ellis, Alexander Thompson, and other hunters, return- 


448 BUCHANAN FOLLOWS THE INDIANS TO DUCK RIVER. 

ing to the Bluff. Buchanan killed one Indian ; another was 
wounded, and the whole party dispersed, leaving, in their 
flight, the horses taken from Spencer and Philips. 

In May of this year, Freeland’s Station was visited by the 
Indians ; one man, D. Lariman, was killed, and his head cut 
off. The whites pursued the retreating savages to the neigh¬ 
bourhood of Duck River, near the place since known as 
Gordon’s Ferry, where they came in hearing of them prepar¬ 
ing their camp-fires. The party of white men immediately 
dismounted, and marched upon the Indian camp, which was 
found deserted ; the enemy escaped. Of the pursuers, who 
numbered about twenty, the names only of four are known : 
Alexander Buchanan, John Brock, William Mann, and Capt. 
James Robertson. This was the first military excursion in 
that direction, and reflects great credit upon the adventure 
and gallantry of those who made it. As it was bloodless, 
the enemy was not deterred from repeating their inroads 
and aggressions upon the feeble settlements on the Cumber¬ 
land, and, in a short time after, Isaac Lefevre was killed 
near the fort on the Bluff, at the spot where Nathan Ewing, 
Esq., since lived. Solomon Philips went out, about the 
same time, to the place since called Cross’s Old Field, and 
was shot at, and wounded, by the Indians. He survived till 
he reached the fort, but soon died. Samuel Murray, who 
was with him in the field, was shot dead. Near the mound, 
south of where the steam-mill since stood, Bartlett Renfroe 
was killed, and John Maxwell and John Kendrick were ta¬ 
ken prisoners. 

It has been already mentioned, that some of the emigrants 
that had come in boats down the Tennessee, had stopped at 
Red River, with the intention of there forming a settlement. 
Amongst these, were several families of the name of Ren¬ 
froe, and their connexions, Nathan and Solomon Turpin. 
In June or July, their settlement was attacked by a party of 
Choctaws and Chickasaw Indians; Nathan Turpin and 
another man were killed at the station. The residue were 
forced to withdraw to the stronger settlement at the Bluff. 
The Renfroes took charge of the women and children, and 
conducted them in safely. They afterwards, in company 


ROBERTSON MAKES PEACE WITH THE CIIICKAFAWS. 


449 


with others from the Bluff, went to the station on Red River, 
got quiet possession of some property they had left there, and 
were upon their return march. At night they encamped 
about two miles north of Sycamore, at a creek, since called 
Battle Creek. In the morning, Joseph Renfroe going to the 
spring, was fired at and instantly killed by the Indians, who 
lay concealed in the bushes. They then broke in upon the 
camp, and killed old Mr. Johns and his wife, and all his 

family. Only one woman, Mrs. Jones, escaped ; Henry Ram- 

% 

sey, a bold and intrepid man, who had gone from the Bluff, 
took her off, and brought her in safety to the station. 
Eleven or twelve others, there at the time of the attack, were 
all killed ; the Indians, taking possession of the horses and 
other property, went off towards the south. 

The ostensible ground of these hostilities by the Chicka- 
saws, was the erection, by General George Rogers Clarke, of 
Fort Jefferson, eighteen miles below the mouth of the Ohio, 
and on the east side of the Mississippi. All the territory 
west of the Tennessee, the Chickasaws pretended to hold 
by an undisputed claim. Offended at Clarke’s intrusion upon 
their lands, these savages, till then neutral, became the allies 
of the British nation, and were so at the time this mischief 
was perpetrated. In 1782, Captain Robertson made peace 
with them. 

In the summer of this year, Philip Catron, riding 
1780 J from Freeland’s Station to the Bluff, was fired on by 
l the Indians, at the place since occupied by Ephraim 
Foster, Esquire. He was wounded in the breast, so that he 
spit blood, but he recovered. About the same time, as Cap¬ 
tain John Caffrey and Daniel Williams were rising the bank, 
in going towards the Bluff, they were fired upon and 
wounded. They reached the station. 

In the fall of this year, the Indians depredated further 
upon the settlers, by stealing horses from the Bluff. Leiper, 
with fifteen men, pursued and overtook them on the south 
side of Harper, near where Ellison formerly lived. They were 
encamped at night, and the evening was wet. Leiper and 
his men fired upon them, wounded one, regained their horses 
and all their baggage, and returned. 

29 


450 


donelson’s boats attacked. 


Nearly at the same time, Col. John Donelson had gone 
up the Cumberland to the Clover Bottom, with two boats, 
for the purpose of bringing to the Bluff the corn which he 
and others had raised there the preceding summer. They 
had laden the boats with the corn, and had proceeded a small 
distance down the river, when the Colonel, recollecting that 
he had forgotten to gather some cotton which had been 
planted at the lower end of the field, asked the men in the 
other boat to put to bank, for the purpose of picking out a 
part of it. They urged that it was growing late, and that 
they ought to go on. He waived the exercise of his au¬ 
thority, and had scarcely landed his own boat, when his 
companions in the other were suddenly attacked by a party 
of Indians, who lay in ambush to intercept the boats on their 
return. The fire of the Indians was fatal. All were killed 
except a free negro and one white man, who swam to shore, 
and wandered many days in the woods before he reached 
the Bluff. The next morning after the defeat, the people at 
the Station found the boat floating in the river. It was 
brought to the shore, and a dead man was in it. In this affair, 
Abel Gower, Senr., and Abel Gower, Junr., and John Ro¬ 
bertson, son of Captain Robertson, were killed. Some others 
were wounded and taken prisoners. Col. Donelson escaped 
to Mansco’s Station. 

The only one of the settlers who died, the first year, a 
natural death, was Robert Gilkey. 

Michael Stoner, this year, discovered Stoner’s Lick and 
Stoner’s Creek. 

The woods abounded in game, and the hunters procured 
a full supply of meat for the inhabitants by killing bears, 
buffalo and deer. A party of twenty men went up the 
Cany Fork as high as Flinn’s Creek, and returned in ca¬ 
noes with their meat, during the winter. In their hunting 
excursion they killed one hundred and five bears, seventy- 
five buffalo, and more than eighty deer. This source of 
supply furnished most of the families at the Bluff with meat 
A freshet, in July, had destroyed most of the corn on the low¬ 
lands and islands, and many suffered the want of bread 
The scarcity of this article, and the multiplied disasters and 


NIGIIT ATTACK ON FREELANd’s STATION. 


451 


dangers which every moment threatened the settlements 
with destruction, at length disheartened some of the inhabi¬ 
tants. A considerable part of them moved to Kentucky and 
Illinois. The severity of the winter and the want of horses, 
put a stop to this emigration, and all the remaining inhabi¬ 
tants collected themselves together into two stations—the 
Bluff and Freeland’s. 

Forty or fifty Indians, at the still hour of midnight, January 
1>781 ( fifteenth, of this year, made an attack on Freeland’s 
( Station. Captain James Robertson had, the evening 
before, returned from the Kentucky settlements. Whilst on 
his journey through the intervening wilderness, he had accus¬ 
tomed himself to more vigilance than the residents of the 
fort felt it necessary, in their fancied security, to exercise. He 
was the first to hear the noise which the cautious savages 
made in opening the gate. He arose and alarmed the men 
in the station. But the Indians had effected an entrance. 
The cry of Indians , brought Major Lucas out of bed ; he was 
shot. The alarm having become general, the Indians re¬ 
treated through the gate, but fired in the port-holes through 
the house in which Major Lucas lived. In this house a ne¬ 
gro of Captain Robertson was shot. These were the only 
fatal shots, though not less than five hundred were fired into 
that house ; it was the only one in which the port-holes were 
not filled up with mud. The whites numbered only eleven, 
but they made good use of the advantage they possessed in 
the other houses in the fort. Captain Robertson shot an In¬ 
dian. The whole body of them soon after retreated. The 
moon shone bright, otherwise this attack would probably 
have succeeded, as the fort was once in possession of the 
Indians. They had found means to loosen the chain on the 
inside, which confined the gate, and they were also superior 
in numbers. 

After this repulse, the Indians received reinforcements 
from the Cherokee nation. They burnt up every thing be¬ 
fore them, immense quantities of corn and other produce, 
as well as the houses and fences, and the unoccupied stations 
of the whites. The alarm became general. All who could 
get to the Bluff or Eaton’s Station, did so, but many never 


452 


MRS. DUNHAM RESCUES HER DAUGHTER. 


saw their comrades in those places ; some were killed sleep¬ 
ing ; some were awakened only to be apprised that their 
last moment was come ; some were killed in the noon-day, 
when not suspecting danger ; death seemed ready to em¬ 
brace the whole of the adventurers. In the morning, when 
Mansco’s Lick Station was broken up, two men who had 
slept a little later than their companions, were shot by two 
guns pointed through a port hole by the Indians. These were 
David Goin and Patrick Quigley. Many of the terrified 
settlers moved to Kentucky, or went down the river. It is 
strange that all did not go out of the way of impending dan¬ 
ger Heroism was then an attribute even with the gentler sex. 
Mrs. Dunham sent a small girl out of the fort, to bring in 
something she wanted, and the Indians being there, took hold 
of the child and scalped, without killing her. The mother 
hearing the cries of the child, advanced towards the place 
where she was, and was shot by the Indians and wounded 
dangerously. She and the daughter lived many years after¬ 
wards. 

Late in March, of this year, Colonel Samuel Barton, pass¬ 
ing near the head of the branch which extends from the 
stone bridge, was fired upon by Indians in ambush, and 
wounded in the wrist. He ran with the blood streaming 
from the wound, followed by a warrior in close pursuit. 
They were seen from the fort, and Martin, one of the soldiers 
in it, ran out to meet and assist his comrade. The pursuing 
Indian retreated. 

On the second day of April, in this year, a desperate at¬ 
tempt was made by the Indians to take the fort and station 
at the Bluff. A numerous body of Cherokee warriors came 
there in the night and lay around in ambush. Next morn¬ 
ing three of them came in sight, and fired at the fort on the 
Bluff and immediately retreated. Nineteen horsemen in the 
fort, at once mounted their horses and followed them. When 
they came to the branch, over which the stone bridge has 
since been built, they discovered Indians in the creek and in 
the thickets near it. These arose from their places of con¬ 
cealment and fired upon the horsemen. The latter dismount¬ 
ed to give them battle, and returned their fire with great 


BLUFF VIGOROUSLY ATTACKED AND BRAVELY DEFENDED. 453 


alacrity. Another party of the enemy lay concealed in 
the wild brush and cedars, near the place where Mr. De 
Mumbrune’s house stood in 1821, read}' to rush into the 
fort, in rear of the combatants. The horses ran back 
to the fort—the horsemen being left on foot. To guard 
against the expected assault from the Indians against those 
in the fort, its gates were closed, and preparations made for 
defence. In the meantime, the battle raged without. Pe¬ 
ter Gill, Alexander Buchanan, George Kennedy, Zachariah 
White and Captain Leiper, were killed on the spot. James 
Manifee and Joseph Moonshaw, and others, were wounded 
before they could reach the fort. At the place where the 
stone house of Cross was afterwards built, Isaac Lucas had 
his thigh broken by a ball. His comrades had gotten within 
the fort, and the Indians rushed upon him to take his scalp. 
One of them running towards him, and being at a short dis¬ 
tance from the supposed victim of his barbarous revenge, 
was fired upon and shot through the body by Lucas, who, 
with his rifle well charged, was lying unable to rise from the 
ground. The Indian died instantly. The people in the fort, 
in order to save Lucas, kept up a brisk and warm fire upon 
those parties of the assailants who attempted to get to him, 
and finally succeeded in driving them off. Lucas was taken 
and brought into the fort by his own people. 

Amongst those who escaped towards the fort, was Edward 
Swanson, who was so closely pursued by an Indian warrior 
as to be overtaken by him. The Indian punched him with 
the muzzle of his gun, and pulled trigger, when the gun 
snapped. Swanson laid hold of the muzzle, and wringing the 
lock to one side, spilled the priming from the pan. The In¬ 
dian looked into the pan, and finding no powder in it, struck 
him with the gun barrel, the muzzle foremost; the stroke not 
bringing him to the ground, the Indian clubbed his gun, and 
striking Swanson with it near the lock, knocked him down. 
At this moment John Buchanan, Sen., father of the late Ma¬ 
jor Buchanan, seeing the certain death that impended his 
comrade, gallantly rushed from the fort to the rescue of 
Swanson. Coming near enough to fire, he discharged his 


454 


BUCHANAN BRINGS OFF SWANSON. 


rifle at the Indian, who, gritting his teeth on receiving its 
contents, retired to a stump near at hand. Buchanan brought 
off Swanson, and they both got into the fort without further 
injury. From the stump to which the wounded warrior re¬ 
tired, was found, after the Indian forces had withdrawn, a 
trail, made by a body dragged along upon the ground, much 
marked with blood. 

When the Indians fired upon the horsemen at the branch, 
the party of them lying in ambush at DeMumbrune’s, rose 
and marched towards the river, forming a line between the 
combatants and the fort. In the meantime, when the firing 
between the dismounted horsemen and the enemy had com¬ 
menced, the horses took fright, and ran in full speed on the 
south side of the Indian line towards the French Lick, passing 
by the fort on the Bluff. Seeing this, a number of Indians 
in the line, eager to get possession of the horses, left their 
ranks and went in pursuit of them. At this instant the dogs 
in the fort, seeing the confusion, and hearing the firing, ran 
towards the branch, and came to that part of the Indian line 
that remained yet unbroken, and having been trained to hos¬ 
tilities against Indians, made a most furious onset upon them, 
and disabled them from doing any thing more than defending 
themselves. Whilst thus engaged, the whites passed near 
them, through the interval in the Indian line made by those 
who had gone from it in pursuit of the horses. Had it not 
been for these fortunate circumstances, the white men could 
never have succeeded in reaching the fort through the In¬ 
dian line which had taken post between it and them. Such 
of the nineteen as survived, would have had to break through 
the line, their own guns being empty, whilst those of the In¬ 
dians were well charged. 

This attack was well planned by the Indians, and was 
carried on with some spirit. At length they retired, leaving 
upon the field the dead Indian killed by Lucas ; another was 
found buried on the east side of the creek, in a hollow, north 
of the place since occupied by Mr. Hume. Many of the 
Indians were seen hopping with lame feet or legs, and other¬ 
wise wounded. Their loss could never be ascertained. It 


REMARKABLE RECOVERY OF DAVID HOOD. 


455 


must have been considerable. They got nineteen horses, 
saddles, bridles and blankets, and could easily remove their 
dead and wounded. 

On the night of the same day in which this affair took 
place, another party of Indians, who had not come up in 
time to be present at the battle, marched to the ground since 
occupied by Poyzer’sand Condon’s houses and lots, and fired 
some time upon the fort. A swivel, charged with small rocks 
and pieces of pots, was discharged at them. They immedi¬ 
ately withdrew. 

In the summer of this year, William Hood was killed by 
a party of Indians, on the outside of the fort, at Freeland’s 
Station. They did not, at that time, attack the station. 
Between that place and the French Lick, about the same 
time, they killed old Peter Renfroe, and withdrew. In the 
fall, Timothy Terril, from North-Carolina, was killed. 

As Jacob Freeland was hunting on Stoner’s Lick Creek, at 
the place where John Castleman since lived, he was killed 
by the Indians. There, also, at another time, they killed 
Joseph Castleman. Jacob Castleman soon after, going in 
the woods to hunt, was surprised and killed. 

Like atrocities marked the spring of this year. At the 

o ( French Lick, three persons were fired upon by a party 
( of Indians. John Tucker and Joseph Hendricks were 
wounded, and being pursued till in sight of the fort, they 
were rescued and their pursuers repulsed. The third, David 
Hood, the Indians shot down, scalped and trampled upon 
him, and believing him dead, they left him and gave chase 
to his wounded comrades. Hood, supposing the Indians 
were gone, wounded and scalped as he was, got up softly, 
and began to walk towards the fort at the Bluff. To his 
mortification and surprise, he saw, standing upon the bank 
of the creek before him, the same Indians who had wounded 
him, making sport of his misfortunes and mistake. They 
then fell on him again, and inflicting other apparently mor¬ 
tal wounds, left him. He fell into a brush heap in the snow, 
and next morning, search being made by the whites, he was 
found by his blood, and being taken home, was placed in an 


45G 


FIRST MILLS ERECTED ON CUMBERLAND. 


out-house as a dead man. To the surprise of all, he revived, 
and after some time recovered, and lived many years. 

The first mill erected was near Eaton’s Station, on the 
farm since occupied by Mr. Talbot. It was the property of 
James Wells, Esq.; the next, by Colonel George Mansco ; 
the third, by Captain Frederick Stump, on White’s Creek; 
the fourth, by David Ronfifer, on the same creek; and the 
next, by Major J. Buchanan. 

After their unsuccessful attempt against the Bluff, in 1781, 
the Indians continued occasional irruptions and depredations 
throughout the forming settlements on Cumberland. In that 
year little corn was raised. The scarcity of grain compelled 
the settlers to plant more largely, and raise more grain in 
1782, and to procure subsistence by hunting. In both these 
pursuits, many became victims to the stratagem and cruelty 
of their savage enemy. 

A settlement had been begun at Kilgore’s Station, on the 
north side of Cumberland, on Red River. At this place 
Samuel Martin and Isaac Johnston, returning to the Bluff, 
were fired upon by the Indians. They took Martin prisoner, 
and carried him into the Creek nation. He remained there 
nearly a year, and came home elegantly dressed, with two 
valuable horses and silver spurs. It was said, afterwards, 
that he had concerted with the Indians the lime and place 
of the attack made bv them, and that he was a sharer in the 
plunder. Isaac Johnston escaped and came home. 

Of the other settlers at Kilgore’s, were two young men 
named Mason, Moses Maiding, Ambrose Maiding, Josiah 
Hoskins, Jesse Simons, and others. The two young men, 
Mason, had gone to Clay Lick, and had posted themselves 
in a secret place to watch for deer. Whilst they were thus 
situated, seven Indians came to the Lick ; the lads took good 
aim, fired upon and killed two Indians, and then ran with 
all speed to the fort, where, being joined by three of the 
garrison, they returned to the Lick, found and scalped the 
dead Indians, and returned. That night John and Ephraim 
Peyton, on their way to Kentucky, called in and remained 
all night at the fort. During the night all the horses that 


Kilgore’s station abandoned. 


457 


were there were stolen. In the morning pursuit was made, 
and the Indians were overtaken in the evening, at a creek, 
since called Peyton’s Creek. They were fired upon. One 
was killed and the rest of them fled, leaving the stolen 
horses to the owners. The pursuers returned that night, in 
the direction of the fort, and encamped, and were progressing, 
next morning, on their way. Ph the meantime, the Indians, 
by a circuitous route, had got between them and the station, 
and when the whites came near enough, fired upon them, 
killing one of the Mason, and Josiah Hoskins, and taking 
some spoil. The Indians then retreated. Discouraged by 
these daring depredations, the people at Kilgore’s Station 
broke up their establishment and joined those at the Bluff. 

In this year, also, George Aspie was killed, on Drake’s 
Creek, by the Indians, and Thomas Spencer, wounded. In 
the fall William McMurray was killed near Winchester’s 
Mill, on Bledsoe’s Creek, and General Smith was wounded. 
Noah Trammel was killed on Goose Creek. Malden’s Sta¬ 
tion, on Red River, was broken up and abandoned. 

Such were the difficulties and dangers that accompanied 
the infancy of the Cumberland settlements, that, from ne¬ 
cessity, it became a custom of the country for one or two 
persons to stand as watchmen or sentinels, whilst others la¬ 
boured in the field ; and even whilst one went to a spring to 
drink, another stood on the watch, with his rifle ready to pro¬ 
tect him, by shooting a creeping Indian, or one rising from 
the thickets of canes and brush that covered him from view; 
and wherever four or five were assembled together at a 
spring, or other place, where business required them to be, 
they held their guns in their hands, and with their backs 
turned to each other, one faced the north, another the south, 
another the west—watching, in all directions, for a lurking 
or creeping enemy. Whilst the people at the Bluff were so 
much harassed and galled by the Indians that they could.not 
plant nor cultivate their corn-fields, a proposition was made, 
in a council of the inhabitants, to break up the settlements 
and go off. Captain Robertson pertinaciously resisted this 
proposition. It was then impossible to reach Kentucky ; the In- 


458 ROBERTSON DISSUADES FROM BREAKING UP THE STATIONS. 

dians were in force upon all the roads and passages which led 
to it; for the same reason, it was also impossible, and equally 
impracticable, to remove to the settlements on Holston. No 
other means of escape remained, but that of going down the 
river in boats, and making good their retreat to the Illinois. 
And even to this plan, great obstacles were opposed ; for how 
was the wood to be obtained^with which to make the boats ? 
The Indians were, every day, in the skirts of the Bluffy 
lying concealed among the shrubs and cedar trees, ready 
to inflict death upon whoever should attempt to go to the 
woods. These difficulties were all stated by Captain Ro¬ 
bertson. He held out the dangers attendant upon the at¬ 
tempt, on the one hand ; the fine country they were on the 
point of possessing, on the other. To these he added, the 
probability of new acquisitions of numbers from the older 
settlements, and the certainty of being able, by careful at¬ 
tention to circumstances, to defend and support themselves 
till succour could arrive. At length, the parental advice and 
authority of Robertson prevailed. He finally succeeded in 
quieting the apprehensions of his co-colonists; and they 
gradually relinquished the design of evacuating the posi¬ 
tions they occupied, now somewhat hallowed to them by the 
recollection of past dangers, endured toils, difficulties over¬ 
come, and triumphs achieved. 

The expectations of Captain Robertson were, in part, soon 
realized. The revolutionary war was ended ; an abatement 
of Indian hostility soon followed; and additional emigrants 
from North-Carolina and other states, gave renewed strength 
and animation and nermanence to his settlement. 

A 

But, notwithstanding these favourable circumstances, ofler- 

1783 \ m as c ^’ some alleviation of the suffering en- 
( dured on Cumberland, still, in 1783, the offensive ope¬ 
rations of the Indians were occasionally continued. One of 
the guard who came to the Bluff with the Commissioners 
from North-Carolina, Roger Top, was killed at the place 
where Mr. Deaderick has since lived. At the same time 
and place, Roger Glass was wounded. Within two days 
after these acts of hostility, a settler, passing the place where 


ROBERTSON OBTAINS A CESSION FROM CIIICKASAWS. 


459 


the stone bridge now is, was shot at and wounded by the 
Indians. He succeeded in reaching the fort, but died soon 
afterwards. 

The Chickasaws, early in 1783, assembled in the vicinity 
of Nashville, at Robertson’s Station, where a treaty was con¬ 
cluded, ceding and relinquishing to North-Carolina a region 
of country extending nearly forty miles south of Cumber¬ 
land River, to the ridge dividing the tributaries of that stream 
from those of Duck and Elk. # 

The policy of Spain, at this time, was, to secure the good 
feelings, if not the aid, of the southern Indians. The agents 
of that Power invited those tribes to meet and hold confer¬ 
ences with them, at the Walnut Hills. From these confer¬ 
ences they returned, as was believed, with dispositions less 
amicable to the new settlements on the Cumberland. No 
large body of them invaded that country, but small parties of 
Indians were constantly waylaying the paths and surround¬ 
ing the corn-fields of the emigrants. Such of them as were 
exploring the country, and making locations, were closely 
watched, and some of them killed. Ireson and Barnett, on 
a surveying excursion, were shot down and killed. On Rich¬ 
land Creek, near what has since been the plantation of Mr. 
Irwin, William Daniel, Joseph Dunham, Joshua Norrington, 
and Joel Mills, were all killed ; and in a path leading from 
Dunham’s Fort to Armstrong’s, at the head of the same 
creek, where Castleman since lived, a soldier was killed as 
he passed from one fort to the other. 

At Armstrong’s Fort, as Patsy, the daughter of Mr. Rains, 
was riding on horseback, with a young woman, Betsey Wil¬ 
liams, behind her, they were fired upon by the Indians, and 
the latter killed ; the former escaped. A short time after¬ 
wards, near the same place, Joseph Noland was killed ; and 
during the same summer^ a son of Thomas Noland ; and du¬ 
ring the fall, the old man, himself, were also killed near this 
same place. About the same time, the Indians killed the 
father of Betsey Williams, above mentioned. 

Buchanan’s Station was upon Mill Creek, five miles from 


*Monette, ii., 268. 


460 


CAPTAIN PRUETT PURSUES THE INDIANS. 


the Bluff, not far from the farm at the present time owned by 
A. R. Crozier, Esq., on the Turnpike leading fron Nashville 
to Lebanon. There the Indians, in this year, killed Samuel 
Buchanan, William Mulherrin and three others, who were 
guarding the station. Going from the Bluff to Kentucky, 
William Overall was killed, and Joshua Thomas mortally 
wounded. The Indians having stolen horses from the 
Bluff, Captain William Pruett raised twenty men and pur¬ 
sued them to Richland Creek of Elk River, overtook them, 
and recaptured the horses on the waters of Big Creek. They 
fired upon, but did not kill any of the Indians. As they re¬ 
turned, they encamped near a creek on the north side of 
Duck River. As they began their march next morning, they 
were fired upon by the Indians in their rear. Moses Brown 
was killed in a cane-brake, and the ground being unfavour¬ 
able, the whites retreated a mile and a half to more open 
ground, and there halted and formed. The Indians came 
up and an engagement ensued. Captain Pruett and Daniel 
Johnson were shot down, and Morris Shine was wounded. 
Being overpowered, the survivors of the party made good 
their escape to the Bluff, with the loss of their recaptured 
horses. 

These repeated aggressions and depredations upon the 
lives and property of the settlers, were the more pertina¬ 
ciously renewed and persisted in, from the fact, that North- 
Carolina had, in April of this year, appropriated the lands 
hitherto claimed by the Chickasaws and Cherokees, except 
those which, by the same act, were allowed to them for 
their hunting grounds. This unceremonious intrusion upon 
their supposd rights, together with the machinations of the 
agents of Spain, had the effect to exasperate their hostility 
to the settlements of the whites now beginning to expand 
and acquire permanence, by the additional strength of other 
emigrants from a different direction. Turnbull, a trader, 
came from Natchez with horses and skins procured in the 
Chickasaw nation. From the same place, Absalom Hooper, 
Thomas James, Philip Alston, James Drumgold, James 
Cole, James Donelson and others, also arrived. A station 
was this year established by Samuel Hays on Stone’s River. 


GALLANTRY OF MASON AND TRAMMEL. 


4 61 


Constantly harassed and alarmed by the continued re- 
1784 ( currence of Indian hostility against his colony, Col. 

! Robertson could no longer resist the conviction, that 
his savage neighbourson the south were instigated in their un¬ 
friendly conduct to the people on Cumberland by some foreign 
influence, and he suspected that influence might be from the 
agents of Spain. He entered into correspondence with one 
of them, Mr. Ported, assuring him of a disposition on the part 
of his countrymen to maintain with the Spanish colonists 
the most friendly relations. Mr. Ported, in reply, expressed 
his gratitude for the amicable behaviour of the Cumberland 
people, and promised to maintain the best relations on his 
side, and expressed a wish to be useful to the Colonel and 
his countrymen. Still, incursions for the purpose of murder 
and plunder, continued to be made by the Indians. Early 
in this year, Philip Trammel and Philip Mason were killed. 
As one amongst a thousand instances of the unequalled for¬ 
titude and gallantry of the first settlers, a recitation is here 
given of the conflict in which they ended their existence. 
These two men had killed a deer at the head of White’s 
Creek, and were skinning it. . The Indians stole up to the 
place and fired upon them. They wounded Mason and 
carried off the venison. Trammel got assistance from 
Eaton’s Station, and followed the Indians. He came up wilh 
them ; they fought, and he killed two of them. The Indians 
being reinforced, and Mason having received a second and 
mortal wound, the whites were once more obliged to retreat. 
Trammel found some other white men in the woods, and 
induced them to go back with him to the place where the 
Indians were. They found the latter, and immediately re¬ 
newed the fight. They killed three Indians, and fought till 
both parties were tired. Trammel and Josiah Hoskins, 
enthusiastically courageous, and determined tq make the 
enemy yield the palm of victory, gallantly precipitated them¬ 
selves into the midst of the retreating Indians, where they 
fell by the hands of the foe. The rest of the white men main¬ 
tained their ground until both parties were exhausted and 
willing to rest from their martial labours. 

Another spirited affair, scarcely less heroic, deserves also 


1 


462 


COURAGEOUS DEFENCE BY ASPIE AND OTHERS. 


to be specially mentioned. Aspie, Andrew Lucas, Thomas 
S. Spencer and Johnston, had left the Bluff on horseback on a 
hunting tour. They had reached the head waters of Drake’s 
Creek, where their horses had stopped to drink. At this 
moment a party of Indians fired upon them. Lucas was 
shot through the neck and through the mouth. He, however, 
dismounted with the rest, but in attemping to fire, the blood 
gushed from his mouth and wet his priming ; perceiving this, 
he crawled into a bunch of briers. Aspie, as he alighted 
from his horse, received a bullet which broke his thigh ; but 
he still fought heroically. Johnston and Spencer acquitted 
themselves with incomparable gallantly, but were obliged 
to give way, and to leave Aspie to his fate, though he en¬ 
treated them earnestly not to forsake him. The Indians 
killed and scalped Aspie, but did not find Lucas, who shortly 
afterwards returned to his friends. Spencer, in the heat of 
the engagement, was shot, but the ball split on the bone and 
his life was spared. The whole Aspie family were super¬ 
latively brave. A brother had been previously killed in the 
battle at the Bluff. When he first fell, he placed himself in a 
position to reach a loaded gun, with which he shot an Indian 
running up to scalp him. 

In this year also, Cornelius Riddle was shot by the Indians, 
near Buchanan’s Station. lie had killed two turkeys, and 
hanging them upon a bush, had gone off into the woods to 
hunt for more. The Indians hearing the report of his gun, 
came to the place, and finding the turkeys, lay in ambush 
where they were, and on Riddle’s coming to take them away, 
they fired upon and killed him. 

In the year 1785, Moses Brown was killed, near the place 
1785 ( on Richland Creek afterwards occupied by Jesse 
( Wharton, Esq., and then known as Brown’s Station. 
Col. Robertson and Col. Weakly had gone, with Edmond Hick¬ 
man, a Surveyor, to survey entered lands on Piny River. The 
Indians came upon them suddenly, and killed Hickman. The 
same year they killed a man living with William Stuart, on 
the plantation where Judge Haywood afterwards lived. 

Notwithstanding these daring acts of hostility, the number 
of inhabitants steadily increased. James Harrison, William 


CHICKASAW BOUNDARY. 


463 


Hall and W. Gibson, settled this year above Bledsoe’s Lick, 
and Charles Morgan established a station on the west side 
of Bledsoe’s Creek, five miles from the Lick. The Indians 
killed Peter Barnett and David Steele, below Clarkesville, 
, on the waters of Blooming Grove. They also wounded Wil¬ 
liam Crutcher and went off, leaving a knife sticking in him; 
he recovered. 

On the second day of March, John Peyton, a Surveyor, 
Ephraim Peyton, Thomas Pugh and John Frazier, had com¬ 
menced their survey upon a creek, since called Defeated 
Creek, on the north side of Cumberland, in what is now 
Smith county, and had made a camp. While they were 
sleeping around the camp about midnight, a great number of 
Cherokee Indians surrounded and fired upon them. All but 
one of them were wounded, but they ran through the Indian 
line, made their escape and got home, losing their horses, 
compass, chain, blankets, saddles and bridles. The Indians 
retreated immediately to their towns, and were not over¬ 
taken. 

The Commissioners of the United States, Benjamin Haw- 
1780 \ Andrew Pickens, and Joseph Martin, concluded 
f a treaty with the Chickasaw Commissioners, Piomingo, 
head warrior and first minister, Mingatushka, one of the 
leading chiefs, and Latopoia, first beloved man of that na¬ 
tion, at Hopewell, January 10th, i786. The boundary of the 
lands allotted to the Chickasaw nation to live and hunt on, 

“Began on the ridge that divides the waters running into the Cum¬ 
berland from those running into the Tennessee, at a point in a line to 
be run north-east, which shall strike the Tennessee at the mouth of Duck 
River; thence running westerly along the said ridge till it shall strike 
the Ohio ; thence down the southern bank thereof to the Mississippi; 
thence down the same to the Choctaw line of Natchez District; thence 
along the said line, or the line of the district, eastwardly as far as the 
Chickasaws claimed, and lived and hunted on, the twenty-ninth of No¬ 
vember, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two. Thence the said 
boundary eastwardly shall be the lands allotted to the Choctaws and 
Cherokees, to live and hunt on, and the lands at present in possession of 
the Creeks, saving and reserving for the establishment of a trading post, 
a tract of land, to be laid out at the lower point of the Muscle Shoals, at 
the mouth of Ocochappo.” 

Monette says, that the Chickasaws, by this Treaty, ratified 


404 


PURSUIT MADE BY CAPTAIN MARTIN. 


and confirmed that made in 1783, with Donelson and Martin, 
Commissioners of North-Carolina. This Treaty encouraged 
emigration to Cumberland. 

The settlements were now becoming stronger by annual ar- 
1787 5 rivals of emigrants, but had not expanded much, except , 
l in the direction towards Red River. There the new 
settlers underwent the usual initiation from Indian outrage 
and aggression. Hendrick’s Station, on Station-Camp Creek, 
was assaulted in the night; the house, in which were Mr. and 
Mrs. Price and their children, was broken into, the parents 
were killed and their children badly wounded. A boy named 
Baird, was killed in the day time, and several horses were 
stolen. Near the Locust-land, where General Hall How lives, 
above Bledsoe’s Lick, the Indians killed William Hall and 
his son Richard, and another man. In May, the Indians came 
to Richland Creek, and in daylight killed Mark Robertson, 
near the place where Robertson’s Mill was since erected. He 
was a brother of Col. Robertson, and was returning from his 
house. 

During the summer, the Indians came to Drake’s Creek, 
where William Montgomery lived, shot down and scalped 
his son, and wounded John Allen. In the same neighbour¬ 
hood they killed Mr. Morgan, Sen., and were pursued by a 
party of white men under the command of George Winches¬ 
ter, who followed on their trail. Another party, commanded 
by Captain William Martin, also followed them by a nearer 
route, and not having found their trail, encamped near it. 
The other party, on the same night, came on the trail, and 
seeing the camp of Martin, fired into it and killed William 
Ridley, the son of George Ridley, late of Davidson county. 

Considerable delay occurred before Evans’s battalion could 
be recruited, equipped, provided with supplies, and sent for¬ 
ward to Cumberland, as provided for by the Assembly of 
North-Carolina. Impatient of this delay, Colonel Bledsoe 
asks permission of Governor Caswell to carry an expedition 
against the Chickamaugas. His letter is dated from Ken¬ 
tucky, whither he and Colonel Robertson had gone, to pro¬ 
cure additional forces, with which to chastise the enemy. 


COLS. BLEDSOE AND ROBERTSON TO GOVERNOR CASWELL. 405 

Kentucky, June 1st, IT87. 

Dear Sir :—At tins place T received accounts from Cumberland, that 
since I last did myself the pleasure of addressing you, three persons 
have been killed at that place, within about seven miles of Nashville; 
and there is scarcely a day, that the Indians do not steal horses in either 
Sumner or Davidson counties ; and I am informed, the people are exceed¬ 
ingly dispirited, having had accounts that several northern tribes, in 
conjunction with the Creek nation, have determined the destruction of 
that defenceless country, this summer; and their hopes seem blasted,as 
to Major Evans’s assistance. Colonel Robertson has lately been to this 
country to get some assistance to carry on a campaign against the 
Chickamauga towns, and got some assurance from the several officers. 
The time appointed for the rendezvous, was fixed to the 15th instant, 
hut, finding the men cannot be drawn out at that season of the year, I 
have thought it my duty to ask your advice in the matter : whether, or 
not, we shall have leave of government to carry on such a campaign, if 
we can make ourselves able, with the assistance of our friends, the Vir- 
gianians, as they promised us, immediately after harvest. 

Soon after the date of Colonel Bledsoe’s letter, that officer 
and Colonel Robertson addressed Governor Caswell, jointly, 
under date : 

Cumberland, June 12th, 1787. 

Dear Sir :—Nothing but the distress of a bleeding country could in¬ 
duce us to trouble you on so disagreeable a subject. We enclose you a 
list of the killed in this quarter, since our departure from this country to 
the Assembly ; this, with the numbers wounded, the vast numbers of 
horses stolen from the inhabitants, has, in a degree, flagged the spirits 
of the people. A report is nowhere, and has prevailed throughout this 
country, and we are induced to believe it is true, that the Spaniards are 
doing all they can to encourage the several savage tribes to war against 
the Americans. It is certain, the Chickasaws inform us, that Spanish, 
traders offer a reward for scalps of the Americans. A disorderly set of 
French and Spanish traders are continually on the Tennessee, that, we 
actually fear, are a great means of encouraging the Indians to do us 
much mischief. "We should wish to take some measures to remove 
these disorderly traders from the Tennessee, and wish your Excellency’s 
advice in the matter. 

At length, the Indian atrocities becoming so bold and fre¬ 
quent, it appeared necessary, for the protection and defence 
of the settlements, that offensive operations should be carried 
on against the Indians in their own towns. One hundred 
and thirty men, from the different settlements on Cumber¬ 
land, volunteered for that purpose, and assembled at the 
house of Colonel Robertson. Of this force he took the com¬ 
mand, assisted by Colonel Robert Hays and Colonel James 
30 


466 


robertson’s march to Tennessee river, 


Ford, and marched for the Indian village, Coldwater, with 
two Chickasaws as pilots. They crossed at the mouth of 
South Harper ; thence they went a direct course to the 
mouth of Turnbull’s Creek, and up that stream to its head;, 
thence to Lick Creek, of Duck River; thence down that 
creek seven or eight miles, leaving the creek to the right 
hand ; thence to an old and very large Lick; thence to Duck 
River, where the old Chickasaw trace crossed it; thence, 
leaving the trace to the right hand, they went to the head of 
Swan Creek; thence to a creek then called Blue Water, 
running into the Tennessee River, about a mile and a half 
above the lower end of the Muscle Shoals. When within 
ten miles of these rapids, they heard the roaring of the falls. 
One of the Indian guides, with several of the most active 
soldiers, was ordered to go to the river. These, about mid¬ 
night, returned, saying the river was too distant for them to 
reach that night and return to camp. In the morning, they 
pursued the same course they had done the day before. At 
12 o’clock, they struck the river at the lower end of the Mus¬ 
cle Shoals, where it is said the road now crosses, and con¬ 
cealed themselves in the woods till night. On the north 
side of the river they discovered, on a bluff, a plain path 
leading along the river, which seemed to be much travelled; 
and on the south side, opposite to them, were seen several 
Indian cabins or lodges. Several of the soldiers went down 
secretly, took their station under the bank, and concealed 
themselves under the cane, to observe what could be seen on 
the other side. They had not long remained in their place 
of concealment, when they saw some Indians reconnoitering 
and evidently looking out for the troops of Col. Robertson. 
In doing this, they passed into an island near the south bank 
of the river, where they entered a canoe, and came half way 
over the stream. Not being able to see any of the inva¬ 
ders, the Indians returned to the island where they had 
started from, and fastened the canoe. When they left the 
river, Captain Rains was sent with fifteen men up the path, 
along the north bank, with orders from Col. Robertson to cap¬ 
ture an Indian, if possible, alive. He executed the order, but 
did not see an Indian. He went nearly to the mouth of 


AND ATTACK ON COLDWATER. 


467 


Bluewater Creek, when about sunset he was recalled, having 
made no discoveries. It was determined to cross the river 
that night, and the soldiers, who had watched the move¬ 
ments of the Indians, swam over the river and went up to the 
cabins, but they found not a single living being in the village. 
They then untied the canoe and returned in it to the north 
bank. It was found to be a very large one, but old and 
having a hole in its bottom. This the men contrived to stop 
with their shirts. Into this frail and leaky barque, forty men, 
with their fire-arms, entered. They started from the shore, 
and the canoe sprang aleak and began to sink. Jumping 
into the water, the men swam back with the canoe to the 
northern bank. In these operations, some noise was neces¬ 
sarily made, and considerable time consumed, and the em¬ 
barkation of the troops was delayed till daylight. With a 
piece of linn bark, the hole in the canoe was at length cov¬ 
ered, and forty or fifty men crossed over in it, and took pos¬ 
session of the bank on the south side. The remainder of the 
troops swam over with the horses. Having all crossed the 
river in safety, attention was paid to drying their clothes and 
equipments. A rain came on and forced the men into the 
cabins. After the clouds cleared away, the troops mounted, 
and seeing a well beaten path, leading from the river out 
into the barrens, in a western direction, they dashed into it 
and followed it briskly. At the distance of five or six miles 
they came to corn fields, and a mile or two further they came 
to Coldwater Creek. This most of the troops crossed by a 
path so narrow that a single horse could only pass it up the 
bank. On the other side of the creek was a number of 
cabins, built upon the low grounds, which extended to the 
river about three hundred yards below. The people of the 
town were surprised by its sudden and unexpected invasion, 
and fled precipitately to their boats at the river, and were 
closely pursued by such of the men as had crossed the 
creek. Captain Rains had remained on its other side, with 
Benjamin Castleman, William Loggins, William Steele and 
Martin Duncan, and seeing the retreat and flight of the 
enemy, went down the east side of the creek to intercept 
them. The retreating Indians, as they ran down on the 


468 


INDIANS AND FRENCH TRADERS ROUTED. 


other side, and had their attention drawn to those who pur¬ 
sued them on the same side of the creek, crossed over and 
came to the spot where Captain Rains and his men were, 
and were fired upon, while looking back at their pursuers, 
and not perceiving the snare into which they had fallen. 
Three of them dropped down dead. Three French traders 
and a white woman, who had got into a boat and would not 
surrender, but mixed with the Indians and seemed determined 
to partake of their fate, whatever it might be, were killed by 
the troops. They wounded and took prisoner the principal tra¬ 
der and owner of the goods, and five or six other Frenchmen, 
who lived there as traders. These had in the town, stores of 
taffia, sugar, coffee, cloths, blankets, Indian wares of all 
sorts, salt, shot, Indian paints, knives, powder, tomahawks, 
tobacco and other articles, suitable for Indian commerce. 
The troops killed many of the Indians after they had got 
into the boats, and gave them so hot and deadly a fire from 
the bank of the river, that they were forced to jump into the 
water, and were shot whilst in it, until, as the Chickasaws 
afterwards informed them, twenty-six of the Creek warriors 
were killed in the river. The troops immediately afterwards 
collected all the boats that were upon the river, and brought 
them up the creek, opposite to the town, and placed a guard 
over them. Each of the Indian guides was, next morning, 
presented with a horse, a gun, and ^s many blankets and 
clothes as the horses could carry, as their portion of the 
spoils, and despatched to their homes. The name of one of 
them was Toka, a chief. 

After the departure of the Chickasaw guides, the troops 
buried the white men and the woman killed in the engage¬ 
ment of the day before, set fire to and burned up the town, 
and destroyed the domestic animals that were found in and 
around it. The goods of the traders had been removed from 
the stores, and with the prisoners, were now put into three or 
four boats, under the charge of Jonathan Denton, Benjamin 
Drake, and John and Moses Eskridge, to navigate them. 
They were directed to descend the Tennessee to some con¬ 
venient point on its southern shore, where they were to meet 
the mounted troops, and assist them in cioasing. At the time 


ARMY RECROSSED AT COLRERt’s. 


4G9 


the boats started down the river, the horsemen began their 
march by land, but being without pilots, a nd entirely unac¬ 
quainted with the windings of’the stream, they took a course 
that led them further from it than they intended, into the 
piny woods, where they encamped. The next day they 
went to the river, where they saw several persons at a dis¬ 
tance on the islands, who proved to be their own boatmen. 
Neither knew the other till some of the boatmen, nearing 
the shore, made the agreeable discovery, that the horsemen 
on the land were their friends. The troops then moved down 
the river a few miles, and came to a place just above the 
point of an island, where the descent to the river was easy 
and convenient for embarkation, and where the bank on the 
opposite side afforded a safe landing. Here, with the as¬ 
sistance of the boats, they crossed over. The whole com¬ 
mand encamped together on the north shore, and found they 
had not lost a single man, and that not one was wounded. 
The place at which the crossing was made, is near what has 
since been known as Colbert’s Ferry. 

The horsemen, after leaving camp on the Tennessee, march¬ 
ed nearly a north course, till they struck the path leading to 
the Chickasaw Old Crossing, on Duck River, where they had 
crossed going out, and pursuing their own trace, returned 
unmolested to the Bluff. 

At the encampment on the Tennessee, the French prisoners 
were allowed to take all their trunks and wearing apparel, 
and an equal division was made of the sugar and coffee 
amongst the troops and prisoners. To the latter was also 
given a canoe, in which, after bidding farewell, they ascend¬ 
ed the river. 

The dry goods were ordered, under the care of the same 
boatmen, to Nashville. Sailing down the river some days, 
they met other French boats laden with goods, and having 
on board French traders, who, being greatly rejoiced at see¬ 
ing their countrymen, as they supposed the Cumberland 
boatmen to be, returning home, saluted them by firing their 
guns. The latter, descen ling the river with their guns 
charged, came alongside of the French boats, boarded them 
and captured the boats and crews, and conducted them to a 


470 


CAPTURE OF THE FRENCH TRADERS. 


place a few miles below Nashville. There the captors gave 
the Frenchmen a canoe, and dismissed them with permission 
to go down the river, which they did. 

The spoils taken at Cold water, were brought to Eaton’s 
Station and sold, and the proceeds divided amongst the 
troops. They returned to Col. Robertson’s on the nineteenth 
day after the commencement of the expedition at his house. 
From this place, Co). Robertson wrote Gov. Caswell under 
date— 

“Nashville, July 2d, 1787. 

Sir :—I had the pleasure of receiving your Excellency’s letter to 
Col. Bledsoe and myself, in which you were so obliging as to mention 
you would render every aid in your power to our country. Never was 
there a time in which your Excellency’s assistance and attention were 
more necessary than the present. The war being exceedingly hot in 
the spring, I marched some men near the Chickamaugas; but wishing 
to avoid an open war, returned without doing them any mischief, leav¬ 
ing a letter containing every offer of peace that could be made on hon¬ 
ourable terms; in consequence of which, they sent a flag to treat, though 
I have every reason to doubt their sincerity, as several persons were 
killed during their stay, and one man at my house, in their sight. They 
impute the mischief we suffer to the Creeks. A few days after their 
departure, my brother, Mark Robertson, being killed near my house, I, by 
the advice of the officers, civil and military, raised about one hun¬ 
dred and thirty men, and followed their tracks, near the lower end of 
the Muscle Shoals, where some Indians discovered us, fired on our back 
picket, and alarmed a small town of Cherokees. We found, where we 
crossed Tennessee, pictures of two scalps, made a few days before ; 
which scalps, we were afterwards informed, were carried into said town 
by seven Cherokees, who were there when we attacked them. Though 
they constantly kept out spies, we had the good fortune to cross Ten¬ 
nessee, and go eighteen miles down the river, till in sight of the town, 
before the Indians discovered us. We made a rapid charge and entirely 
defeated them. The attack began at the mouth of a large creek ; we 
forced them into the creek and river, and what escaped, either got off 
in boats or swam the river. About twenty were killed, and several 
wounded. The whole town, as we were afterwards informed by a 
Frenchman, wdiom we found there, had been councilling three days, at 
the instigation of a principal Creek chief, and had unanimously agreed 
to fight us, if we crossed Tennessee. From what passed at this con¬ 
sultation, I have every reason to believe the Creeks totally averse to 
peace, notwithstanding they have had no cause of offence. We have 
been exceedingly particular in giving them no reason to complain. 
Their force consisted of ten Creeks and thirty-five Cherokee warriors, 
together with nine Frenchmen, chiefly from Detroit, who had joined 
the Indians against us. Among the dead was the Creek chief before 
mentioned, a mischievous Cherokee chief, three Frenchmen and a 


colonel Robertson’s official report. 


471 


Frenchwoman, who was killed by accident, in one of the boats. In 
this action we lost not a single man ; but a party of fifty men, who 
was sent to the mouth of Duck River, was there attacked by a large 
number of Indians, and we had one man killed and eight wounded. 
We were piloted by two Chickasaws, in this expedition ; their nation 
seem, on every occasion, our friends, and if it were possible to supply 
them with trade, at the Chickasaw Bluff, there is no doubt but they 
and the Choctaws would find full employment for our enemies. 

From the constant incursions of the Indians, I have been obliged to 
keep the militia very much in service on scouts, guards, etc., and have 
been under the necessity of promising them pay, without which, I am 
persuaded, the army would have totally broken up, as many have already 
done. I hope you will approve the promise I have made to the inhabi¬ 
tants. Sumner county seems to be in peace, compared with this, 
being more out of the range of the Indians. I have not an opportunity 
of seeing Col. Bledsoe, or I make no doubt he would join me in 
informing your Excellency that our situation, at present, is deplorable— 
deprived of raising subsistence, and constantly harassed with perform¬ 
ing military duty, our only hope is in the troops promised us by the 
General Assembly ; but, as yet, we have no news of them. I earnestly 
beg your Excellency to forward them with all possible expedition. I 
hope that your Excellency will, by express or otherwise, favour me with 
an answer. 

This spirited invasion of the heart of the Indian country, 
and the success that had attended the assault against Cold- 
water, were followed by a short respite from savage aggres¬ 
sion. Heretofore, there had not been an hour of safety to 
any settler on the waters of Cumberland, and offensive mea¬ 
sures were adopted and energetically executed. The ven¬ 
geance so long delayed, had, at length, fallen with most fatal 
effect upon those who had so frequently provoked it. At 
Coldwater, Colonel Robertson discovered the sources from 
which the Indians were supplied with the materials which 
enabled them to make inroads, upon the new settlements ; 
the means by which, and the channels through which, they 
received them ; and the practicable modes of cutting them 
off, as well as the facility of seizing upon the stores, when 
deposited in villages near the place of disembarkation. The 
advantages acquired by his expedition were various and im¬ 
portant, and by putting the Indians in danger at home, and 
making it necessary for them to act on the defensive, near 
their own villages, had greatly diminished the vigour of 
their enterprises against the feeble settlements. 


472 


DISASTER TO THE BOATMEN OF CAPTAIN HAY. 


These advantages, however, were somewhat counteracted 
by the unfortunate issue of another expedition, connected, in 
part, with that so gallantly carried on by Colonel Robertson, 
and undertaken about the same time, with the view of se¬ 
curing its success. 

When the troops started on the campaign to Cold wafer, 
David Hay, of Nashville, had the command of a company 
there, and determined to carry them, simultaneously, against 
the enemy, by water ; not only to assist their countrymen in 
the assault upon the Indian villages, but to carry to them 
provisions and supplies, which, it was apprehended, they 
might need on their arrival at the Tennessee River, and, par¬ 
ticularly, in case of the detention of the horsemen in that 
neighbourhood, for a longer time than was anticipated. 
Captain Hay and his men descended the river in three boats, 
and passing around into the Tennessee, had proceeded unmo¬ 
lested up that stream to the mouth of Duck River. When 
they had reached that stream, the boat commanded by Moses 
Shelby, entered into it a small distance, for the purpose of 
examining a canoe, which he observed there, fastened 
to the bank. A party of Indians had concealed themselves 
in the cane and behind the trees, not more than ten or 
twelve feet from the canoe, and from the boat itself, and 
poured in a most unexpected fire into the boat. John Top 
and Hugh Roquering were shot through the body; Edward 
Hogan, through the arm, the ball fracturing the bone ; Jo- 
siah Renfroe was shot through the head, and killed on the 
spot. The survivors made great haste to get the boat off, 
but, having the prow up the small river, and several of the 
crew being wholly disabled, and some of them greatly dis¬ 
mayed by the sudden fire and destruction which had come 
upon them, acted in disorder, and with great difficulty got the 
boat again into the Tennessee, beyond the reach of the Indian 
guns, before they could reload and fire a second time. Had 
this movement been executed with less alacrity and despatch, 
the rash and unadvised act of going to the canoe, would 
have caused the whole crew to become victims to the strata¬ 
gem of the Indians. As it was, their artful plot had too well 
succeeded, and the expedition, which promised so much, and 


Robertson’s explanation. 


473 


thus far had been prosecuted without interruption, was 
abandoned. Captain Ilay returned, with his wounded men, 
to Nashville, where, alone, surgical and medical assistance 
could be procured. 

The affair at Coldwater, and the capture of the French 
traders and their goods on the Tennessee, had involved Col. 
Robertson in a difficulty with a nation then at peace with 
the United States. That officer deemed it necessary, there¬ 
fore, to make a written exposition of the causes and motives 
which led to the campaign which he had conducted, and in 
which citizens of France had been made to suffer. This 
communication he addressed to a functionary at the Illinois. 
He stated in it, 

“ That for some years past a trade had been carried on by Frenchmen 
from the Wabash, with the Indians on Tennessee. The trade had been 
formerly managed by a Mr. Veiz, and while he carried it on the In¬ 
dians were peaceable towards ns ; but for two or three years past, these 
Indians had been extremely inimical, at all seasons killing our men, wo¬ 
men and children, and stealing our horses. lie had sufficient evidence 
of the fact also, that these Indians were excited to war against us by 
the suggestions of these traders, who both advised them to war, and 
gave them goods for carrying it on. The Chickasaws had told him 
that they had been offered goods by those traders if they would go to 
war against us. And one John Rogers declared, that he had seen a 
Creek fellow have on a pair of arm-bands, which he said were given to 
him by the French traders, for going to war against our people. Their 
incursions upon us this spring have been more severe than usual, and I 
determined to distress them. For this purpose, he stated that he had 
taken a part of the militia of Davidson county, followed the. tracks of 
one of their scalping parties, who had just been doing murder here, 
and pursuing them to a town on Tennessee, at the mouth of Coldwater, 
had destroyed the town, and killed, as he supposed, about twenty of the 
Indians. The scalps of two of our people whom they had lately mur¬ 
dered, were found in the town. Some of the French imprudently put 
themselves in the action, and some of them fell. From that place ho 
sent a party around to the River Cumbeilancl by water. On the Ten¬ 
nessee they found five Frenchmen, with two boats, having on board 
goods to trade with those very Indians. The commander of the party 
captured the boats with the traders, and brought them round to the 
Cumberland, and gave them their choice, either to come up to the set¬ 
tlement and stand their trial for what they had done, thereby to try 
and regain their goods, or else they might go home at once without 
their goods; they chose the. latter. The taking of these boats, said Col. 
Robertson, was without my knowledge or approbation. I am now en¬ 
deavouring to collect the property which was in them, and I desire tho 


474 


ANOTHER CAMPAIGN BY CAPTAIN SHANNON. 


owners to be notified, that if they could make it appear that they were 
not guilty of a breach of the laws, and did not intend to furnish our 
enemies with powder, lead and other goods, for our destruction, on ap¬ 
plying here at Nashville, they can have their property again. He de¬ 
clared that if those Indians would be peaceable, we should never attempt 
to deprive them of any trade they could procure. But whilst they con¬ 
tinue at war, said he, any traders who furnish them with arms and am¬ 
munition, will render themselves very insecure.” 


The fearless irruption of the troops under Robertson, was 
followed by a temporary relaxation of Indian hostility. But 
soon after their route and discomfiture at Cold water, they 
collected in small bodies, crossed the Tennessee, and com¬ 
menced an undistinguishing carnage upon the settlers, of all 
ages and sexes. One of these was pursued by a small body 
of white men under Captain Shannon. The Indians had 
reached the bank of Tennessee River ; some were in their 
camp, eating, others making preparations to cross to the op¬ 
posite shore. The former were discovered by Shannon’s 
men, who fired and rushed impetuously upon them. Castle- 
man killed one. Another, proving too strong, took Luke An¬ 
derson’s gun from him, but before he could discharge her, 
William Pillow, since a colonel, of Maury county, and the 
uncle of Gen. Gideon J. Pillow, of the United States Army, 
shot the Indian and recovered the gun. The remaining In¬ 
dians, who were without the camp, were commanded by Big 
Foot, a leading warrior of determined bravery. Believing, 
from the report of the guns which had been fired, that the 
number of the assailants was inconsiderable, these resolved 
to attack the whites, and did so. A terrible conflict ensued. 
Victory, for some time wavering, at length declared against 
the Indians. Their leader and five of his followers were 
killed, the rest raised the yell and disappeared in the bushes. 

Late in July, of this year, two hundred Creek warriors, em¬ 
bodied for the purpose, as they said, of taking satisfac¬ 
tion for three Indians killed in an affair eighteen miles 
below Chota. Mr. Perrault met and delivered, and expounded 
to them a letter, written by Col. Robertson, and addressed 
to their nation. Perrault endeavoured to dissuade them 
from hostilities and to get them to turn back, but his mission 
was fruitless. They persevered in their march, adding to their 


1181 


CAPTAIN JOHN RAINS. 


475 


rejection of the overtures for peace, a threat, that if their 
territory should be again invaded, or another Creek should 
be killed after their present incursion, the whites might ex¬ 
pect a merciless war. 

Of the battalion ordered to be raised for the protection of 
Davidson county, Major Evans was appointed to take the 
command. These troops arrived on Cumberland in succes¬ 
sive detachments, accompanying parties of emigrants, that 
were constantly augmenting the resources and defences of 
the country. Col. Robertson, to add further to the efficiency 
of Evans’s battalion, was enabled, from the increased strength 
of the population, to select and detach a certain portion of 
it to act as patrols or spies. It was their business to go 
through the woods from the borders of the settlements—in 
every direction, and to every place where there was an In¬ 
dian or a buffalo trace—to the crossing places on rivers and 
creeks, to look after the Indians, and to notice the trails they 
had made in their marches. At that time canes and weeds 
grew up so luxuriantly, in all parts of the country, that two 
or three men, even without horses, could not pass through 
without leaving a discernible trace, which might be fol¬ 
lowed with no risk of mistake. Amongst the patrols selected 
for the performance of this service, was Captain John Rains. 
Col. Robertson was led to this choice by the experience he 
had had in his prowess and diligence. His orders to him 
had always been executed punctually, promptly, and with a 
degree of bravery that was never exceeded. An occasion 
soon offered for the exercise of these eminent qualities. 
The Indians killed Randal Gentry, not far from the Bluff, at 
the place where Mr. Foster since lived. About the same 
time, Curtis Williams and Thomas Fletcher, with his son, 
were also killed near the mouth of Harper. Captain Rains 
was ordered to pursue the perpetrators of this mischief. He 
soon raised sixty men and followed them. Their trace was 
found and pursuit made ; he passed Mill Creek, Big Harper, 
the Fishing Ford of Duck River, Elk River, at the mouth of 
Swan Creek, and Flint River. Not being able to overtake 
the enemy, he left their trace and went w^estwardlv, and 
struck McCutchin’s trace. Before he reached Elk River, he 


476 


RAINS DISCOVERS INDIAN CAMP. 


discovered tracks of Indians going in the direction of Nash¬ 
ville. At the crossing of the river, he came to the camp 
which they had left the morning before. He went forward 
six miles and halted, sending forward a few of his men to see 
that the enemy was not so near as to hear his men forming 
their encampment. These returned without having seen 
any of the Indians. Next morning Captain Rains continued 
the pursuit, and in the afternoon found the place they had 
encamped the preceding night. The ground had been cleared 
of leaves and brush, and upon this the war dance had been 
celebrated. There were, moreover, evidences of a wary and 
deliberate invasion for hostile purposes, and of very cau¬ 
tious and watchful progress. The troops, after crossing Duck 
River, at the mouth of Globe and Fountain Creek, encamped 
at night on its north side. Renewing their march next morn¬ 
ing, they came, at the distance of six miles on the waters 
of Rutherford’s Creek, near where Solomon Herring has since 
lived, upon the camp of the Indians. It was fired upon, when 
the Indians immediately fled, leaving one of their number 
dead. Captain Rains, with his company, then returned to 
Nashville. 

The same vigilant officer soon after received the orders of 
Colonel Robertson to raise another company, and scour the 
woods southwardly from Nashville, and destroy any Indians 
that might be found, east of the line dividing the Cherokee 
and Chickasaw nations. Sixty men constituted the com¬ 
mand. They took the Chickasaw trace, crossing Duck 
River and Swan Creek, pursuing the Chickasaw path, which 
was recognized as the boundary. They then left the path, 
going south and east up the Tennessee River. After two 
days, they came upon an Indian trail, and made pursuit. 
They overtook them, killed four men, and captured a boy. 
Seven horses, guns, blankets, skins, and all the Indians had, 
were taken. The troop then returned to Nashville. 

The boy, who had been taken prisoner in this engage¬ 
ment, was the son of a Chickasaw woman. His father was 
a Creek warrior. Mountain Leader, a distinguished chief of 
her nation, wrote, in behalf of the mother, to Captain Rains, 
and proposed to exchange, for his prisoner, the son of a Mrs. 


THIRD CAMPAIGN OF RAINS. 


477 


Name, who had been stolen by the Creeks from her, on 
White’s Creek, and taken to the interior of their nation. 
Batterboo, a son of the Mountain Leader, had re captured 
him Irom the Creeks. The exchange, as proposed, was 
agreed to and made. 

In September, of this year, Captain Rains, being reinforced 
by a like number of men, commanded by Captain Shannon, 
made his third expedition. The troop passed Greene’s Lick 
and Pond Spring, towards the head of Elk, scouring the 
woods in various directions. They came upon a fresh Indian 
trail, which they followed, and soon overtook the enemy. 
Captain Rains, and one of his men, Beverly Ridley, pursued 
one of them and killed him. John Rains, Jun., and Robert 
Evans,outran another, and made him prisoner. All the rest 
escaped by flight. In the camp of this party were found 
large quantities of skins and other plunder, which, with fif¬ 
teen horses, fell into the hands of the \yhites. 

Besides these excursions of Captain Rains, other compa¬ 
nies made similar expeditions in every direction throughout 
the country. Of the troops sent over Cumberland Mountain, 
to protect the infant settlements, was a company of rangers, 
commanded by Captain William Martin. He remained in 
that frontier nearly two years ; sometimes stationed in a fort, 
sometimes pursuing marauding parties of Indians, sometimes 
opening up channels of travel, by which emigrants could 
more easily reach the forming settlements.* The Indians 
soon became more wary in their invasions of the settle¬ 
ments, as the woods through which they had to pass were 
constantly traversed by armed bodies of men, endeavouring 
to find their trails and prevent their inroads. In addition to 
these companies raised from the settlers, a part of Major 
Evans’s battalion was distributed over the country, and 
placed at the different stations, in such proportions as emer¬ 
gencies required. The command of Captain Hadley re¬ 
mained for nearly two years, and added alike to the popu¬ 
lation and security of the country. Scouts were sent out 


* At the Talladega battle, after Colonel Pillow was wounded, his Lieutenant- 
Colonel William Ma. tin, took command, and was conspicuous for his good con¬ 
duct. 


478 


CONTINUED INDIAN AGGRESSIONS. 


from Bledsoe’s Lick to the Cany Fork, under the command 
of Colonel Winchester. They frequently fell upon Indian 
trails, and met war parties in the woods, with great variety 
of fortune, sometimes disastrous and sometimes successful. 

But, notwithstanding all these measures of defence and 
precaution, the Indians occasionally succeeded in penetra¬ 
ting to the more exposed frontier stations, and murdering 
the inhabitants. In this way Samuel Buchanan was killed. 
The Indians came upon him, ploughing in the field, and fired 
upon him. He ran, and was pursued by twelve Indians, 
taking, in their pursuit, the form of a half-moon. When he 
came to the bluff of the creek, below the field, he jumped 
down a steep bank into the creek, where he was overtaken, 
killed and scalped. But the frontier, generally, was so vigi¬ 
lantly guarded by brave men, experienced in Indian fighting, 
that little success followed the incursions of the enemy— 
now more unfrequent, and conducted with timidity and 
caution. 

The settlements had received considerable addition of 
1>788 ( emigrants. Agricultural pursuits were rewarded by 
( bountiful crops, and the implacable enmity of the 
savages was the only interruption to general prosperity. In 
February, the Indians came to Bledsoe’s Station, in the night 
time, and wounded George Hamilton, and went off. Near 
Asher’s Station, on the north side of Cumberland, they 
wounded Jesse Maxey ; he fell, and they scalped him and 
stuck a knife into his body. Contrary to expectation, he 
recovered. 

The Indians came to the house of William Montgomery, 
on Drake’s Creek, in daylight, and killed, at the spring, not 
a hundred yards from the house, his three sons. In March, 
of the same year, a party of Creeks killed Peyton, the son 
of Col. James Robertson, at his plantation on Richland 
Creek, and captured a lad, John Johnston, and retained him 
in captivity several years. Robert Jones was killed, some 
time afterwards, at Wilson’s Station, and Benjamin Williams, 
near the head of Station-Camp Creek. Mrs. Neely was 
killed, and Robert Edmondson wounded, in Neely’s Bend, 
and in October following, Dunham and Astill were killed. 


MISSION OF HOGGATT AND EWING. 


479 


These repeated acts of hostility on the part of the Creek 
nation, were generally ascribed to Spanish influence. That 
tribe had no real cause of displeasure against the people of 
Cumberland. They claimed no territory upon which settle¬ 
ments had been formed ; no encroachments upon their pos¬ 
sessions had been made ; no acts of offensive war been 
perpetrated by Robertson and his colonists, except in defence 
of themselves and their families. Under these circumstan¬ 
ces, it was determined to inquire, in a formal manner, from 
the Chief of the Creek nation, what were the grounds of 
their offensive deportment towards the settlers. Colonel 
Robertson and Colonel Anthony Bledsoe, therefore, addressed 
a joint letter to the celebrated McGillevray, which was 
transmitted to him by special messengers, Mr. Hoggatt and 
Mr. Ewing. To this communication, the chief replied from 
Little Tallassee, April 4, 1788. In his reply, be mentioned 
that, in common with other southern tribes, the Creeks had 
adhered to the British interest during the late war. That 
after peace was made, he had accepted proposals for friend¬ 
ship between their people, but that while that accommoda¬ 
tion was pending, six of his nation were killed in the affair 
at Coldwater; and these warriors belonging to different 
towns, in each of which they had connexions of the first 
consequence, a violent clamour followed, which had given 
rise to the expeditions that afterwards took place against 
Cumberland. The affair at Coldwater,he continued, has since 
been amply retaliated, and I will now use my best endea¬ 
vours to bring about a peace between us. This friendly 
overture was scarcely received on Cumberland, when, on 
the twentieth of July, hostilities were again renewed. 

Unfortunately for the country, the first victim was an 
individual prominent for his private virtues and for his pub¬ 
lic services, civil and military, rendered to the people on the 
frontier from the first settlement of Holston and Cumber¬ 
land. Col. Anthony Bledsoe, having broken up his own fort, 
on what was known as the Greenfield Grant, had moved 
into the fort of his brother, Isaac Bledsoe, at Bledsoe’s Lick, 
and occupied one end of his house. About midnight, of 
July 20th, after the families living in the fort had retired to 


480 


ROBERTSON TEMPORIZES. 


bed, James Clendening announced that the Indians were 
approaching near the houses. A party of them had formed 
an ambuscade about forty yards in front of the passage 
separating the houses of the two brothers, and, with the 
view of drawing out the inmates, a few of the Indians rode 
rapidly through a lane near the fort. Col. Anthony Bledsoe, 
hearing the alarm, immediately arose, and, with his servant, 
Campbell, went boldly into the passage. The night was 
clear and the moon shone brightly. The Indians fired; 
Campbell was killed, and the colonel received a mortal 
wound, being shot directly through the body. He died at 
sunrise next morning. 

The fire of the Indians aroused William Hall, who was 
also at Bledsoe’s Lick, and he made immediate preparation 
to resist a farther anticipated attack. With some other 
gunmen, he went to the port-holes, and there remained till 
daylight. The Indians, seeing the fort was upon its guard, 
made no further assault, and withdrew. 

Atthis period, it will be recollected, that the Union was in 
disorder, and on the point of dissolution from the imbecility 
of its own structure, and that North-Carolina betrayed both 
inability and disinclination to furnish her trans-montane 
counties any assistance. Col. Robertson adopted the policy 
of temporizing and amusing, for the time being, both the 
Creek chieftain and the agents of Spain, and to dissemble the 
deep resentment their conduct had excited. With this view, he 
replied to McGillevray on the 3d of August, and though the re¬ 
cent death of his friend Col. Bledsoe, must have greatly irritated 
him, he suppressed every feeling of resentment and asperity. 
He acknowledged the satisfaction McGillevray’s letter had 
given to his countrymen, and even seemed to extenuate the 
recent aggressions of the Creeks upon the settlers. He men¬ 
tioned, without comment, the death of Col. Bledsoe, and as 
a means of further conciliation, added, that he had caused a 
deed fora lot in Nashville to be recorded in his name, and 
begged to know whether he would accept a tract or two of 
land in our young country. “I would say much to you,” he 
continued, “respecting this fine country, but am fully sensi¬ 
ble you are better able to judge what may take place a few 


robertson’s skilful negotiation. 


481 


years hence, than myself. In all probability, we cannot long 
remain in our present state, and if the British or any com¬ 
mercial nation, who may possess the mouth of the Missis¬ 
sippi River, would furnish us with trade, and receive our 
produce, there cannot be a doubt, but that the people 
west of the Apalachian Mountains will open their eyes to 
their true interests. I shall be very happy to have your 
sentiments on these matters.” This piece of diplomacy was 
not, as will be seen hereafter, without its effect upon those 
for whose use it was specially intended. 

Thus skilfully did the young diplomatist at the Bluff, con¬ 
duct the negotiation for its safety. To a further complaint 
made by McGillevray, of encroachments by settlers upon 
Creek territory, Col. Robertson again replied : “ He regretted 
the circumstances, and excused both himself and the people 
of Cumberland from blame, by remarking, that they were 
not a part of the state* whose people made the encroach¬ 
ments. The people of Cumberland, he avowed, only claimed 
the lands which the Cherokeeshad sold in 1775, to Col. Hen¬ 
derson, and for which they were paid. He had not expected to 
be blamed for his late expedition against the Indians below 
the Muscle Shoals, who were known to be a lawless banditti, 
and subject to the regulations of no nation. He had been 
subjected, recently, to the mortification of seeing one of his 
own children inhumanly massacred, a shock that almost 
conquered the fortitude which he had been endeavouring, 
from his earliest youth, to provide as a shield against the 
calamitous evils of this life. At the same time a neighbour’s 
child was made prisoner, whom he requested the good offices 
of McGillevray to have restored. He had, last fall, stopped an 
excursion against the Cherokees, on hearing from Doct. White 
their friendly professions. He importuned McGillevray to 
punish the refractory part of his nation, as the only means of 
preserving peace.” Here grief imperceptibly stole upon his 
mind, and poured forth itself in nature’s simple strains. “It 
is a matter of no reflection,” said he, “ to a brave man, to see 
a father, a son, or a brother, fall in the field of action. But 


31 


* Alluding to Franklin. 


482 


DAVIDSON MILITIA GUARD EMIGRANTS. 


it is a serious and melancholy incident to see a helpless wo¬ 
man or an innocent child tomahawked in their own houses.” 

To these strong and pathetic appeals of Col. Robertson, 
McGillevray replied, that he had endeavoured to get the Lit¬ 
tle Turkey and Bloody Fellow to refrain future hostilities 
against the whites, and that he would persist in measures 
most proper to keep the Creeks from further hostilities 
against Cumberland. 

The people of Tennessee have reason to venerate the 
memory of James Robertson, alike for his military and civil 
services, and the earnest and successful manner in which he 
conducted his negotiations for peace and commerce. His 
probity and weight of character, secured to his remonstran¬ 
ces with Indian and Spanish agents, respectful attention and 
consideration. His earnest and truthful manner was rarely 
disregarded by either. 

One hundred men, raised in Davidson and Sumner, and 
i~S8 j commanded by Col. Mansco and Major Kirkpatrick, 
( escorted twenty-two families, who came this year by 
the way of the future Knoxville to Cumberland. These 
guards, to escort emigrant families through the wilderness, 
were continued several j^ears, and afforded them almost per¬ 
fect security from Indian disturbance. But wherever a house 
or a station was allowed to remain defenceless, murder and 
depredation followed. The Indians, after they killed Bled¬ 
soe, murdered one Walters, near Winchester’s Mill. They 
attacked the station of Southerland Mayfield, upon the head 
of the west fork of Mill Creek, four miles above its junction 
with the east fork. The party consisted of ten or twelve 
Creek warriors In the evening, they came to a place near 
the station where Mayfield, his two sons, Col. Jocelyn, and 
another person, were making a wolf pen. The Indians, un- 
perceived, got between them and their guns. They fired 
upon and killed Mayfield, one of his sons, and another per¬ 
son, a guard at that station. They fired upon the guard and 
the son, as they went in the direction of the guns to bring 
to the pen something that was there, and jumped over a log, 
from where they had lain behind it, to scalp them, in the 
presence of Mayfield and Jocelyn. The latter ran for his 


INDIANS ATTACK BROWN’S STATION. 


483 


gun and got amongst the Indians, who fired upon him and 
drove him back, pursuing him in the form of a half moon. 
At length they drove him to a very large log, over which, if 
he could not have jumped, he was completely penned. Be¬ 
yond his own expectation, Jocelyn leaped over the log and 
fell upon his back. Despairing of overtaking a man of so 
much activity, the Indians desisted from any further pursuit 
and left him. By a circuitous route he reached the station. 
Mayfield was wounded. He was not seen or pursued by 
the Indians, but was found next day dead. George Mayfield 
was taken prisoner, and held in captivity many years. Sat¬ 
isfied with the guns and the prisoner they had taken, the In¬ 
dians made no assault upon the station, but made a hasty 
retreat. The people in the station then removed to Captain 
Rains, near Nashville. A mile below Mayfield’s, the In¬ 
dians attacked Brown’s Station, and killed four boys—two 
the sons of Stowball, one a son of Joseph Denton, and the 
other a son of John Brown. Not long after, at the same 
station, James Haggard and his wife, John Haggard, and a 
man named Adams, were all killed. The people in this sta¬ 
tion then removed to Captain Rains. 

On the 20th January, of this year, the Indians killed Capt. 
Hunter, and dangerously wounded Hugh F. Bell. A party 
of white men pursued, and, at the distance of two and a half 
miles, came upon them ambuscaded. They fired upon their 
pursuers, killed Major Kirkpatrick, and wounded J. Foster 
and William Brown. At-Dunham’s Station, in the spring, 
they killed -Mills; in May, Dunham; and, in the sum¬ 

mer, Joseph Norrington, and another Dunham, near the place 
where Joseph Irvin’s house has since been built. J. Cock- 
rill was fired at and his horse was killed. Besides these al¬ 
ready mentioned, there were several others killed, whose 
names are not recollected. Hostilities continued throughout 
the summer, and Miss-McGaughy, at Hickman’s Sta¬ 

tion, and Hugh Webb, on the Kentucky trace, near Barren 
River, were killed by the Indians. Henry Ramsey was shot 
through the body, near Bledsoe’s Creek, between Greenfield 
and Morgan’s Station, three or four miles from Bledsoe’s 
Lick. 




484 


robertson’s station attacked. 


In May, Judge McNairy, with several others, on their way 

( from Cumberland to what was then called the settle- 
1789 I 

l merits, encamped for the night in the wilderness west of 
Clinch River. Next morning a large company of Indians fell 
upon them, killing one white man named Stanley, a Chicka¬ 
saw chief called Longhair, and his son. The whites were 
entirely routed, and escaped only by swimming across the 
river. They lost all their horses, and the most of their 
clothing. 

In June, the Indians made a bold attack on Robertson’s 
Station. It was made in the day time, while the hands were 
at work in the field. In their escape to the fort, Gen. Robert¬ 
son was wounded. He gave orders to Col. Elijah Robertson 
to send a force immediately against the Indians who had re¬ 
treated. To Captain Sampson Williams was this service 
assigned, who, with sixty or seventy men, convened at Gen. 
Robertson’s, marched at once, pursuing the enemy along 
McCutchin’s trace, up West Harper, to the ridge of Duck 
River. Here they discovered that the Indians out-travelled 
them. Twenty men were ordered to the front, to leave their 
horses, and to make forced marches upon the trail. Captain 
Williams and the twenty men, one of whom was Andrew 
Jackson, pushed forward and soon came in view of the In¬ 
dian camp, on the south side of Duck River. They then 
went up the river a mile and a half, crossed over it in the 
night, and went down its bank to the place the Indian camp 
was supposed to be. The cane was so thick that they could 
not find the camp, and they lay on their arms all night. In 
the morning, Captain Williams advancing about fifty yards, 
descried the Indians repairing their fires, at the distance of 
one hundred yards from him. He and his men rushed to¬ 
wards them, fired at sixty yards distance, killed one, wounded 
five or six, and drove the whole party across the river to the 
north side. The Indians carried off their wounded and es¬ 
caped, not taking time even to return the fire. In their flight 
they left to the victors sixteen guns, nineteen shot-pouches, 
and all their baggage, consisting of blankets, moccasins and 
leggins. They were not again overtaken. 

Near the mouth of the Sulphur Fork of Red River, the In- 


ARRIVAL OP COLONEL PILLOW. 


485 


dians fell upon the families of Isaac and John Titsworth, 
moving to the country. They, their wives and children, 
were all killed. 

Evan Shelby, Abednego Lewellen, Hugh F. Bell, and 
Colonel Tenen, were in the woods hunting. The two for¬ 
mer were killed ; the two last escaped. 

In September, the Indians came to Buchanan’s Station, 
John Blackburn, standing on the bank of the creek near the 
spring, was fired upon by ten or twelve of them at the 
same time. He was killed, scalped, and left with a spear 
sticking in his body. ‘ 

Among other emigrants from North-Carolina to Cumber¬ 
land, was the father of Colonel William Pillow. He came 
through the wilderness with the guard commanded by 
Captain Elijah Robertson, and settled four miles south of 
Nashville, at Brown’s Station. The son, William Pillow, 
was in most of the expeditions carried oil against the In¬ 
dians, from the time of his arrival in the country to the close 
of the Indian war. He was under Captain Rains in the 
tour to Elk River, already mentioned, tie also accompa¬ 
nied Captain John Gordon in pursuit of the Indians who 
had killed a woman near Buchanan’s Station. Only one of 
the savages was killed; the rest effected their escape in the 
cane, and at night. He was also one of Captain Murray’s 
company, who gave pursuit to the Indians, who, in Febru¬ 
ary, killed John Helin at Jonathan Robertson’s Station, six 
or seven miles below Nashville, and had also stolen several 
horses in that neighbourhood. Murray’s company crossed 
Duck River, five miles below the place where Columbia now 
stands, and continued a rapid march, day and night. The 
smoke from the enemy’s camp was discovered, and four or 
five spies were sent forward. Captain Murray charged 
obliquely to the right of the camp, which was on the bank 
of Tennessee River. His left charged obliquely to the left, 
and struck the river above the Indian camp. The spies fired 
and killed one; the other Indians ran down the river into Capt. 
Murray’s line, when, finding their flight intercepted in that 
direction, they jumped into the river, and were shot. Mr. 
Maclin shot one before he got into the water. William Pil- 


486 


SIGNAL VALOUR, INTREPIDITY AND SUFFERINGS 


low, hearing a gun fire at a place which he had just passed, 
pushed his horse up the steep second river bank, and dis¬ 
covered Davis running towards him, pursued by four Indians. 
Pillow dashed forward, and the Indians, discontinuing the 
pursuit of Davis, ran off in the opposite direction. Pillow, 
pressing the pursuit too eagerly, fell from his horse ; but re¬ 
covered, sprang to his feet, gained upon the Indian, and dis¬ 
charged the contents of his musket into his body. At that 
moment, Captain Murray, Thomas Cox, Robert Evans, Luke 
Anderson and William Ewing rode up, and Pillow pointed 
out to them the direction one of the Indians had gone. They 
immediately gave pursuit, and saw the Indian attempting to 
mount Pillow's horse, which he succeeded in doing. Cox 
ran up and shot him through the shoulder. The Indian, 
nevertheless, held on to Pillow’s horse, and kept him in a 
gallop till the whole company came up with him He now 
slipped off the horse, and, as he came to the ground, scared 
Anderson’s mule, which run under a low tree, whose limbs 
caught his gun and jerked it out of his hand. The brave 
Indian caught it up, snapped it three or four times at them, 
before Evans shot him down. Pursuit was then made by 
Andrew Castleman and others, after the two other Indians 
whom Pillow had driven from Davis. They were found hid 
in the water, under a bluff of rocks; both were killed. 
Others were found concealing themselves under the bank, 
and suffered the same fate. Eleven warriors were killed ; 
the whole party, as was ascertained from the squaws who 
were taken prisoners.* 

Such were the accumulated difficulties from savage hos¬ 
tility, undergone by the Cumberland settlements, in the first 
nine years after the arrival of Robertson at the Bluff. The 
prophecy of the sagacious Cherokee chief had been already 
fulfilled to the letter, and, still later, received further and * 
stronger realization. “Much trouble” attended each step 
in the growth of the gallant community, of which the 
French Lick was the nucleus. And it may be safely said, 
that as the co-pioneers and compatriots of Robertson under- 


*Manuscript Narratives. 


OF THE CUMBERLAND PEOPLE. 


487 


went trials, hardships, dangers, invasion, assault, massacre 
and death from Indian warfare, unsurpassed, in degree and 
duration, in the history of any people ; so they were endured 
with a fortitude, borne with a perseverance, encountered 
with a determination, resisted with a courage, and signal¬ 
ized with a valour, unequalled and unrecorded. The Bluff, 
the stations in its environs, the forts in the adjoining neigh¬ 
bourhoods, each hunting excusion, the settlement of each 
farm around the flourishing metropolis of Tennessee, fur¬ 
nishes its tale of desperate adventure and romantic heroism, 
upon which this writer dare not here linger. A volume 
would be insufficient for that desirable and necessary pur¬ 
pose ; and leaving that duty to some admiring and grateful 
citizen of Nashville, he hastens, for the present, from the 
account of the military, to the civil affairs of Cumberland. 

The General Assembly of North-Carolina, in May of this 

1780 \ y ear ’ en S a g e d by a public act, in the form of a reso- 
i lution, to give to the officers and soldiers, in its line of 
the Continental establishment, a bounty in lands in propor¬ 
tion to their respective grades. These lands were to be laid 
off in what is known as Middle Tennessee. To all such as 
were then in the military service, and should continue to the 
end of the war, or such as, from wounds or bodily infirmity, 
have been, or shall be, rendered unfit for service ; and to the 
heirs of such as shall have fallen, or shall fall, in defence of 
the country. There never was a bounty more richly de¬ 
served, or more ungrudgingly promised. It furnished to the 
war-worn soldier, or to his children, a home in the new and 
fertile lands of the West, where a competency, at least, per¬ 
haps wealth or even affluence, might follow, after the storm 
of war was past; and where the serene evening of life might 
be spent in the contemplation of the eventful scenes of his 
earlier years, devoted to the service of his country, and to 
the cause of freedom and independence. In search of this 
bounty, thus provided by North-Carolina for her whig sol¬ 
diery, a vast emigration from that state came soon after to 
what is now Tennessee ; and, owing to this cause, it was at 
one time estimated, that nine-tenths of the Tennessee pop u- 


488 


CIVIL GOVERNMENT AT THE BLUFF. 


lation came from the mother state. It is still, essentially, 
North-Carol inian. 

As on Watauga at its first settlement, so, also now, on 
Cumberland, the colonists of Robertson were without any 
regularly organized government. The country was within 
the boundaries of Washington county, which extended to 
the Mississippi River, perhaps the largest extent of territory 
ever embraced in a single county. But, even here, in the 
wilds of Cumberland, removed more than six hundred miles 
from their seat of government, the people demonstrated 
again their adequacy to self-government. Soon after their 
arrival at the Bluff, the settlers appointed trustees, and signed 
a covenant, obliging themselves to conform to the judgments 
and decisions of these officers, in whom they had vested the 
powers of government. Those who signed the covenant 
had considerable advantages over those who did not; they 
were respectively allowed a tract of land, the quiet posses¬ 
sion of which was guaranteed by the colony. Those who 
did not sign the covenant, were considered as having no right 
to their lands, and could be dispossessed by a signer with¬ 
out any recourse. To the trustees were allowed, in these 
times of primitive honesty and old-fashioned public spirit, 
neither fees nor salaries. But, to the clerk appointed by the 
trustees, were given small perquisites, as compensation for 
the expense of paper and stationery. The trustees were the 
Executive of the colony, and had the whole government in 
their own hands ; acting as the judiciary, their decisions 
gave general satisfaction. To them were also committed 
the functions of the sacerdotal office, in the celebration of 
the rites of matrimony. The founder of the colony, Captain 
James Robertson, as might have been expected, was one of 
the trustees, and was the first who married a couple. These 
were Captain Leiper and his wife. Mr. James Shaw was 
also a trustee, aud married Edward Swanson to Mrs. Car- 
vin, James Freeland to Mrs. Maxwell, Cornelius Riddle to 
Miss Jane Mulherrin, and John Tucker to Jenny Herod, all 
in one day. The first child born in the country, was John 
Saunders, since the sheriff of Montgomery county, and after- 


FIRST CHILD BORN IN NASHVILLE. 


489 


wards killed on White River by the Indians. The second 
born in the country, was Anna Wells. The first child born 
in Nashville, was the son of Captain Robertson—the present 
venerable relict of another age—Doctor Felix Robertson. 

Under this patriarchal form of government, by trustees se¬ 
lected, on account of their experience, probity and firmness, 
the colony was planted, defended, governed and provided for, 
several years ; and the administration of justice, and the pro¬ 
tection of rights, though simple and a little irregular, it is 
believed, were as perfect and satisfactory as at any subse¬ 
quent period in its history. 

The right to the lands on the Lower Cumberland, at the 
time the Revolutionary War commenced, lay in the Chicka 
saws, rather than in the Cherokees. The former, prior to 
that time, lived north of the Tennessee River, and at least 
fifty miles lower down that stream, than the lowest Cherokee 
towns. The greatest contiguity to hunting grounds, and the 
prior use of them, seems to be the best claim Indians can 
establish to them. The Chickasaws claimed, and ceded, the 
Cumberland lands, at the treaty held by Donelson and Martin 
in 1782 or 1783.* It was, probably, never reported to Con¬ 
gress. Where this treaty was held, its exact date, the boun¬ 
daries agreed upon, &c., &c., this writer has not been able 
to ascertain. It is referred to, as above, in a letter from 
Governor William Blount to the Secretary of War, dated 
Knoxville, January 14th, 1793. 

But North-Carolina owned the territory, and began to ex¬ 
ercise further guardianship over her distant possessions. In 
April of seventeen hundred and eighty-two, her legislature, 
by an act passed for that purpose, allowed to the settlers on 
the Cumberland rights of pre-emption. Six hundred and 
forty acres were allowed to each family or head of a family. 
A similar provision was made for each single man, of the 
age of twenty-one years and upward, who had settled the 
lands before the first of June, 1780. Such tracts were to in¬ 
clude the improvement each settler had made. No right of 
pre-emption, however, was extended, so as to include any 


*American State Papers, yol. v., pp. 432 and 326. 


490 


LANDS GRANTED TO SOLDIERS. 


saltlick or salt spring; these were reserved by the same 
act as public property, together with six hundred and forty 
acres of adjoining lands ; the rest of the country was all de¬ 
clared to be subject to partition. 

The act for the relief of the officers and soldiers in her Conti¬ 
nental line, made good all depreciation of pay and subsist¬ 
ence and clothing, of each officer and soldier, and provided 
for the widow and heirs of such as were killed in the public 
service. It made a princely allowance in lands “ as an ef¬ 
fectual and permanent reward for their signal bravery and 
persevering zeal,” to the officers and soldiers of the Conti¬ 
nental line; to a Brigadier-General,twelve thousand acres; 
and to all intermediate ranks, in that proportion. To General 
Nathaniel Greene, twenty-five thousand acres were given, 
“ as a mark of the high sense this state entertains of the ex¬ 
traordinary services of that brave and gallant officer.” 

Absalom Tatom, Isaac Shelby and Anthony Bledsoe, were 
appointed Commissioners to lay off the lands thus allotted. 
The Commissioners were to be accompanied by a guard of 
one hundred men. 

Courts of Equity were, at the same session of the legisla¬ 
ture, established in all the districts of the state. What is 
now Tennessee, was embraced in the District of Morgan. 

The war of the Revolution was coming to an end, and 

o ( from this event, -as had been anticipated by Captain 
( Robertson, an abatement of Indian hostility followed. 
The prospect of peace and security to emigrants and their 
property, induced the removal of great numbers from the 
Atlantic sections, which gave new strength and increased 
animation to the Cumberland settlements. 

At. the commencement of this year, Commissioners who 
had been appointed to lay off the bounty lands to the 
officers and soldiers in the North-Carolina line, came 
to Cumberland. They were accompanied by a numerous 
guard, for whose services, compensation was provided, in 
lands, afterwards known as guard rights. Many sought to 
be enlisted in the service, and the guard soon became for¬ 
midable for its numbers. The Indians offered them no mo¬ 
lestation, while they were executing the duties of their ap- 



COMMISSION TO LAY OFF BOUNTY LANDS. 


491 


pointment. The settlers were much encouraged by their 
presence, and, as such an accession of armed men gave great 
additional strength to the defence of the country, all idea of 
leaving it was, at once, abandoned, and the settlements be¬ 
gan to wear ‘the aspect of permanence and stability, and a 
flood of new emigrants soon followed. 

The Commissioners, accompanied by the guard and a few 
of the inhabitants, went to the place since known as Lati¬ 
tude Hill, on Elk River, to ascertain the thirty-fifth degree 
of north latitude. Here they made their observation. They 
then proceeded to lay off, for General Greene, the twenty- 
five thousand acres of land presented by North-Carolina to 
him. The present had been richly deserved, and, on the part of 
the state, was munificent. It embraced some of the best 
lands on Duck River—perhaps the best in Tennessee. 

The Commissioners then, fifty-five miles from the south¬ 
ern boundary and parallel thereto, ran the Continental line. 
But the Assembly, at the request of the officers, during their 
session of this year, directed it to be laid off from the north¬ 
ern boundary, fifty-five miles to the south : “ beginning on 
the Virginia line, where Cumberland River intersects the 
same ; thence south, fifty-five miles ; thence west, to the Ten¬ 
nessee River ; thence down the Tennessee to the Virginia 
line ; thence with the said Virginia line, east, to the begin¬ 
ning.” 

A further duty of the Commissioners was to examine into 
the claims of those persons who considered themselves enti¬ 
tled to th e pre-emption rights granted to those who settled on 
Cumberland previous to June 1st, 1780. This was done by 
the Commission sitting at the Bluff, and the necessary cer¬ 
tificates for the pre-emption rights were issued. 

Its duties performed, the Commission was dissolved, and 
Isaac Shelby ceased to be a citizen of what is now Tennes¬ 
see, and removed to Kentucky. These annals have testified 
to the energy, fidelity and success of his services in the mili¬ 
tary, civil and political affairs of the country, from the com¬ 
mencement of its settlement to the present time. Of his 
subsequent history, Tennessee may well be proud. His no¬ 
vitiate in the public service was passed, and his character 


492 


CHARACTER OF ISAAC SHELBY AND 


formed within her borders and amongst her pioneers. There 
he laid, with his own sword, the basis of his reputation, and 
there he acquired the materials out of which to erect the 
column of renown which has since adorned his name. A 
fellow-soldier and co-patriot of Sevier, these youthful vol¬ 
unteers fired the first guns on the Kenhawa—conquered to¬ 
gether at King’s Mountain, and together captured the British 
post at Wapetaw. With their joint assistance, the founda¬ 
tion of society in the West was laid by Robertson. These 
three are the real artificers of Western character, and their 
co-operation moulded into form the elements which consti¬ 
tute its beauty and its strength. The Volunteer State is 
much indebted to Isaac Shelby. But the details of his fu¬ 
ture life cannot be here given. It is proper, however, to add 
that he became the first Governor of the State of his adop¬ 
tion, and that, in the war of eighten hundred and twelve, 
having again been elected Governor of Kentucky, he marched, 
at the head of four thousand Kentucky troops, across the 
State of Ohio, to General Harrison’s head-quarters, and there 
exhibited the same cool and determined courage that had 
signalized his youth. The last public service he performed 
for Tennessee was, as one of the Commissioners at the 
treaty with the Chickasaw Indians, at which that tribe re¬ 
linquished all their lands north of the southern boundary of 
the state, and between the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers. 
His death occurred suddenly, July 18, 1826, in the 76th year 
of his age. The memory of this brave officer and patriotic 
man, is perpetuated by the state, in the name of her south¬ 
western county, where he negotiated with the Chickasaws, 
and in the name of the beautiful county seat, Shelbyville, in 
Bedford county. 

Amongst the enactments by the Assembly of this year, 

17S3 \ WaS 0116 la y in £ the county of Davidson, and ap- 
( pointing for it civil and military officers as in other 
counties, and establishing a court of pleas and quarter ses¬ 
sions. 

Davidson county, like the other three already established 
west of the Apalachian chain, received its name from an 
officer of the army of the Revolution, General William 


OF GENERAL DAVIDSON. 


493 


Davidson, of Mecklenburg county, North-Carolina. A na¬ 
tive of that part of the state which had early exhibited an 
enthusiastic devotion to independence and freedom, he 
sought and obtained a command, though of inferior grade, 
in the Continental army. In that service he was considered 
a gallant officer, and acquired reputation. When the enemy 
overran South-Carolina, he left the regular service, and was 
immediately appointed General in the North-Carolina mili¬ 
tia. In his new sphere of duty, he manifested great zeal 
and public spirit. It was he whom Col. McDowell sought, 
to invite him to take the chief command of the troops at 
King’s Mountain. He was constantly on the alert to dis¬ 
perse the tories and annoy Lord Cornwallis, while his head¬ 
quarters were at Charlotte. After the battle of the Cow- 
pens, Morgan, in removing the prisoners, for safe keeping, 
to Virginia, was pursued by the British army. General 
Davidson, having under his command some active militia¬ 
men, hastily collected in his neighbourhood, endeavoured to 
retard the pursuers, and at every river and creek caused 
them some delay, and thus contributed, essentially, to the 
escape of the American army and the prisoners which 
encumbered its march. In this service General Davidson 
lost his life. On the first of February, 1781, the British 
army, accompanied by loyalists, who knew the roads and 
crossing places, came to the Catawba River, at Cowan’s 
Ford, and began to cross at that place. Davidson rode to 
the river, to reconnoitre the enemy on the other side, with 
the hope of devising some plan to keep them back awhile. 
A tory, who knew* him, and who was in advance, piloting 
the enemy, had nearly crossed the river, and, unperceived by 
the General, was near the bank on which he rode, and shot 
him. Knowing that the wound was mortal, he rode briskly 
back to a place where he had left part of his troops, gave 
them some necessary directions what to do, and soon after 
expired. “ Never was there a more intrepid soldier ; never 
a greater patriot; never did any man love his country with 
a more ardent affection. His name should be ever dear to 
the people of North-Carolina and Tennessee.”* 

^Haywood. 


491 


NASHVILLE ESTABLISHED. 


His grave is pointed out, and may be seen, not far from 
where he fell, in Hopewell Church-yard. Congress voted him 
a monument, but his grave is yet without an inscription. 
The metropolitan county of Tennessee perpetuates his 
name. His virtue, patriotism and valour, can never be for¬ 
gotten. 

The Legislature also established a town at the Bluff. It was 
( named Nashville, in honour of Col. Francis Nash. He 
! was an early advocate for resistance against arbitrary 
power—being a captain in the Regulation war in 1771, and 
appointed as early as the 24th August, 1775, by the Congress 
of North-Carolina, as one of a Committee to prepare a plan 
for the regulation, internal peace, order and safety of the 
province. To this important Committee was entrusted the 
duty of proposing a system of government, which would 
supply the want of an executive officer, arising from the ab¬ 
sence of Governor Martin, who had fled from his palace, 
and of submitting other subordinate plans of government, 
such as the institution of Committees of Safety, the qualifi¬ 
cations of electors, “and every other civil power necessary 
to be formed, in order to relieve the province in the present 
unhappy state to which the administration had reduced it.” # 

September 1st, 1775, the North-Carolina Congress ap¬ 
pointed Mr. Nash, Lieutenant-Colonel of the first regiment 
in the Continental service. At the battle of Germantown 
he commanded as Brigadier-General, and at the head of his 
brigade, fell bravely fighting for the Independence ot his 
country. Davidson and Nash were from the same state— 
bore the same rank in her armies—both fell in engagements 
that were unsuccessful to the American arms, but their names 
w r ill be gratefully remembered, while the metropolitan coun¬ 
ty, and the metropolis itself of Tennessee, shall continue. 

The curious may wish to see the initiative proceedings of 
the first Court held in Davidson county. 

1783 —Oct. 6 —County Court of Davidson instituted. 

Whereas, an act was made at Hillsborough, the April session last 
past, etc., appointing and commissioning the following gentlemen, viz:— 
Anthony Bledsoe, Daniel Smith, Jas. Robertson, Isaac Bledsoe, Samuel 


* Joneg. 


DAVIDSON COUNTY COURT. 


495 


Barton, Thos Molloy, Francis Prince, and Isaac Lindsay, Esqs., mem¬ 
bers of said Court; Isaac Bledsoe, Samuel Barton, Francis Prince, and 
Isaac Lindsay, met and were qualified in the following manner :—the 
next junior to the senior member present, mentioned in the Commission, 
administered the oaths of office prescribed for the qualifications of pub¬ 
lic officers, to the senior member present, and then he to the others pre¬ 
sent. 

(Signed,) Isaac Bledsoe. 

Test— Andrew Ewing, C. D. C. 

The Court then proceeded to elect a Clerk, and made choice of Mat¬ 
thew Talbot, Jun., Esq. 

Daniel Williams, elected Sheriff. 

Oct. 7 —Talbot not being able to give security give up, the place was 
declared vacant, and the Court proceeded to elect Andrew Ewing, Clerk. 

Samuel Barton, elected Entry-taker. 

Francis Prince, Register. 

The Court then nominated constables in the several stations, viz:— 
Samuel Mason, at Maulding’s; James McCain, at Mansco’s; Stephen 
Ray, at Heatonsburg, John McAdams, at Nashborough; and Edward 
Swanson, at Freeland’s Station. 

The Court then proceeded to fix on a place for the building of a 
court-house and prison, and agreed that in the present situation of the 
settlement that it be at Nashborough—size of court-house to be eigh¬ 
teen feet square, with a shade of twelve feet on the one side of the 
length of the house ; said house to be furnished with the necessary 
benches, bar, table, etc., fit for the reception of the Court; also, a pri¬ 
son, fourteen feet square, of hewed logs, of a foot square; both walls, 
loft and floor, except the same, shall be built upon a rock. To be done 
on the best and most reasonable terms, and that the same be vendued 
at the lowest price that can be had. 

First Mill. 

The Court give leave to Headon Wells, to build a water grist mill on 
Thomas Creek, about a quarter and half a quarter up said creek from 
the mouth. 

First Road laid off. 

Ordered that the road leading from Nashville to Mansco’s Station, as 
laid off heretofore by an order of Committee, be cleared out. 

Appointed grand jurors, and adjourned to first Monday in January. 

1784 —January 5—Court met. Members present—the Worshipful 
Isaac Bledsoe, Samuel Barton, and Isaac Lindsay, Esqs. 

January 6—On motion made to the Court concerning allegations 
against John Montgomery, as an aider and abettor in the treasonable 
piratical proceeding, carried on in the Mississippi, against the Spaniards, 
it is the opinion of the Court that the said M. be liolden in security in 
the sum of 150 pounds, for his appearance at our next Court, on which 
Elijah Robertson and Stephen Ray became securities for his appear¬ 
ance. 

Wm. Cocke and John Sevier, were offered as securities on the bond 
of Matthew Talbot, elected as Clerk. It is the opinion of the Court 


I 


49G SUPERIOR COURT ESTABLISHED. 

that he is not entitled thereto. The following military officers were 
sworn:—Anthony Bledsoe, 1st Colonel; Isaac Bledsoe, 1st Major; 
Samuel Barton, 2d Major; Jasper Mansco, 1st Captain; George Free¬ 
land, 2d; John Buchanan, 3d; Jas. Ford, 4th; Win. Ramsey, Jona¬ 
than Drake, Ambrose Maulding, and Peter Sides, Lieutenants; William 
Collins and Elmore Douglass, Ensigns. 

Daniel Smith, appointed Surveyor. 

1784—April 5—Court met at the house where Jonathan Drake lately 
lived—adjourns to meet immediately in the house in Nashburgk, where 
Israel Harman lately lived. 

July 8, 1784—Records call it Nashville. 

The Assembly of this year legislated further for the Cum¬ 
berland settlements. The members were received 
and treated with great consideration and regard. Re¬ 
lations of a new character began to spring up between North- 
Carolina and her ultra-montane citizens. Many inhabitants 
of the mother state needed the good offices and assistance 
of her pioneer citizens in the West, in locating to the best 
advantage, and attending to, their land warrants. The west¬ 
ern interest, as it was called, was becoming of such value 
in legislation and appointments to office, that the representa¬ 
tives from the four westernmost counties, who, from the iden¬ 
tity of their local interests, always acted as a unit in the Le¬ 
gislature, were much courted and caressed. They dexte¬ 
rously used the advantages these considerations placed in 
their power for the benefit of their suffering constituencies. 
Every thing not involving the expenditure of money by the 
Treasury of North-Carolina, was cheerfully granted to them. 
An inspection of tobacco in Davidson county was estab¬ 
lished. Davidson Academy was incorporated and endowed 
with lands, which were exempted from taxation for ninety- 
nine years. 

A Superior Court of Law and Equity, was also established 
at Nashville, the first session of which was to commence on 
the first Monday of May, 178G. The act creating this Court, 
provided that no person in Davidson county should be sub¬ 
ject to any action in the Courts east of the Apalachian Moun¬ 
tains, and that no person on that side of the mountain should 
be subjected to any action in Davidson county. The salary 
allowed to the Judge was fifty pounds for each Court he 
held, and it was expressly enacted that that should be paid 



ADVENTUROUS SPIRIT OF THE PIONEERS. 


497 


from the Treasury of Davidson county, so careful were the 
Legislature of the parent state that her western possessions 
should cost North-Carolina nothing. 

Commissioners, in the meantime, had been appointed by 
Congress, to treat with the Cherokees and other southern 
Indians. Col. William Blount attended, also, as the Agent of 
North-Carolina, and protested against some of the provisions 
of the treaty, which “ infringe upon and violate the legisla¬ 
tive rights” of the state he represented. The Commissioners, 
in their report to the President of Congress, Richard Henry 
Lee, remark : 

“That there are some few people settled on the Indian lands whom 
we are to remove, and those in the fork of French Broad and Holston 
being numerous, tbe Indians agreed to refer their particular situation to 
Congress, and abide their decision. We told them there were too many 
for us to engage positively to order off, although they had settled ex¬ 
pressly against the treaty entered into by Virginia and North-Carolina, 
with the Cherokees, in 1777.” 

By an estimate furnished by the same report, the Indians 
then residing south of Tennessee, and in reach of her infant 
settlements, are computed to be— 


“ Gunmen of the Cherokees, 

- 

- 

2,000 

u 

“ Creeks, 

- 

- 

5,400 

u 

“ Chickasaws, 

- 

- 

800 

u 

“ Choctaws, 

- 

- 

6,000 


Warriors, 

- 

- 

14,200 


There are, also, some remains of tribes settled among these, as Shaw- 
neese, Euchees, etc.” 

Fifteen thousand southern Indian warriors, and, perhaps, 
double that number from the northern tribes, for more than 
ten years, retarded the growth and prevented the enlarge¬ 
ment of the early settlements of Tennessee. That they 
were not able wholly to exterminate the pioneers, as they 
successively arrived in the West, ceases now to be a subject 
of wonder. A like spirit of daring enterprise and chival¬ 
rous adventure, continues tc be a characteristic of Tennes¬ 
see. Wherever danger is to be encountered, a difficulty to be 
overcome, or an achievement to be wrought, her young men 
are there to brave, encounter and achieve. The same enter¬ 
prising spirit is yet sending out her young men from home in 
32 



I 


\ 

498 A VICTIM OF WESTERN ADVENTURE. 

search of adventure across the Sierra Madre, the Sierra Ne¬ 
vada, and to the coast of the Pacific. That spirit has sub¬ 
dued the wilderness, and made it, teeming with life and fer¬ 
tility, the abode of civilized man. That spirit will not be 
quelled while there is a new country to be gained, or an in¬ 
ferior race to be conquered. Anglo-American enterprise 
and Anglo-American valour, are destined to subdue and oc¬ 
cupy all North America.* 

* At the moment this eulogy, well deserved—not overwrought—nor dictated by 
partiality, is being written, a parent’s heart is pierced with an immedicable wound, 
and still bleeds from the recent intelligence, that he is himself a principal victim of 
the fearless enterprise and hardihood, which the province of an annalist has so of¬ 
ten required him to mention. Ho may not here portray the bitterness of a private 
grief. This is not the place to inflict upon others the poignancy of a heavy domes¬ 
tic bereavement. Many of his readerq, perhaps most of those in the West, know 
too well the high expectation, the flattering promise and the gilded hope, held out 
to their fond view, by kindred and friends, going in voluntary exile to the far, the 
remotest West. Talents, virtue, genius, admitted probity, envied efficiency, learn¬ 
ing, patriotism, courage, promise for a moment, success, distinction, usefulness and 
glory. The shaft of death reaches the generous adventurer, and in a land of stran¬ 
gers he finds a grave. Blighted promise, blasted expectation and ruined hope—these, 
these belong, these belong to the survivors—only to the survivors; to whom, in their 
affectionate grief, another’s sympathy and condolence have said kindly, and with 
the soothing voice of comfort—“ Friends of the sleeper ! the gentle breeze is sigh¬ 
ing a soft sweet dirge over the low resting place of your loved and lost son, Wil- 
berforce—the stars look nightly down upon his grave in the wilds of California— 
the green turf is wet with the dews of the night, as if tendering their sympa¬ 
thies to the bereaved.” 

“ Rest here in peace ! in the dark hour of danger 
No sight of the loved ones to thy dim eye arose, 

Yet sweet be thy sleep, tho’ the land of the stianger 
Doth cradle thy form in its dreamless repose. 

Green plains are around, and the blue skies are free, 

Where the earth-wearied spirit is chainless and blest. 

Then sleep ! till a voice from above shall restore thee 
To thine own kindred friends in the mansions of rest.” 


“ No GRAVES ARE THERE- 

Father ! we thank thee that there is a clime, 
Guarded alike from death, and grief, and care, 
Untouched by time. 

We praise thy name. 

That from the darkness of the tomb 
We can look up in faith, and humbly claim 
Our future home. 

Hasten the day, 

When passing death’s dark vale vvithout a fear, 
We, as we reach that heavenly home, may say 
No graves are here.” 



TREATY STIPULATIONS. 


499 


By the boundaries, as stipulated in the treaty of Hope- 
well, much of the lands that had been entered in the 
offices opened by the Act of 1783, for receiving en¬ 
tries of vacant lands, was made to be within the Indian ter¬ 
ritory. The intruders were to be punished by the Indians as 
they might think proper. An exception was made in favour 
of the inhabitants south of French Broad and Holston, who, 
as well as the Cherokees, were to abide by the decision of 
Congress on their case. The subject of boundaries gave 
great offence—not to the settlers only, but to all the South¬ 
ern States. It was considered, that too much had been given 
up for the purpose of conciliating the Cherokees. The boun¬ 
daries of the settlements were greatly contracted, and a 
large, extent of country surrendered, which had heretofore 
been included in the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and in the pur¬ 
chase of Transylvania by Henderson and Company. The 
treaty encountered opposition for other reasons. William 
Blount, who, as has been shewed, entered his protest on the 
treaty-ground, as agent of the State of North-Carolina, was 
at that time a member of Congress, and determined to carry 
his opposition to the treaty into the Federal Legislature. He 
contended against it, as violative of the sovereignty of his 
state, as he considered it beyond the legitimate power of 
Congress, to make a treaty in contravention of the Laws and 
Constitution of North-Carolina, concerning lands and boun¬ 
daries within her ancient and acknowledged limits. The 
Articles of Confederation, as he contended, had not given 
such power to Congress. The occupants of the lands thus 
retroceded, paid no regard to the boundaries thus circum¬ 
scribed. But the appearance of a treaty concession may 
have appeased Cherokee hostility in some degree. Aggres¬ 
sions from that tribe, during the succeeding year, were less 
frequent and less aggravated, especially on the east of the 
Cumberland Mountains. West of them some mischief was 
done to the white settlements, but principally under the in¬ 
stigation of the Creeks, who for five or six years had been 
waging a cruel war against the Georgians. Their most 
northern towns were in close proximity with the Cherokee 
villages, on the Tennessee River, and they occasionally se- 



500 


ROAD LAID OFF TO CUMBERLAND 


duced the disaffected of the latter tribe, to join their ma¬ 
rauding parties against the Cumberland settlements. 

The General Assembly of North-Carolina, at its Novem¬ 
ber session of this }^ear, taking notice of the exposed condi¬ 
tion of the inhabitants of Davidson county, adopted mea¬ 
sures for their protection and defence. At the instance of 
Captain Robertson, then a representative of the county, it 
was enacted that three hundred men should be embodied for 
the protection of the Cumberland settlements. That when 
assembled at the lower end of Clinch Mountain, the troops 
should cut and clear a road from that point by the most eli¬ 
gible route to Nashville, making the same at least ten feet 
wide, and fit for the passage of wagons and carts. The 
troops were to be marched from time to time to the Cumber¬ 
land frontier, and were to be stationed at such places, and 
disposed of and proportioned in such numbers, as the field 
officers of Davidson county might direct, or consider most 
conducive to the intimidation of the Indians, and the pre¬ 
vention of their hostile incursions. The commanding officer 
of these troops was, moreover, invested with the power, when 
the emergency rendered it necessary, to make such other dis¬ 
position of them as the safety of the inhabitants might de¬ 
mand. 

The same act also provided that four hundred acres of 
land should be laid off for each private, in full satisfaction of 
the half of his first year’s pay, and in the same proportion 
for his further service. To the officers of this troop, a propor¬ 
tionate allowance in land was also made, for the pay to 
which they were entitled. Such lands to be located west of 
Cumberland Mountain. 

In strict accordance with the policy invariably pursued, 
when disbursements were to be made by North-Carolina for 
the benefit of her western possessions, this indispensable 
clause was inserted, “ that the monies arising from the tax 
of lands west of the Apalachian Mountains, should be ap¬ 
propriated to the purpose of discharging the expense of rais¬ 
ing, clothing, arming and supporting the troops to be em¬ 
bodied in pursuance of this act.” And, as a clear intimation 
of the future policy of the Legislature upon all similar sub- 


BY CRAB-ORCHARD AND FLAT ROCK. 


I 


501 


jects, the General Assembly farther enacted, “that in all re¬ 
turns of taxable property, made by receivers of lists and 
clerks of courts, these officers should particularly specify the 
lands situated west of the Cumberland Mountain, that the 
nett produce of the revenue arising therefrom may be as¬ 
certained.*’ Thus leaving the frontier people to infer, that 
beyond that amount, the treasury of the parent state should 
not be held liable, for the satisfaction of debts incurred in 
maintaining and defending her remote settlements. 

During this year, the road, as directed in the act, was 
opened, from Clinch River to Nashville. Emigrants had 
heretofore reached Cumberland, by the original route 
through the wilderness of Kentucky. Hereafter the route 
was more direct—for not only horsemen, but wagons, 
and immense numbers of the more wealthy people of the 
Atlantic sections, sought the Cumberland through the new 
road, which ran nearly over the same track still pursued as the 
stage road, by the way of the Crab-Orchard, the Flat Rock, 
&c. The top of the mountain is described as being then, 
a vast upland prairie, covered with a most luxuriant 
growth of native grasses, pastured over as far as the eye 
could see, with numerous herds of deer, elk and buffalo, 
gamboling in playful security over these secluded plains, 
scarcely disturbed in their desert wilds at the approach of 
man, and exhibiting little alarm at the explosion of his 
rifle or fright at the victim falling before its deadly aim. 
The frowning cliffs and precipices, that every where surroun¬ 
ded the mountain, and the dark laurel thickets, that ob¬ 
structed the entrances and ascent to its summit level, had 
hitherto, excluded even the hunter and Indian from an easy 
access to it in pursuit of game ; and the boundless natural 
meadow, with its lofty enclosures of granite, erected by Om¬ 
nipotent masonry, presented to the first intruders, the aspect 
of primeval solitude, quiet and security. This aspect it wore 
no longer. The mural escarpment and the mountain water¬ 
fall, yielded to the energy of the troop and the guard. Na¬ 
ture. doffed her power, her beauty, and her dominion, and 
succumbed to the reign of art and civilization. 

At the same session of the North-Carolina Legislature, 


502 


SUMNER COUNTY LAID OFF. 


Davidson county was divided, and a new county established. 
As further evidence of the martial spirit of the time, and in 
testimony of the respect and gratitude of his countrymen, the 
name Sumner was given to the new county, in honour of 
the military services of General Jethro Sumner, of the North- 
Carolina line. During the whole of the Revolutionary war, 
he had continued in the service of the country; acted a dis¬ 
tinguished part in the greater number of the hottest actions 
which had taken place in that struggle, and was as eminent 
for personal valour, as for equanimity and suavity of manners. 
His name is precious in the estimation of his countrymen ; 
it is engraven on their hearts in characters of imperishable 
duration.* 

Records of Sumner Court—April Term, 1787. 

Agreeable to an act of Assembly, for the establishment of Sumner 
County Court, at the house of John Hamilton, on the second Monday 
in April, 1787, Daniel Smith, Isaac Lindsey, David Wilson, John 
Harden, Joseph Keyhandall, William Hale and George Winchester, 
Esqrs., who each of them took the oath for their qualification of office, 
and also the oath of office of Justices of the Peace, for said county, and 
proceeded to business. 

David Shelby, is appointed Clerk of the Court of said county. John 
Harden, Jun., is appointed Sheriff. Isaac Lindsey, is appointed Ran¬ 
ger. 

The General Assembly of North-Carolina met, this year, 

{ at Tarborough. The members of that body from Da- 
l vidson county, were James Robertson and David 
Hays. The delegation from the two counties made a solemn 
statement, in writing, of the sufferings of their constituents. 
In its preparation, they received the assistance of Col. Wil¬ 
liam Blount, who became, afterwards, more closely identified 
with the people and fortunes of Tennessee. In the paper 
thus prepared and submitted to the Assembly, it was repre¬ 
sented : 

“ That the inhabitants of the western country were greatly distressed 
by a constant war that was carried on against them, by parties of the 
Creeks and Cherokees, and some of the western Indians ; that some of 
their horses were daily carried off secretly or by force, and that their 
own lives were in danger whenever they lost sight of a station or stock¬ 
ade 5 that in the course of the present year, thirty-three of their fellow 


* Haywood. 


PETITION TO ASSEMBLY. 


503 


citizens had been killed by those Indians, a list of whose names they 
annexed, and as many more had been wounded ; that by original letters 
or Talks, from the Chickasaw nation, which they submitted to the in¬ 
spection of the Assembly, it appeared that they were jealous or uneasy, 
lest encroachments should be made on their hunting grounds; and that 
unless some assurances were given them, that their lands should not be 
located, there was reason to apprehend, that they shortly would be as 
hostile as the Creeks and Cherokees ; that these counties have been 
settled at great expense and personal danger to the memorialists and their 
constituents, and that, by such settlements, the adjacent lands had 
greatly increased in value, by which means the public has been enabled to 
sink a considerable part of the domestic debt. They and their constituents, 
they say, have cheerfully endured the almost unconquerable difficulties 
in settling the western country, in full confidence that they should be 
enabled to send their produce to market through the rivers which water 
the country; but they now have the mortification, not only to be exclu¬ 
ded from that channel of commerce by a foreign nation, but the Indians are 
rendered more hostile through the influence of that very nation, probably 
with a view to drive them from the country, as they claim the whole of the 
soil. They call upon the humanity and justice of the state, to prevent any 
further massacres and depredations of themselves and their constituents, 
and claim from the Legislature, that protection of life and property, which 
is due to every citizen ; and they recommend, as the most safe and con¬ 
venient means of relief, the adoption of the resolves of Congress, of the 
26th of October last.* This relief, they trust, will not be refused, espe¬ 
cially as the United States are pleased to interest themselves on this oc¬ 
casion, and are willing to bear the expense.” 

At the same session of the Assembly, at the representation 
of the members from Davidson and Sumner, the militia offi¬ 
cers of these counties were authorized to appoint two or 
more persons to examine, survey and mark out the best and 
most convenient way from the lower end of Clinch Mountain, 
to the settlements of Cumberland, and to order out the mili¬ 
tia of these counties to cut and clear the road so marked. 
The regiments of these counties were ordered to be divided 
into classes and parts of classes, beginning with the 
first, and so on, in rotation, till the road should be cut. A 
tax was also to be assessed upon these counties, to defray 
the expense of opening the road. The military duties of 
guarding the settlements, as imposed by a prior act, upon 
the troop of three hundred men as heretofore provided for, 
had been too incessant and burthensome to allow them to 

* That body had recommended the cession of their western lands by states 
which owned them, to the United States. / 


504 


CURRENCY OF CUMBERLAND. 


make a road sufficient for the purposes of the vast emigra¬ 
tion which was now pouring into the country beyond the 
wilderness. One wider and more level was demanded b y 
the exigencies of the times. Under the provisions of this act, 
a road was soon afterwards cut from Bledsoe’s Lick into the 
Nashville road leading to Clinch River ; and the last men¬ 
tioned road was also widened and cleared. 

It was further provided, that no person be permitted to go 
through Davidson or Sumner county to any Indian town, 
without a pass from some officer duly authorized under the 
United States, the Executive of North-Carolina or the field 
officers of one of said counties. The field officers were fur¬ 
ther directed to raise militia guards, not exceeding fifty men 
each, when it should be made known to such officers that a 
number of families were at Cumberland Mountain, waiting 
for an escort to conduct them to the Cumberland settlements ; 
the expense to be paid by a poll tax, which the county 
courts were authorized to levy upon those counties respec¬ 
tively. 

The currency of Franklin was, at this time, peltries, flax 
linen, &c.—something that could be worn—that of Cum¬ 
berland was different—something that could be eaten. 

1787. —October Term—Davidson County Records. 

“ Resolved , That for the better furnishing of the troops now coming 
into the country under command of Major Evans, with provisions, &c., 
that one-fourth of the tax of this county be paid in corn, two fourths in 
beef, pork, bear meat and venison ; one-eighth in salt, and one-eighth in 
money, to defray the expenses of removing the provisions from the 
place of collection to the troops ; and that the following places be 
appointed in each captain’s company for the inhabitants to deliver in, 
each, his proportion of the above tax, viz: [Here follow the several 
stations.] And Daniel Rowan is hereby appointed to superintend the 
' collecting and removing the provisions aforesaid, and that he be allowed 
twenty dollars per month for his services, and he is hereby directed to 
hire hands and horses at as low a rate as possible, for the purpose of 
removing the specifics, as aforesaid; and it is hereby resolved, that the 
following species of provisions be received at the undermentioned prices, 
viz: Corn, at four shillings per bushel; beef, at five dollars per hun¬ 
dred ; pork, at eight dollars per hundred ; good bear meat, without 
bones, eight dollars per hundred wt.; and venison at ten shillings per 
hundred wt; and salt at sixteen dollars per bushel. And the Superin¬ 
tendent is hereby directed to call for such proportions of the aforesaid 
tax, as the commanding officer of the troops shall direct, and on any 
person failing to deliver his or their quotas, at the time and place di- 


MANUFACTURE OF SALT ENCOURAGED. 


505 


rected, to give notice thereof to the sheriff, who is hereby directed to 
distrain immediately, 

1788—April Term. The Court appointed Robert Hays, Anthony 
Hart and John Hunter, to inspect the currency now in circulation in 
this county, and such of the hills as they shall believe to be counterfeit 
to deface, so as to prevent its further circulation.” 

By the improvements of the roads through which the new 
country was reached, and the security and protection thus 
given to the lives and property of the emigrants, great ac¬ 
cessions to the strength of the Cumberland community were 
constantly made thoughout the next succeeding years. 
Large numbers of families would concentrate on the banks 
of the Clinch—encamp there a few days, waiting the arri¬ 
val of the guard—accompanied by them, they would pass 
through the wilderness with little apprehension of Indian 
aggression. The emigrants being well armed, would, with 
the guard of fifty practiced woodsmen and Indian-fighters, 
constitute a formidable corps. With a population thus con¬ 
stantly enlarged ; their agricultural labour amply remunera¬ 
ted by bountiful crops, from a most prolific soil; with an 
abatement of the envenomed hostility from the nearest 
Indian tribes ; with increased confidence in themselves, and 
with the sure prospect of augmented numbers and means of 
defence, the settlers had a foretaste of a final triumph, over 
the discouragements and disasters that had so long depressed 
and enfeebled them. They became still more vigorous and 
elastic, and better prepared to repel future savage aggres¬ 
sion, and, in a short* time after, to carry on offensive war- 
fare against their enemies. The legislature passed an act 
for the encouragement of the making of salt in Davidson 
county. 

Such was the rapid increase of the population of David¬ 
son county, that for the convenience of the inhabitants resi¬ 
ding most remote from Nashville, its seat of justice, it was 
found necessary again to divide it, and form a new county, 
called Tennessee. 

Col. Robertson gave notice, of this date, by a publi- 
( cation in the State Gazette of North-Carolina, Nov. 
l 28th, that “ the new road from Campbell’s Sta¬ 
tion to Nashville, was opened on the 25th September, and 


500 


adair’s provision house. 


✓ 


the guard had attended at that time, to escort such persons 
as were ready to proceed to Nashville ; that about sixty 
families had gone on, amongst whom were the widow and 
family of the late General Davidson, and John McNairy, 
Judge of the Superior Court, and that on the first day of 
October next, the guard would attend at the same place for 
the same purpose.” 

The General Assembly of this year made further enact- 
1789 ( ments, of a local character, for her western counties. 

I They established a provision store on the frontier of 
Hawkins county, at the house of John Adair, for the recep¬ 
tion of corn, flour, pork and beef, for the use of the Cumber¬ 
land guard, when called on to escort and conduct emigrating 
families through the wilderness to the Cumberland settle¬ 
ments. John Adair was appointed a Commissioner for the 
purchase of these provisions. In payment of these, it was 
made his duty to give certificates, which should be received 
by the different sheriffs in the District of Washington, in 
part payment of the public taxes in the counties of that 
district, and from them by the State Treasurer. A tobacco 
inspection was also established at Clarkesville, upon the 
Cumberland River, below Nashville. 

Provision was also made for such persons as had been 
wounded in the formation and defence of the Cumberland 
settlements. The county courts were authorized, when per¬ 
sons thus wounded, were unable to pay the expenses of their 
treatment and cure, to pass the accounts of the physician, 
surgeon and nurse ; and the accounts so passed, were to be 
received in payment of any of the public taxes. In a like 
manner, accounts were passed for provisions furnished to the 
Indians, by any of the inhabitants on Cumberland. The 
courts were also authorized to sell the several licks in the 
country, at which salt could be manufactured; and all 
deemed unfit for that purpose, they were to declare vacant 
and liable to location and entry. Two of the licks of the 
first description, with the adjoining land, were to be retained 
for the use of Davidson Academy. Thus early, was provi¬ 
sion made for the the endowment of a Literary Institution 
upon the remote frontier. The Assembly also enlarged the 


MERO DISTRICT ESTABLISHED. 


507 


powers and increased the salary of the Judge of the Superior 
Court of the district. This district had been laid off the 
previous year, and embraced the three Cumberland counties, 
Davidson, Sumner and Tennessee. It was named in the act, 
Mero District, in honour of Don Estephan Mero, Colonel in 
the service of Spain and Governor of New-Orleans. The 
Legislature had, in this case, departed from the usage that 
had hitherto governed, in giving names to the civil subdi¬ 
visions of her western possessions. This innovation was 
made at the instance of the members from the Cumberland 
counties, and no doubt, was in consonance with the feelings 
of their constituents, who ragarded Gov. Mero as their friend 
and benefactor. He had extended, on several occasions, to 
the western traders, commercial facilities, and maintained 
towards the western people, generally, a mild and concilia¬ 
tory official intercourse with them, — thus reconciling 
them to the Spanish authorities, and securing to himself 
their affectionate regard. 

An act was passed, empowering the commanding officers 

( of Washington, Sullivan, Greene and Hawkins coun- 

1788 1 o’ ’ 

( ties, to erect a station on the north side of Tennessee 
River, to be garrisoned for one year, with a guard consisting 
of a captain, lieutenant and ensign, and thirty-three non-com¬ 
missioned officers and privates; the men to be raised by a 
voluntary enlistment, or an indiscriminate draft from these 
counties. The pay and rations of the said guard to be “pay¬ 
able out of the funds arising from the taxes of the said four 
counties, and out of no other fund whatever, provided the 
price of the ration shall not exceed one shilling per day.” 
The right of disbanding the guard, is reserved to the Go¬ 
vernor, whenever he and his Council should think proper. 
This act was repealed at the next session. 

To promote the growth and encourage the settlements 
upon Cumberland, and facilitate and protect emigration to 
it, the legislature authorized a contract to be made for ex¬ 
ploring the route, and making a wagon road through the 
wilderness waste lying between those settlements and the 
Holston counties. After this was done, the legislature pro¬ 
vided a guard, whose duty it was to escort emigrants, and 


/ 


508 REMARKABLE ADVENTURE 

protect them from Indian attacks, while in the wilderness. 

A public provision store was also continued at the house of 
John Adair, then residing a few miles north of Knoxville. 

As a further protection for the Cumberland settlements, a ' 
battalion of soldiers was authorized to be raised and marched 
for the purpose of repelling the marauding parties of Indians, 
which were constantly making inroads upon that frontier. 

A further duty of these troops, was to complete a road 
suitable for wagons, on the nearest route from the end of 
Clinch Mountain, through the wilderness, to Nashville. 

Further attempts were made to reach Cumberland. This 
year was signalized by an adventure of Col. James Brown, 
a Revolutionary officer in the North-Carolina line, who was 
now emigrating to Cumberland, to enter into possession of 
the lands allotted to him for military services. Taking with 
him to the distant wilderness, his family, consisting of his 
wife, five sons, two of whom were grown, and three younger, 
four small daughters, together with several negroes, he was 
unwilling to expose them to the dangers of the route through 
Cumberland Gap, or the more direct, but no less unsafe pas¬ 
sage, over the mountain ; and, therefore, determined to de¬ 
scend the Tennessee River, and reach Nashville, by ascend¬ 
ing the Ohio and Cumberland, to that place. The boat was 
built on Holston, a short distance below Long Island. He 
took the precaution to fortify it, by placing oak plank, two 
inches thick, all around above its gunwales. These were 
perforated with port-holes, at suitable distances. To these 
measures of defence was added a swivel, placed in the stern. 
Besides his two grown sons, James and John, Colonel Brown 
had five other young men, viz : J. Bays,' John Flood, John 
Gentry, Wm. Gentry and John Griffin. These were all good 
marksmen. The emigrants, adventurers rather, embarked 
on the fourth of May. On the ninth, the boat passed the 
Chickamauga towns, about daybreak, and the Tuskigagee 
Island Town, a little after sunrise. The head man, Cutley 
Otoy, and three other warriors, came on board there, and 
were kindly treated. They then returned to their town, from 
which they immediately dispatched runners across the moun¬ 
tain to Running Water Town and Nickajack, to raise all the 


AND DISASTER OF COLONEL BROWN. 


509 


warriors they could get, to ascend the river and meet the 
boat. The narrative of the capture of the boat, the massa¬ 
cre of most of the passengers, and the captivity of such as 
survived, will be given in the words of the narrator—the 
youngest son—the late Colonel Joseph Brown, of Murray 
county, Tennessee.* It contains such a horrid recital of In¬ 
dian cruelty and barbarism by the savage banditti, that so 
long lay concealed in the fastnesses of Nickajack and Run¬ 
ning Water Towns—is withal, so truthful and minute in its 
details of the captivity and sufferings of one of the prison¬ 
ers, who himself piloted the expedition in 1794, which pene¬ 
trated these mountain recesses, and extirpated the miscreant 
land pirates and murderers that infested them—and is, besides, 
now for the first time published, that no apology is needed 
for giving it entire without condensation or abridgment: 

“ Only four canoes came, meeting us in the current of the river, which 
at the time was very high. Seven or eight came up through the bot¬ 
toms, in some ponds, and after the Indians in the four first got on board, 
the other canoes came out through the cane, and the Indians in them 
also came aboard. The first four came two and two, side by side, hold¬ 
ing up white flags, but had their guns and tomahawks covered in the 
bottom of their canoes. But as there were forty men in the four ca¬ 
noes, my father ordered them not to come nigh, as there were too many 
of them. We then wheeled our boat, levelled our swivel, and had our 
match ready to sink their canoes, when they claimed protection under 
the treaty, and said, by a man named John Vann, whom they had got 
to cpme and talk for them, that it was a peaceable time, and they only 
wished to see where we were going to, and to trade with us, if we had 
anything to trade on. My father ordered the young men not to fire, as 
he was coming to an Indian country, and did not wish to break any 
treaty. 

“ After they came to us, they appeared friendly, until the other canoes 
came around ; and then they began to gather our property, and put it 
into their canoes. My father begged Vann not to let them behave so, 
and he replied, that the head man of the town was gone from home, but 
that he would be at home that night, and would make them give up 
everything. He also promised that one of them should go with us over 
the Muscle Shoals, and pilot us, as the passage was dangerous for boats. 

“Before they had finishedrobbingthe boats, however, a dirty black¬ 
looking Indian, with a sword in his hand, caught me by the arm, and 
was about to kill me, when my father, seeing what he was attempting, 
took hold of him, and said, that I was one of his little boys, and that 
he must not interrupt me. Ihe Indian then let me go, but as soon as 

*For this narrative, I am indebted to the kindness and politeness of General. 
Zollicoffer, of Nashville. 


510 


TRAGIC MURDER OP BROWN, 


my father’s back was turned, struck him with the sword, and cut his 
head nearly half off. Another Indian then caught him, and threw him 
overboard. I saw him go overboard, but did not know that lie was 
struck with the sword ; it, therefore, astonished me to see him sink 
down, as I knew him to be a good swimmer. As this took place in the 
stern, and my brothers and the other young men were with Vann in the 
bow, I went to them, and told them that ‘ an Indian had thrown our 
father overboard, and he was drowned.’ 

“ Our boat was landed at the upper end of the town of Necojack, but 
before it reached shore, an Indian wanted me to go out of the boat into 
a canoe, which I refused, not dreaming that I was a prisoner. As soon 
as we landed, the same Indian brought an old white man and his wife 
to me, who said to me, ‘ My boy, I want you to go home with me.’ I 
enquired where he lived, and he said his house was about a mile out of 
town. I told him that I supposed I could go home with him that night, 
but that we would continue our journey in the morning. On his say¬ 
ing that he was ready to start, and wished me to go with him, I men¬ 
tioned to one of my brothers the old man’s wish that I should go with 
him, and told him that I would return early in the morning, to which he 
replied, ‘ Very well.’ 

“ Before I went, however, the Indians were telling my brothers and 
the other young men of a certain house, in which they could stay till 
morning; after I had left them, they were told that there was a better 
house down toward the lower end of the town, and that a young man 
■would pilot them that far. Now the town of Necojack was on a higher 
bank than common, and had only been settled about three years ; thus 
the banks were still full of cane. When the boat was about to drop 
down to the lower end of the town, the Indians placed themselves behind 
stumps and in the cane, and as she floated down, they picked off the 
men with their rifles. Three of them fell, the others ran, but were all 
butchered, some with knives and some with tomahawks and guns. 

“ I had not got half way to the old man’s house, before I heard the 
report of the guns which were killing my brothers and the other young 
men ; but thought it was the noise of our guns, probably taken out of 
the boat to see how they would shoot. I had been at the old man’s 
only fifteen or twenty minutes, when a very large corpulent old woman 
came in, the sweat falling in big drops from her face, who appeared 
very angry, and told the old white people that they had done very 
wrong in taking me away, that I ought to be killed, that I would see 
everything, and that I would soon be grown and would guide an army 
there and have them all cut off; in short, that I must be killed. This 
was said in Indian, so that I did not understand it, nor what she 
went on to say, viz: that all the rest were killed, and that her son would 
be there directly and would kill me, she knew. 

“The old Irishman, however, informed me that my people were all 
slain, but added that I should not be hurt, though the squaw had just 
told him that her son would kill me immediately. He then directed 
me to sit on the side of the bed, and getting up stood in the door with 
his face outward, talking all the time to his wife and the old squaw in In¬ 
dian, which of course I did not understand. In ’ about ten or fifteen 


AND PILLAGE OF THE BOATS. 


511 


minutes, the old squaw’s son arrived, sure enough, but had not come up 
the road, so that the old man did not see him till he reached the corner 
of the house. He asked at once if there was a white man within. The 
old man answered ‘ No,’ that there was a ‘bit’ of a white boy in there; 
to which the Indian replied, that ho knew how big I was, and that I 
must be killed. The old white man plead for my life, saying it was 
a pity to kill women and children ; but the Indian used the same argu¬ 
ment that his mother had employed, i. e. that I would get away, when 
I grew up, and pilot an army there and have them all killed, and that I 
must be killed. This old fellow was a British deserter, who had come 
to America before the Revolutionary war, and had deserted several times, 
and had at length got into the Cherokee nation, having been there about 
eighteen years. His name was Thomas Tunbridge; he had lived with 
his wife about sixteen years. She was a French woman, who had been 
taken by the Indians when a small girl, and grew up and had children 
to them, before she had an opportunity of returning to her people. Her 
name, she said, was Polly Mallett. She had no children by Tunbridge, 
but it was an Indian son of hers that took me prisoner ; he gave me to 
his mother, telling her that I was large enough to help her hoe corn. 
He had also said that they would kill the rest directly, and that I was 
so large that when they got in a frolic killing the others, some of them 
would knock me over. When, therefore, Cutleotoy insisted on killing 
me, old Tunbridge told him that I was his son’s prisoner, and he was 
still in town, and that I must not be killed. No greater insult could be 
offered him, for he was a great man and did as he pleased usually ; 
while Tunbridge’s son was only twenty-two years old, and a perfect boy 
in Cutleotoy’s estimation. Incensed at this insult, he came to Tun¬ 
bridge, with his knife drawn and tomahawk raised, and asked him if 
he was going to be the Virginian’s friend; in fact, he would have killed 
him instantly, had he admitted it, but Tunbridge said ‘ no,’ and step 
ping back from the door-sill into the house, spoke for the first time in 
English : ‘ Take him along.’ Cutleotoy, who was a very large strong 
Indian, followed in a rage, and came to me with his knife and tomahawk 
both drawn ; but the old woman begged him not to kill me in her 
house, to which he agreed, and catching me by the hand, jerked me up 
and out of the house. Outside were ten of his men surrounding the 
house door, and one had in his hand the scalp of one of my brothers, 
and another that of the other men, on a stick. Some had their guns 
cocked, and others their knives and tomahawks drawn, ready to put me 
to death. I requested Tunbridge to beg them to let me have one half 
hour to pray, to which he replied that it was not worth while ; but they 
concluded to strip my clothes off. so as not to bloody them, and while 
they were doing so, the old French woman begged them not to kill me 
there, nor in the road that she carried water along, for the road passed 
by her spring. They answered that they would take me to Running 
Water Town, as there were no white people there, and would have a 
frolic knocking me over. All this was said in Indian, however, and I 
knew nothing of what they discussed; and as soon as my clothes were 
off', I fell on my knees, and cried, like the dying Stephen, ‘Lord Jesus, 
into thy hand I commend my spirit,’ expecting every moment to be 


512 


CAPTIVITY OF BROWN’S FAMILY. 


my last. But I had not been on my knees more than one minute, 
when Tunbridge said, ‘My boy, you must get up and go with them ; 
they will not kill you here,’ but told me nothing of what they said of 
having a frolic at Running Water Town. 

“ We had not gone more than seventy or eighty yards, when Cut- 
leotoy stopped his men, and said to them, that he could not, and they 
must not kill me, as they were his men, and it would be as bad for him, 
as though he himself had done it; for that I was the prisoner of poor 
Job, (the French woman’s son,) who was a man of war. 

“ ‘Now,’ said he, ‘ I have taken a negro woman out of the boat, and 
sent her by water to where I live, and if we kill this fellow, poor Job 
will go and kill my negro, and I don’t want to lose her ; nor could all 
the Indians in the nation keep him from putting her to death.’ Well 
might he fear poor Job, for, although he was only twenty-two years 
old, and it had been a time of peace since he was a small boy, he had 
taken the lives of six white men. The Hopewell and Holston treaties 
bound them to peace, but their young men were away with the Creeks 
and Shawnees at war ; the Chickasaws and Choctaws were exceptions 
to the rule, however. 

“ Now, when Cutleotoy spoke thus, the thought of my being one 
day a man, and leading ati army there, and having them killed, had 
given way to avarice, for the old woman, as well as her son, wanted the 
service of the negro. As I knew nothing of what they were saying, I 
was on my knees, trying to give my soul to God, through the merits of 
the Saviour, and expecting the tomahawk to sink into my skull every 
moment. At length, the favour given to Stephen in his dying mo¬ 
ments, came to my mind; how he saw the heavens opened, and the 
blessed Saviour sitting at the right hand of God. I opened my eyes, 
and looking up, saw one of the Indians, as they stood all round me, 
smile; then, glancing my eyes round on them, saw that all their coun¬ 
tenances were changed from vengeance and anger, to mildness. 

“ This gave me the first gleam of hope. Cutleotoy then called to 
old Tunbridge to come after me, that he loved me, and would not kill 
me then, but that he would not make peace with me then ; but if I 
lived three weeks, he would be back again to make peace with me. The 
other Indians, however, explained the reason of this sudden love forme; 
that it was the negro he loved so much. The old squaw said, she would 
have some of my hair any how, and coming behind me, loosed my hair, 
(it was customary for young people, then, to wear their hair long,) and 
gathering a lock from the crown of my head, with an old dull knife, 
cut otf a parcel, and kicked me in the side, and called me a poor Vir¬ 
ginian. That day the old head-man of the town had gone to a beloved 
town sixteen miles off, called Stecoyee, south-east from Nicojack Town. 
I understood that he was much displeased with their conduct, for he 
was a man of fine mind, and boasted that he had never stained his 
knife in the blood of a white man ; but he had killed a Shawnee, when 
that nation was at war with the Cherokees; his name was the Breath ; 
he sent for me the second day after I was taken, and warned me that 
some of them would kill me, if I was not put into a family, with my 
hair trimmed like an Indian’s, and my face painted. He also said that 


BROWN IS DENUDED-HIS EARS BORED, ETC. 


513 


as his was one of the strongest families in the nation, he would receive 
me into it, directing me to call him uncle, and poor Job, brother. On 
the same day, the 11th of May, 1788, he bored holes in my ears, cut 
off my hair, on.y leaving a scalpdock on the top of my head, and ta¬ 
king off my pantaloons, gave me a flap and short shirt, pulling open 
the collar and putting a small broach in my bosom. On the 12th, 
which was next day, I was turned out to hoe corn, in the broiling sun; 
by noon, all my forehead and ears, and the back of my head, and my neck 
and thighs, were all blistered with the heat; but the Lord was good, and 
when I was sick with sun-burns, sent a good thunder cloud, and drove us 
all out of the field. The next day it rained all day, and the third day I 
was able to go to the field again ; after that there came a skin on me 
that stood everything. A grand-son of the French woman went every 
where with me, to let me know who were Creeks, for they said that if 
the Creeks caught me out by myself, they might kill me; I was also 
cautioned not to look at a Cherokee, because it made an Indian angry 
to look at him. I had never seen any Indians before, so that every 
movement they made was strange to me. About three weeks after I 
was taken, I was going to the spring for water, and saw several Indians 
sitting about there. The little boy seemed alarmed, and I knew that 
it was on my account, for he said they were Creeks ; but after looking 
again he pronounced them Cherokees, saying he knew some of them. 
My fears being removed, I went on, and his being a small tin bucket, I 
dipped it full first, and handed it up the bank to him, and, never look¬ 
ing at the Indians, dipped up my bucket full. Just as I climbed up 
the bank, two of them jumped on their horses and came galloping 
across the branch which ran from the spring. As they came along, I 
stole a glance at one of them; he had one side of his head painted 
red and the other black, and a scalp on his breast. Jumping off his 
horse, he struck me with the butt-end of a white-oak stick, about an 
inch in diameter and four feet long, on the side of the head. He was 
so near me that he did not hurt me much, but the second time, he was 
farther off, and that staggered me very much. He and his party con¬ 
sisting of five others, had been away with the Shawnees and northern 
Indians, at war, and they had heard that war had broken out at home, 
and as they were coming home they determined to come by the Hol- 
ston settlements and steal some horses ; they found two little boys, one 
morning, feeding some cows, and having killed the little fellows, were 
pursued by the whites, who killed three of them, while they were cross¬ 
ing the Tennessee River. The anger excited by this occurrence, caused 
him, on seeing me, to strike me, thinking, as he said, that he would 
knock me down and beat me as long as he thought he could without 
killing me. I do not suppose he would have cared if I had died. 

“Durino- that whole summer there was war, with frequent alarms of 
white people coming, and at one time a Col. Martin got to Chattanooga, 
within twenty miles of where I lived; but the Indians killed three of 
his captains, and he only killed one Shawnee and one negro. No Cha- 
rokees were killed, but they raised an army of three thousand men, bor¬ 
rowed one thousand Creeks, to go with fifteen hundred Cherokees on 

33 


514 


MEETING OF BROWN WITH HIS CAPTIVE SISTER. 


foot, and five hundred mounted Cherokees, many of whom were half- 
breeds, and dressed like white men ; they kept them ahead of the army, 
and white men who met them thought them a scouting party of whites, 
and were by this scheme readily taken prisoners, when they would be 
kept until it was convenient to kill them without giving alarm. Several 
men were taken in this way the day they got to Gillespie’s Fort. Their 
object in raising the army was to drive all the whites from the south 
side of French Broad, on the pretext that the Indians wdio sold land on 
the south side of that river, were not authorized to do so by the nation; 
but finding only one man in the fort, Captain William Gillespie, they 
plundered it, and got so much booty from it and the surrounding farms, 
as sufficed, together with their twenty-seven prisoners, taken without 
the loss of a single man, to induce them to return home, and that with 
great triumph. 

“Most of us at Necojack Town, now moved off for the winter; old 
Tunbridge went down to Crow Town, thirty miles below Necojack Town ; 
and one of the prisoners, Major Glass’s w 7 ife, was purchased from the 
Indians who owned her, by Moses Price, who lived about half a mile 
from us, opposite the head of Crow Island, at an old crossing place of 
the Creeks, where the river could be forded nearly across. 

“Price went to Pensacola for goods, and left Richard Findelston and 
two negro men with Mrs. Glass, to take care of his stock. One day, while 
Findelston was away from home, a large Creek Indian came by and 
seized Mrs. Glass’s sucking child ; the negro dared not interfere, for the 
Indian would have killed him instantly. He ran to our house to give 
the alarm, and said that he had left them at the door. Old Tunbridge 
went at once, but only in a walk, and when he got there, they were 
about eighty yards from the house, on the Creek path, the Indian hold¬ 
ing the child, and its mother still hanging to it. The old man made 
him release the child, and brought it and its mother home with him, 
and kept them there some time. It was but a few weeks, however, that 
we got information that Gov. Sevier had taken a town on the waters of 
the Coosa River, and there would be an exchange of prisoners shortly. 
In a few weeks more, sure enough, there was a runner sent after us to 
come to Running Water Town ; and when we reached Necojack Town, I 
found there the Indian who had my little sister, having just returned 
from his winter’s hunt, bringing his wife and my little sister. The old 
squaw seemed to think as much of her as though she had been her own 
child. The little girl was stripped of all her finery, it is true, but she 
was only five years old, and when I told her I was going to take her to 
her own mother, she ran to the old Indian woman and caught her round 
the neck, so that I had to take her by force and carry her twenty or 
thirty yards; then telling her she should go to see her own mother, I 
set her down and led her by the hand. My eldest sister was at another 
place, a child of ten years old. 

“ We got to Running Water about three o’clock, and found that the 
Head-man from the Upper Towns had come after us. The old Head¬ 
man of Necojack grumbled at giving us up, as we, who were taken out 
of the boat, had come from North-Carolina, and did not belong to Hol- 
ston settlement. The old Indian who had come for us, said that was 


THEY ARE EXCHANGED ANI) RESTORED. 


515 


all true, but that Little John (their name for Gov. Sevier) was so mean 
and ugly that he could do nothing with him. This word ugly is their 
hardest term of abuse. He went on to say that “Little John” declared 
he would not let one of their people free, unless he got all the whites 
who were in the nation, naming those taken from the boat particularly. 
The next morning they spoke of starting, but I told them I could not 
go without my sister; a young man was immediately started after her. 
She was thirty miles off, and the third day the messenger returned 
about ten o’clock in the morning without her, and announced that the 
man who had her, would not let her come without pay. There was an 
old warrior sitting by, his sword hanging on the wall, and his horse 
standing at a tree in the yard. He rose, and putting on his sword, made 
this short speech : ‘I will go and bring her, or his head.’ Sure enough, 
the next morning, here he came with her; when asked what the Indian 
said, he replied, ‘nothing.’ The next morning we started, and in a few 
days were at Coosawatee, where an exchange of prisoners was made 
instead of at Swannanoa, as at first proposed. This was about the 20th 
of April, 1789. At this time my weight was only eighty pounds, 
though I was in my seventeenth year.” 

After the capture and plunder of the boat and the mas- 

( sacre of the men, the Creek banditti started to their 
1788 \ 

l towns, having two of the daughters of the unfortu- 
nate Colonel Brown—Jane, aged ten, and Polly, five—pri¬ 
soners. These were pursued by the Cherokee braves, re¬ 
captured, and brought back to Nickajack. The trader’s wife 
had the humanity to allow their brother Joseph to go there 
and see his sisters. From these, he learned that the Creek 
confederates had gone with his mother, his brother George, 
a lad ten years old, and his three small sisters, and much of 
the booty taken in the boat, in the direction of their distant 
homes on the Tallapoosa River, and that two of the children 
had been recaptured by the Cherokees, as already mentioned. 
The negroes were despatched by water to the Upper Chero¬ 
kee towns. The children remained in the town where they 
were captured, and being adopted into several Indian fami¬ 
lies, were generally well treated. The usual menial offices 
of savage life were imposed upon them, during their captivity 
of nearly twelve months. They had the melancholy plea¬ 
sure of seeing one another. Occasionally they were threa¬ 
tened, and often had to listen to accounts brought by war¬ 
riors, returning from their hostile excursions, of horrid bar¬ 
barities and cruel murders inflicted upon the distant frontier 

These atrocities, at length, invited further invasion and 


516 


NOBLE CONDUCT OF m’cILLEVRAY. 


retaliation, by the aggrieved frontier men ; war was brought 
to the immediate vicinity of the banditti Indians themselves, 
which resulted in a Peace Talk from General Sevier, and a 
proposal of an exchange of prisoners followed, and the young 
prisoners were restored. 

Mrs. Brown, when hurried off by her captors, heard the 
savage yells, that she but too well knew, announced the 
hard fate of her sons and their comrades. To increase the 
poignancy of her bereavement, two of her daughters were 
snatched from her side, and carried back to the scene of the 
calamity which had overwhelmed her family. A single 
source of consolation was left to her—her two children—the 
son, aged nine, and the daughter, seven. These were after¬ 
wards separated from her, and sent to two neighbouring vil¬ 
lages, whilst she continued the prisoner and slave of a Creek 
warrior, and remained for some time in the condition of hope¬ 
less bondage and exile. By the influence and assistance of 
the wife of Durant, a French trader, Mrs. Brown contrived 
to escape to the residence of McGillevray, the Plead-man of 
the Creek nation, who generously ransomed her from her 
savage owner. The daughter was, some time after, also 
ransomed, and with Mrs. Brown, was taken by Col. McGillev¬ 
ray, in November, 1789, to Rock Landing, in Georgia, and 
restored to her surviving friends. McGillevray was offered 
compensation for the kind offices he had performed in ransom¬ 
ing and restoring the captives. This was nobly declined, 
with the further assurance, that he would endeavour to re¬ 
cover the son, still in captivity in his nation. This was at 
length effected. We will see more of Joseph Brown hereafter, 
when, in 1794, the prophecy was fulfilled of one of his cap- 
tors, who said, “ he will soon be grown, and will pilot an 
army here, and have us all cut off.” 

Few families suffered greater losses and misfortunes, than 
the family of Mr. Brown. The father, two sons, three sons- 
in-law, were killed by the Indians—one other shot in his right 
hand and cut above his wrist—another son, Joseph, and 
his two sisters, prisoners and in captivity nearly a year—the 
mother and another daughter, prisoners, seventeen months— 
the former driven on foot by the Creeks two hundred miles, 


GENERAL MARTIN^ CAMPAIGN. 


517 


•and not permitted to stop long enough to take the gravel 
from her shoes, and her feet blistered and suppurating—a 
younger son, a prisoner five years. 

During the summer after this remarkable disaster to 
Brown and his familv, Sevier invaded and chastised the 
Cherokees, as has been already narrated. 

The Indians continued their attacks on the stations. In rapid 
1788 ( succession, expresses were sent from the frontier to 
( General Martin and Col. Kennedy, representing 
their exposed condition, and soliciting succour. An army was 
raised from the upper counties, which rendezvoused at 
White’s Fort, where Knoxville now stands. Their number 
was about four hundred and fifty men. 

Col. Robert Love commanded the regiment from Wash¬ 
ington county, Col. Kennedy from Greene, and Col. Doherty 
from below. The army crossed Iliwassee near the present 
Calhoun, and reached the point where the Tennessee River 
breaks through the Cumberland Mountain, and encamped in 
an old Indian field. It was supposed the Indians had taken 
off their property to a town six miles below. After dark, 
Col. Doherty, at the head of fifty men, started^vith the view 
of surprising it. As soon as this party reached the spur of 
the mountain, they were fired upon, and retreated to camp. 
The troops remained all night with their bridles in their 
hands. Next morning the spies, who had gone forward to 
reconnoitre, were fired upon, and William Cunningham, late 
of Knox county, was wounded. The troops were immedi¬ 
ately paraded, and riding to the foot of the mountain, tied 
their horses, and engaged with the Indians at a point be¬ 
tween the bluff and the river. Captains Hardin, Fuller and 
Gibson, were killed. These were buried in a large town 
house, standing near where the path entered the mountain. 
After burying their dead with all the precaution possible, 
they set fire to the town house and burned it down over 
them. One of Col. Love’s captains, Vincent, was badly 
wounded, but was put upon a horse litter and brought home, 
and recovered. 

General Martin then proposed to pursue the Indians, but 
his men rebelled and refused to follow him, except about 


518 


GILLESPIE S STATION TAKEN. 


sixty. These, he thought, were inadequate to the undertak¬ 
ing, and the troops started home. 

General Martin’s troops had scarcely reached home, when 
a party of Cherokees and Creeks, two or three hundred 
strong, came to Gillespie’s Station on Little River, within 
eight or ten miles from Knoxville. They captured several 
prisoners, and retreated. General Sevier made a vigorous 
pursuit, overtook and re-captured the prisoners. Some In¬ 
dians, also, were taken, who were afterwards exchanged for 
such white captives as had been carried into the nation. 

“On the 21st of September, a large body of the enemy, not less than 
two hundred, attacked Sherreli’s Station, late* in the evening. Sevier 
that day, with forty horsemen, was out ranging, and came on the In¬ 
dians’ trail, making towards the inhabitants; he immediately advanced 
after them, and opportunely arrived before the fort, when the Indians 
were carrying on a furious attack. On coming in view of the place, 
he drew up his troop in close order, made known his intention in a short 
speech, that he would relieve the garrison, or fall in the attempt; and 
asked who was willing to follow him. All gave an unanimous consent, 
and, at a given signal, made a charge on the enemy, as they were busily 
employed in setting fire to a barn and other out-buildings. The Indians 
gave way, and immediately retired from the place, and the gallant little 
band of heroes reached the fort, to the great joy of the besieged. This 
exploit was performed under cover of the night, and, conformably to the 
Governor of Frankland’s usual good fortune, not a man of his party 
was hurt. 

“ On the lYth of October, Gillespie’s Fort, (below the mouth of Little 
River,) on Holston, a little after sunrise, was attacked by about three 
hundred Indians, under the command of John Watts. The few men in 
the fort made a gallant resistance; but, being overpowered by numbers, 
and their ammunition being expended, the Indians rushed over the walls, 
or rather, the roofs of the cabins which made a part of the fort. Great 
was the horror of the scene that then ensued. The best accounts say 
our loss is twenty-eight persons, mostly women and children, as several 
of the men belonging to the fort, were abroad at the time. 

“ I am just noXv informed, that one thousand Indians have crossed the 
Tennessee in two divisions, and that one of them had attacked Major 
Houston’s Fort, land the other was near Captain White’s, on the north 
side of Holston. The whole of our militia are under marching orders, 
and Colonel Kennedy has already set out with those that were first 
ready.”* 

At, the attack on Gillespie’s Station, October 15 th, a letter 
of that date was left, signed by the Indian chiefs, and ad¬ 
dressed to 


C. State Gazette. 


HAWKINS COUNTY RECORDS. 


519 


Mr. John Sevier , and Joseph Martin , and to you } the Inhabitants of 

the New State : 

We would wish to inform you of the accident that happened at Gil¬ 
lespie’s Fort, concerning the women and children that were killed in the 
battle. The Bloody Fellow’s talk is, that he is here now upon his own 
ground. He is not like you are, for you kill women and children, and 
he does not. He had orders to do it, and to order them off the land, 
and he came and ordered them to surrender and that they should not be 
hurt, and they would not, and he stormed it and took it. For you be¬ 
guiled the head-man* that was your friend, and wanted to keep peace, 
but you began it, and this is what you get for it. When you move oft' 
the land, then we will make peace, and give up the women and chil¬ 
dren ; and you must march oft’ in thirty days. Five thousand men is 
our number. 

Bloody Fellow. 

Categiskey. 

John Watts. 

Glass. 

In Sullivan county, there appears to be an interregnum 
from 1784 to March, 1787. The records were, probably, 
mislaid or lost during the Franklin revolt. At that last date, 
a Commission, appointing justices of the peace, was present¬ 
ed. The magistrates, thereby appointed, met at the house 
of Joseph Cole. They resolved, “ that it is the opinion and 
judgment of the Court, that John Rhea, formerly Clerk of 
the Court, has not forfeited his office by his absence, and 
therefore has a right to ccHtinue Clerk. In 1788, John Vance 
was Clerk.” 

Among the last legislative acts of North-Carolina, for 
1789 $ her westem counties, was one establishing a town in 
( the county of Hawkins. Rogersville is the last town 
in Tennessee established under the dynasty of the mother 
state. 

After the fall of the Franklin Government, early in 1788, 
the people gradually gave in their adhesion to that of the 
parent state. On the part of some, it may have been done 
reluctantly. The transition, however, from a separate and 
independent state, to their former position of a colonial ap¬ 
pendage to North-Carolina, was so gradual as to be almost 
imperceptible. It certainly produced no convulsion, and was 
followed by no commotion. It was accompanied by no 


* The Old Tassel. 


520 INHABITANTS RETURN TO THEIR ALLEGIANCE. 

triumphs, and attended with scarcely a single regret. No 
one on the frontier has to eat the bitter bread of political or 
official dependence. Office, under either the one regime or 
the other, brought with it little distinction, and conferred al¬ 
most no emolument. Its possession was seldom sought after. 
Its loss produced neither disappointment nor mortification. 
Under both systems of government the people recognized 
the same constitution, and were ruled almost by the same 
laws. The change of officers was hardly known. In mili¬ 
tary affairs it was essentially so. Upon the frontier the vo¬ 
lunteering system had always obtained. If an enemy was 
to be repelled, or a campaign to be carried on, the volunteers 
exercised the right of selecting their leader. Did he hold a 
commission ? If he had the confidence of his troops, he com¬ 
manded. Without this he entered the ranks cheerfully, and 
yielded the command to a subaltern, preferred over him and 
chosen by the men. Many who, after the first of March, 
1788, became functi officiis, were soon after that date, rein¬ 
vested with authority by the people themselves, and often 
by the aid of the strongest zealots for North-Carolina. In 
one section of Franklin—that south of French Broad and 
west of Big Pigeon—the functionaries of that government 
continued in power, under no othei'regulation than the popu¬ 
lar will, which was sovereign, supreme, omnipotent. Else¬ 
where, in all her western counties, the jurisdiction of North- 
Carolina was acknowledged and her authority obeyed. Un¬ 
der her laws, elections of members to her Legislature were 
held. 

The Assembly met at Fayetteville in November. Amongst 
the laws passed at this session, was one for paying the mili¬ 
tia officers and soldiers for their services in the campaign, 
carried on, as has been heretofore narrated, by Gen. Martin^ 
against the Chickamaugas, in the preceding year. By the 
provisions of this law, the pay rolls of the expedition were 
to be exhibited under oath to the Comptroller, with the 
names of the officers. These were to be examined by the 
Comptroller, who was then to issue his certificate to each 
, officer and soldier. The certificate was made receivable in 
payment of the public tax due in the District of Washington , 


DISCONTENTS OF TIIE PEOPLE REVIVED. 


521 


and no other , until all such certificates were paid. A like 
provision was made to liquidate the accounts of the Commis¬ 
sary on this expedition, making certificates issued to him re¬ 
ceivable in payment of public dues . The frugality of the 
parent state was further exhibited at the same session, by 
repealing the law for erecting a garrison on the north side 
of the Tennessee River. These several enactments served 
to revive the complaints and discontents of the western peo¬ 
ple, and especially of those of them in the late Franklin 
counties. 

“ They found themselves suddenly re-attached to a country in which 
a considerable portion of them could perceive no affection for them¬ 
selves, nor any disposition to give them protection, nor otherwise actua¬ 
ted, as many believed, but by a desire to get from the sale of their lands 
more certificates of public debt; and the opinion was entertained that 
North-Carolina could expose them to the tomahawk and scalping knife, 
without feeling in the least for their sufferings, and without having the 
least inclination to prevent them. Past experience, in their judgment, 
had fully demonstrated the advantages which were to be expected from 
the renewal of their connexions with North-Carolina ; they were to fight 
for themselves, protect their own possessions and pay taxes ; which, if 
not sufficient for the expenses incurred in defending themselves, were to 
be applied as far as they would go, and the surplus of expenses was to 
be left unsatisfied. On the other hand, the members of the Atlantic 
counties had the near prospect, as they supposed, of becoming subject 
to a still greater aggravation of burthen, and this anticipation never 
failed to recall a desire for separation ; indeed, it seemed as if, at this 
moment, there was a presentation to the Assembly of more western 
claims than had ever before come forward at one time. The Atlantic 
members laboured to find ways and means; and, still more, to avoid 
making contributions from the counties east of the Alleghanies. They 
had, in the late revolt, been furnished with the hint, that for very small 
provocations as they deemed them, the western counties would set up 
for independence, which it was not in their power to control. Ope¬ 
rated upon by these and other motives, the Atlantic counties came to 
the conclusion to let them separate, stipulating for themselves, as the 
price of emancipation, such terms as were necessary and convenient for 
their own people.” 

It soon became evident that her western counties were an 
inconvenient, and expensive, and troublesome appendage to 
North-Carolina, and many on both sides of the Alleghanies, 
who had more recently opposed the Franklin separation, or 
any dismemberment of the distant and disjoined sections of 
the parent state, were the first now to make the frank avowal 


522 HER WESTERN TERRITORY CEDED BY NORTII-CAROLINA. 

that it was the policy of each, and the interest of both, that 
the two communities should no longer remain united, but 
should at once become separate and distinct political organi¬ 
zations. The Assembly proceeded to mature a plan to sever 
them forever asunder, and passed an “Act for the purpose of 
ceding to the United States of America, certain western lands 
therein described.” 

In conformity with one of the provisions of the Act of 
Cession, Samuel Johnston and Benjamin Hawkins, Senators 
in Congress from North-Carolina, executed, on the 25th of 
February, 1790, a Deed to the United States, in the words of 
the Cession Act. 

On the second of April, of the same year, the United States, 
in Congress assembled, by an act made for that special pur¬ 
pose, accepted the Deed, and what is now Tennessee, ceased 
to be a part of North-Carolina. The separation, though once 
resisted as unfilial, disobedient and revolutionar}^, was now 
in accordance with the judgment and wishes of all—peacea¬ 
ble, dutiful, affectionate. The Old North State is yet held in 
grateful remembrance by every emigrant she has sent to 
Tennessee. And there and elsewhere, to the farthest West, 
in all their wanderings and migrations, the succeeding gene¬ 
ration still cherish, with ancestral pride, the name, and cha¬ 
racter, and worth of North-Carolina, their mother state. 


NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN. 


523 


CHAPTER VI. 

NEGOTIATION WITH SPAIN. 

As early as 1780, Spain had indicated a determination to 
claim the country west of the following boundary: “A 
right line should be drawn from the eastern angle of the 
Gulf of Mexico to Fort Toulouse, situated in the country of 
the Alibamas ; from thence the River Louishatchi should be 
ascended, from the mouth of which a right line should be 
drawn to the fort or factory of Quesnassie ; from this last 
place, the course of the River Euphasee* is to be followed 
till it joins the Cherokee ;f the course of this last river is to 
be pursued to the place where it receives the Pelissippi ;J 
this last to be followed to its source ; from whence a right 
line is to be drawn to Cumberland River, whose course is to 
be followed untill it falls into the Ohio.” 

And, on other questions then arising between her and the 
United States, Spain declared : “ The savages to the west of 
the line described should be free and under the protection of 
Spain ; those to the eastward should be free and under the 
protection of the United States.”—“The trade should be free 
to both parties.”—“ As to the course and navigation of the 
Mississippi, they follow with the property, and they will 
belong, therefore, to the nation to which the two banks 
belong.”—“ Spain alone will be the proprietor of the course 
of the Mississippi, from the thirty-first degree of latitude to 
the mouth of this river.” 

This line, designated by Rayneval, in his negotiation with 
Mr. Jay, left, not only the lands north of the Ohio without 
the limits of the United States, but a part of the country 
now constituting the State of Kentucky, all of Tennessee 
west of Hiwassee, Tennessee arid Clinch Rivers, as above 
delineated, and nearly the whole of Alabama and Missis- 


* Hiwassee. 


f Tennessee. 


% Clinch. 


524 


PROPOSAL TO FORBEAR THE USE OF THE MISSISSIPPI, 


sippi. To this extraordinary territorial pretension, on the 
part of Spain, was added that of the exclusive navigation of 
the Mississippi River. 

Soon after the ratification of the definitive Treatv of 

* 

( Peace, in 1783, Congress turned their attention to 
1784 i 7 

{ commercial intercourse with foreign nations, and in¬ 
structed the American Ministers particularly, in any nego¬ 
tiation with Spain, not to relinquish or cede, in any event 
whatever, the right, of freely navigating the River Missis¬ 
sippi, from its source to the ocean.* Spain, still persisting 
in her extensive claims east of that river and to its exclusive 
navigation, appointed, in 1785, Don Diego Gardoqui her 
Minister, to adjust the interfering claims of the two nations. 
Mr. Jay, then Secretary of Foreign Affairs, was appointed 
to treat with him on the part of the United States. The 
Spanish Minister declared that the king, his master, would 
not permit any nation to navigate any part of the Missis¬ 
sippi between the banks claimed by him. The American 
Minister, on the other hand, insisted on the right of the 
United States to its free navigation. On a previous occa¬ 
sion, while representing his country in Europe, Mr. Jay had 
strenuously contended for that right, and urged the impor¬ 
tance of retaining it. Now, the negotiation being renewed 
at home, he reminded the Spanish Minister “ that the adja¬ 
cent country was filling fast with people, and that the time 
must soon come when they would not submit to seeing a fine 
river flow before their doors, without using it as a highway 
to the sea, for the transportation of their productions,” and 
pointed out the wisdom of such a treaty being now formed, 
as would not contain in its stipulations the seeds of future 
discord. These appeals were resisted by the Don, and lie 
still insisted that the Mississippi must be shut against the 
commerce of the western people and of the United States. 

At a later period in the negotiation, Mr. Jay, in a commu- 
17Q5 { nication to Congress, adds : “ Circumstanced as we 
( are, I think it would be expedient to agree that the 
treaty should be limited to twenty-five or thirty years, and 
that one of its articles should stipulate that the United States 

* Pitkin. 


EXCITES INDIGNATION IN THE WEST. 


525 


would forbear to use the navigation of that river below their 
territories to the ocean.” 

In support of this concession, Mr. Jay stated : “That the 
navigation of the Mississippi was not at that time very 
important, and would not probably become so in less than 
twenty-five or thirty years, and that a forbearance to use it, 
while it was not wanted, was no great sacrifice ; that Spain 
then excluded the people of the United States from that 
navigation, and that it could only be acquired by war, for 
which we were not then prepared ; and that in case of war, 
France would no doubt join Spain.” A resolution was sub¬ 
mitted to Congress, repealing Mr. Jay’s instructions of Au¬ 
gust 25, 1785, and directing him to consent to an article, 
stipulating a forbearance, on the part of the United States, 
to use the Mississippi River for twenty years. In support of 
these resolutions, the members from New Hampshire, Mas¬ 
sachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-York, New Jer¬ 
sey and Pennsylvania, voted unanimously ; while those from 
Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and 
Georgia, with equal unanimity, voted against them. 

These proceedings of Congress, though with closed doors, 
soon became partially known, and excited great indignation 
and alarm in Virginia, and in all the western settlements. 
In November, 1786, in consequence of a memorial from the 
western inhabitants, the Virginia Assembly declared unani¬ 
mously “ that the common right of navigating the Mississippi, 
was considered as the bountiful gift of nature to the United 
States ; that the Confederacy, having been formed on the broad 
basis of equal rights in every part thereof, and confided to the 
protection and guardianship of the whole, a sacrifice of the 
rights of any one part, would be a flagrant violation of jus¬ 
tice, and a direct contravention of the end for which the 
Federal Government was instituted, and an alarming inno¬ 
vation on the system of the Union.” They, therefore, in¬ 
structed their delegates “ to oppose any attempt that may be 
made in Congress to barter or surrender to any nation what¬ 
ever, the right of the United States to the free and common 
use of the Mississippi; and to protest against the same as a 
dishonourable departure from the comprehensive and bene- 


526 


TIIE NEGOTIATION CONTINUED. 


volent feeling, which constitutes the vital principle of the 
Confederation ; as provoking the just resentment and re¬ 
proaches of our western brethren, whose essential rights and 
interests would be thereby sacrificed and sold ; and as tend¬ 
ing to undermine our repose, our prosperity, and our Union 
itself.” 

After the instructions of Mr. Jay, as already mentioned, 
were rescinded by the seven Northern States, negotiations 
were renewed, but without effect. The Spanish Minister 
still refused to admit the United States to any share in the 
navigation of the river, below the boundaries claimed by his 
monarch, on any terms and conditions whatever. 

All further negotiation with Spain was referred to the new 
Federal Government. 

By the eighth article of the treaty between Great Britain 
and the United States, it was provided, that the navigation 
of the River Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, shall 
forever remain free and open to the subjects and citizens of 
the two powers, respectively. The boundaries of Spanish 
Louisiana, after the dismemberment, comprised all the region 
west of the Mississippi. It included, also, the island of New- 
Orleans, on the east side of that river, and south of the Ba¬ 
you Iberville ; thus including, necessarily, the mouth and 
the river itself, with the eastern bank above the Iberville, 
and both banks from the Iberville to the Balize. With 
France, Spain had also become involved in the war in fa¬ 
vour of the American Colonies, and against Great Britain. 
By the treaty of September, 1783, on the part of all the bel¬ 
ligerents, Great Britain confirmed to Spain, the whole of the 
Floridas, south of the thirty-first degree of latitude. The 
Provinces of Louisiana and Florida returned to a state of 
peace and prosperity, under the wise administration of Go¬ 
vernor Mero. The river trade with Upper Louisiana and 
the settlements upon the Ohio and its tributaries, had become 
active, and the Spanish dominion upon the Mississippi ap¬ 
peared to be increasing continually, in importance and 
power. 

In the meantime, the serious attention of the Spanish au¬ 
thorities was directed to the growing influence of the west- 


WESTERN PEOPLE PROJECT AN INVASION OF LOUISIANA. 527 

ern settlements of the United States, which were coming in 
collision with their own. Georgia claimed much of the ter¬ 
ritory from Loftus’ Heights, northwardly, several hundred 
miles. But this whole region was in the possession of Spain, 
with a population of nearly ten thousand souls. An active 
trade from the people on Holston, Cumberland, and other 
branches of the Ohio, had forced itself down the Mississippi, 
and they claimed the natural right of the use of this stream, 
throughout the Province of Louisiana, and to the ocean. On 
the other hand, it had become a matter of great interest to 
the Spanish authorities to derive a large revenue from this 
trade, by the imposition of transit and port duties. For this 
purpose, a revenue office, with a suitable guard, and a mili¬ 
tary post, was established at New-Madrid and other points, 
at which all boats were required to land, and comply with 
the revenue laws. These were enforced with great rigour, even 
to seizure and confiscation of the cargo. It requires but little 
knowledge ofthe character of the western people to know what 
effect these exactions and restrictions upon their trade would 
produce. They believed they had a right to navigate the 
river, free from all these impositions ; that the duties were 
exorbitant, oppressive and unjust. Under these impressions, 
it is not strange, that many of them should resist the laws, 
and disregard the attempts of the revenue officers to enforce 
them. In this manner, infrequently happened, that the west¬ 
ern traders were seized, fined and imprisoned, their cargoes 
confiscated as contraband or forfeited, and the owners or 
supercargoes discharged, penniless, to find their way home.* 
Occurrences of this kind had greatly incensed the western 
people, and disseminated a general discontent and opposi¬ 
tion. To such an extent had this vindictive feeling been car¬ 
ried in Kentucky, and upon the Cumberland, that a milita¬ 
ry invasion of Louisiana was devised, for redressing the 
wrongs of the western people, and seizing the port of New- 
Orleans, should the Federal Government, then negotiating 
on the subject, fail to obtain from Spain the free navigation 
of the Mississippi. So general had become this excitement, 


*Martin, as quoted by Monette. 


528 GENERAL WILKINSON^ MISSION TO NEVV-ORLEANS. 

that the Spanish Governor became exceedingly apprehensive 
of an invasion, to be carried against Louisiana, in defiance 
of the Federal authority. And the western people themselves, 
indignant at the failure of Congress to secure them the free use 
of their only outlet to market, were strongly tempted to sepa¬ 
rate from the Atlantic States, and to form for themselves an 
independent form of government, which would enable them 
to obtain from Spain, under one form or another, those com¬ 
mercial advantages which they were determined to possess.* 
Under this condition of things, Col. Wilkinson made 
an arrangement with the Spanish authorities, by which he 
secured permission for himself and a few others to trade 
with the city of New-Orleans, and to introduce, free of du¬ 
ties, many articles of western production. Some concession 
was made in favour of western commerce, and a slight 
relaxation of the rigour of the revenue laws followed. 

During Col. Wilkinson’s stay at New-Orleans, he was 
requested, by Governor Mero, to give his sentiments, freely, 
in writing, upon the political interests of Spain and the 
western people. This he did in a document of great length, 
which the Governor considered to be of such importance 
that it was transmitted to Madrid to be laid before the King 
of Spain. In this document, as copied from Butler, he urges 
“ the natural right of the western people, to follow the cur¬ 
rent of rivers flowing through their country, to the sea. He 
states the extent of the country ; the richness of the soil— 
abounding in and producing everything suited to foreign 
markets, to which they have no means of conveyance, should 
the Mississippi be shut against them. He sets forth, also, 
the advantages which Spain might derive from allowing 
them the free use of the river. He mentioned the rapid 
increase of population in the West, and the eagerness with 
which every individual looked forward to the navigation of 
that river, and described the general abhorrence with which 
the intelligence had been received, that Congress was about 
to sacrifice their dearest interests, by ceding to Spain, 
for twenty years, the navigation of the Mississippi ; and 


*Monette. 


MR. JAY’S ADVICE TO CONGRESS. 


529 


represents it as a fact, that they were then on the point of 
separating, on that account, from the Union. He addressed 
himself to the fears of the Governor, by an ominous dis¬ 
play of their strength; and argues the impolicy of Spain in 
being so blind to her own interest as to refuse them an ami¬ 
cable participation in the navigation of the river, and there- 

i 

by forcing them into violent measures. He assures the 
Spanish Governor that, in case of such an alternative, Great 
Britain stands ready, with expanded arms, to receive them 
and to assist their efforts to accomplish that object, and 
quotes a conversation of a member of the British Parlia¬ 
ment to that effect. He states the facility with which the 
province of Louisiana might be invaded by the united forces 
of the English and Americans—the former advancing from 
Canada, by the way of the Illinois, and the latter from the 
Ohio; and, also, the practicability of proceeding from Louisi¬ 
ana to Mexico, in a march of twenty days, and that, in case 

of such an invasion, Great Britain will aim at the possession 

■ ** 

of Louisiana and New-Orleans, and leave the navigation of 
the river free to the Americans ; and urged, forcibly, the 
danger to the Spanish interests in North America, with Great 
Britain in possession of the Mississippi, as she was already 
in possession of the St. Lawrence and the great lakes.” 

Mr. Jay, on being called upon by Congress, to communi¬ 
cate his views on the subject, said that his own opinion of 
the justice and importance of the claims advanced by the 
United States, had undergone no change, but that, under 
present circumstances, he thought it would be expedient to 
conclude a treaty with Spain, limited to twenty or thirty 
years, and for the United States to stipulate that during the 
term of the treaty, they would forbear to navigate the Mis¬ 
sissippi below their southern boundary. Sagacious as were, 
generally, the views of Mr. Jay, they have been outstripped, 
in this instance, by the growth of the Western country, 
beyond the anticipation of our wisest statesmen. Our pro¬ 
gress has been a race scarcely checked by an accident on 
the course.* Had the commercial limitation taken place 


34 


* Butler. 


530 


RESOLUTION OF CONGRESS. 


but for a few years, as then proposed by him, a flame would 
have been kindled, that must have consumed the feeble ties 
that bound the eastern to the western country. As it was, the 
bare rumour of what had been proposed, and the exaggerated 
statements of the contemplated surrender of a navigation of 
such vital importance to the West, naturally aroused the 
sensibilities of its citizens. Meetings were held at flifferent 
places. One of these represented “ a commercial treaty 
with Spain to be cruel, oppressive and unjust.” “ The pro¬ 
hibition of the navigation of the Mississippi, has astonished 
the whole western country. To sell us, and to make us vas¬ 
sals to the merciless Spaniards, is a grievance not to be 

• • 

borne.” A copy of these, and of similar proceedings, was 
laid before Congress, and in September of 1788, that body 
contradicted the rumour, and resolved: That the free 

navigation of the Mississippi, is a clear and an essential 
right of the United States, and that the same ought to be 
considered and supported as such.” 

To quiet the apprehensions of her western inhabitants, now 
upon the point of carrying into effect the dismemberment of 
the parent state, and the formation of the State of Franklin, 
the delegates from North-Carolina, in September of 1788, 
submitted to Congress a resolution, declaring that, 

“ Whereas, many citizens of the United States, who possess lands 
on the western waters, have expressed much uneasiness from a report 
that Congress are disposed to treat with Spain for the surrender of their 
claim to the navigation of the Mississippi River: In order, therefore, to 
quiet the minds of our fellow-citizens, by removing such ill-founded ap¬ 
prehensions, 

a Resolved, That the L nited States have a clear, absolute and unalien¬ 
able claim to the free navigation of the Mississippi; which claim is not 
only supported by the express stipulations of treaties, but by the great 
law of nature.” 

Virginia, too, had adopted similar resolutions. These de¬ 
cided measures tranquillized, for a time, the growing discon¬ 
tents of the western settlements, and prevented that aliena¬ 
tion oi feeling which, at one time, led them to repudiate their 
dependence upon their Atlantic countrymen, and to look for¬ 
ward to a connexion of some kind with their Spanish neigh¬ 
bours. 


MERO’S POLICY PARTLY SUCCESSFUL. 


531 


Colonel Wilkinson, in his statement to the Spanish Go¬ 
vernor, had artfully interwoven appeals, both to the interests 
and the fears of Spain. His diplomacy and address had 
succeeded in convincing Governor Mero of the policy of con¬ 
ciliating the western people, and of attaching them to the 
Spanish Government. For this purpose, he invited, by libe¬ 
ral grants of land, the citizens of Kentucky and Cumberland^ 
to emigrate to West Florida. To such as did not wish to emi¬ 
grate, he relaxed the exactions required by the revenue laws. 
While these conciliatory measures were exerting a salutary 
influence, he adopted others, intended to promote a polit¬ 
ical union between the western people and Upper Lou¬ 
isiana. A large American settlement was projected, west of 
the Mississippi, and between the mouth of the Ohio and the 
St. Francis River. To General Morgan, who was to settle 
this colony, a large grant of land was made. Here, soon 
after his arrival, was laid off the plan of a magnificent city, 
which, in honour of the Spanish capital, was called New- 
Madrid. This policy of gaining over the western people to 
an adherence to the Spanish interests, was not wholly unsuc¬ 
cessful. Many of them had been highly dissatisfied with the 
Federal Government, which had failed to secure them their 
right of free navigation ; and some were even favourably 
impressed with a future union with Louisiana. But this feel¬ 
ing was of short duration. The repeated infractions of his 
revenue laws, were followed by an order from Governor 
Mero to the Intendant, for a more rigorous enforcement of 
them. Seizures, confiscations, delays and imprisonments, be¬ 
came frequent and embarrassing to the traders upon the river, 
and Louisiana was again threatened with invasion from the 
Ohio. Hundreds of fiery spirits, in Kentucky and on the 
Cumberland, were anxious to embark in the enterprise.* 
The western people had long known, that notwithstanding 
her alliance with the United States in the war against Great 
Britain, Spain desired to weaken that Power by separating 
her American Colonies from her, more than to assist the 
new states in their struggle for independence. So soon as 


*Monette. 


532 


DIPLOMACY AND INTRIGUE OF SPAIN 


that object hacl been obtained, the Spanish Government, 
alarmed at the approach of the western settlements, and the 
consequent dissemination of republican principles among the 
colonists upon their border, adopted measures to restrain 
their expansion, and counteract their growth and influence; 
to check their commerce, to prevent the nearer approach of 
a population that had already manifested, both a martial 
spirit, and a capacity to govern themselves. 

In the meantime, the Anglo-American settlements had ex¬ 
tended far within the line claimed by Spain ; the emigrants 
on Holston, Cumberland and Kentucky, were already form¬ 
ing themselves into organized communities, and the jurisdic¬ 
tion of the United States was, by the ordinance of 1787, ex¬ 
tended over the North-western Territory. It was clearly seen 
that as Spain had not hitherto been able to prevent the occu¬ 
pancy of the extensive possessions she claimed in the West, 
so no means within her control, could secure the monopoly 
of navigating the Mississippi River. What could not be 
done by legitimate means, was hereafter to be effected by 
intrigue. “From the year 1788, we may date the settled 
policy of Spain, through her diplomatic and colonial author¬ 
ities, to endeavour, by diplomacy and intrigue, to acquire the 
western portion of the United States. The King approved 
the judicious policy of Governor Mero, relative to the indul¬ 
gences extended to the western people. The Court of 
Madrid was warned of the danger to be apprehended from 
the increasing power of the United States. Navarro por¬ 
trayed, in strong colours, the ambition of the Federal Go¬ 
vernment on the subject of western territory, and the thirst 
for conquest, which, he asserted, would be gratified only by 
the extension of their dominion to the Pacific Ocean. And 
as the only true policy for Spain to pursue, he recommended 
the necessity of dismembering the Federal Union, by pro¬ 
curing the separation of the western country from the At¬ 
lantic States. This accomplished, the danger to the Spanish 
provinces, from the encroachments of the Federal power, 
would immediately cease, and Spain would be at liberty to 
enter into negotiations, mutually advantageous to Louisiana 
and the western people, who were already impatient of the 


AND HER COLONIAL AUTHORITIES. 


533 


failures and delays of the Federal Government, to promote 
their interests. 

These suggestions of Navarro were well received at Court, 
and formed the basis of the subsequent policy of Spain and 
Louisiana towards the Federal Government and the western 
people respectively, and were the commencement of that 
series ol intrigues and vexatious court delays, which after¬ 
wards characterized the political relations of that Power 
towards the United States.* 

The policy of Spain invited emigrants into her provinces. 
1790 $ an ^ restored an amicable and mutually advantageous 
l trade between New-Orleans and the western settle¬ 
ments. Still, jealous}’ of the Federal Power was not allayed, 
and, indeed, it was much increased, by other occurrences 
which, about this time, took place, and greatly disquieted the 
Spanish authorities. The difficulties between North-Caro- 
lina and the State of Franklin had been adjusted, the parent 
state had ceded her western lands to Congress, and after her 
relinquishment of sovereignty over them, the extension of 
Federal jurisdiction over the “South-western Territory’’ took 
place. In further support of the claim to the boundaries 
stipulated for in the treaty of 1783, Commissioners on the 
part of the United Slates, had concluded a treaty of peace 
and limits with the chiefs of the Creek nation, which had 
been fully ratified by them in New-York. With the view of 
counteracting the effects of this treaty, especially as to boun¬ 
daries stipulated in it, another negotiation was made between 
the same nation and the Spanish authorities, prohibiting the 
opening of the boundary as agreed upon and ratified in 
New-York. For more than a year, the Creeks refused to 
run the line, and under the influence of Spanish emissaries, 
many of them were induced to assume a hostile attitude to 
the southern and south-western settlements. 

Another intrigue to increase the disaffection of the west¬ 
ern people, and alienate them from the Atlantic portion of 
the Union, manifested itself in this year. The inexecution 
by England, of the treaty of 1783, left in the possession of 


* Monette. 


534 


BARON DE CARONDELET SUCCEEDS MERO. 


that Power the posts of Detroit, Maumee and other points 
south of the lakes, and thus gave to her the virtual control 
of the North-western Territory. These forts had not been 
given up, according to the stipulations of the treaty, and 
were still held, probably with the vain hope of availing 
herself of a future contingency, to inflict some serious injury 
upon her late enemy, the United States. Engaged at this 
time in a war with Spain, England contemplated an invasion 
of Louisiana, through the Ohio River. Doctor Conolly, an 
emissary of the Earl of Dorchester, was despatched to the 
West, to sound the leading men of the country, and was au¬ 
thorized to give assurances of aid from Canada, in case of 
an invasion of the Spanish possessions by the Western 
people. A rumor was carefully circulated, “ that four thou¬ 
sand British troops were in readiness to march from Ca¬ 
nada at a moment’s warning.” These disclosures awakened 
suspicion that Conolly was a British spy, and he was con¬ 
veyed, with the utmost secrecy, out of the country. This 
treasonable conspiracy had a few advocates in the West, but 
with the people generally it found no favour. 

Baron de Carondelet, who succeeded MerQ, this year, 
1792 \ as Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, continued 
( the commercial privileges extended by his predeces¬ 
sor to the western people. New-Orleans, and indeed the 
whole Province, derived such advantage from this policy, 
that a partial infraction of the revenue laws was not only 
tolerated by the Minister of Finance, but was even justified 
by the King. To this propitiatory course, Spain was in¬ 
duced, not less by the suggestions of an enlarged and pro¬ 
found diplomatic policy, than the considerations of pecuniary 
1>7 93 j and local interest. “France and Spain were now 
( at war; and French emissaries sought, through the 
prejudice that had been roused against the Spaniards rela¬ 
tive to the navigation of the Mississippi, to instigate an in¬ 
vasion of Louisiana and Florida by the people of the United 
States, and if practicable, even a separation of the Western 
States, and an alliance with Louisiana under the dominion 
and protection of France.”* To carry into effect these pur- 

* Monctte. 


M. GENET ISSUES COMMISSIONS. 


535 


poses, M. Genet, the Minister of Republican France to the 
United States, issued commissions to several individuals, as 
officers in the French armies, with authority to raise troops 
in the western country, for the contemplated invasion and 
revolution of Lousiana. The settlements upon the Cumber¬ 
land and Ohio, were the theatre of their principal operations. 
Here, it cannot be concealed, existed elements favourable 
to the machinations of the indiscreet and impulsive Minis¬ 
ter. Apart from the occlusion of the mouth of the Missis¬ 
sippi, and the restrictions imposed upon their commerce by 
the policy of Spain, there was a spirit of undisguised dissatis¬ 
faction with the delay and failure of the Federal Govern¬ 
ment to secure, by negotiation, those rights, which now the 
West was able to extort by force. Besides—a fraternal sym¬ 
pathy united them to the people of France, and the recol¬ 
lection of the past, enlisted their co-operation with the French 
Republic. It is known that many of the best patriots on the 
frontier, contiguous to the possessions claimed by Spain, 
yielded for a time to the seductive influence of these feelings 
and prejudices, and it required all the vigilance and decision 
of Washington to arrest the expedition, and restrain the 
impulsive western soldiery from an invasion of Louisiana, an 
alliance with France and a possible separation from and dis¬ 
memberment of the Union. 

Apprehensive of the success of Genet and his emissaries 
upon the Cumberland and Ohio, the Baron de Carondelet 
adopted every measure to defend his province from the 
threatened danger. His forts, as high up the river as New- 
Madrid, were reinforced. As another method of precau- 
( tion, a treaty was concluded with the Chickasaws, 
l securing the alliance of that nation, and permission 
for the establishment of a military post within the present 
boundaries of Tennessee, near the mouth of Margot (Wolf) 
River. For this purpose, the Chickasaws ceded the fourth 
Bluff, with the view of erecting thereon a fort, which was to 
be kept in good repair, for the purpose of protecting Louisi¬ 
ana from any invasion from the United States. The fort 
was called “Fort San Ferdinando de Barancas,” and stood 


536 


CARONDELET RENEWS THE INTRIGUE 


upon the peninsula formed by the junction of the Margot 
and the Mississippi.* 

So successful had been the intrigue of M. Genet, in pro- 
{ ducing—rather in unveiling—a spirit of serious dis- 
l affection on the part of the people of the West with 
the Federal Administration, that Governor Carondelet took 
measures to secure the favour of the Western people to an 
alliance with Louisiana under the Spanish monarchy. He 
went so far as to authorize his emissary, Power, to promise 
every thing desired by the people, and to give them assurances 
of the readiness of the colonial government to furnish arms, 
ammunition and money, to sustain them in the attempt to throw 
off the authority of the Federal Government. 

At a period somewhat later, promise was made of grants 
of land, to such as would submit to the Spanish dominion ; 
while intimations were secretly disseminated among the un¬ 
suspecting people, that Spain would extend to them, as a 
community, every commercial advantage and privilege which 
could be desired, provided they were disconnected from the 
Federal Government. The Spanish Minister, resident in the 
United States, had declared unequivocally to his confidential 
correspondents, that unless the Western people would declare 
themselves independent of the Federal Power, and establish 
for themselves an independent form of government, Spain 
never would allow them the free navigation of the Missis¬ 
sippi ; “ but upon these terms, he was authorized and would 
engage to open the navigation of the riverf tyc .f 

The first settlers of Tennessee and Kentucky received, 
through the courtesy of the Spanish authorities, many com¬ 
mercial privileges, but they were unwilling to submit to the 
species of vassalage, implied by the manner in which the 
river commerce was enjoyed. The}^ could not receive as 
special favours, what they claimed as common and indefeasi¬ 
ble rights. 

At length, Spain, embarrassed in European wars, and still 

* Monette. This fort was also called Echore Margot, and was defended by 
eight pieces of eight pounder cannon, 
f Butler, as quoted by Monette. 


TO SEPARATE THE WEST FROM THE ATLANTIC. 


537 


apprehensive of invasion of her American possessions by 
the pioneers of the West—whom all her intrigues had been 
unable to seduce from their allegiance to the Union—inti¬ 
mated her willingness to negotiate on the points in contro¬ 
versy. Mr. Pinckney was appointed as Minister Plenipo¬ 
tentiary to the Court of Madrid, and a treaty was con¬ 
cluded and signed, on the 20th of October, 1705, covering 
the whole ground of controversy which, for more than ten 
years, had engaged the attention of both countries. 

In accordance with the provisions of that treaty, Mr. Elli- 
cott, the United States Commissioner, was in this year 
on the Mississippi, in order to run the boundar} r line 
and to receive the posts east of it. Here, most unex¬ 
pectedly, the territorial authorities of Spain interposed ob¬ 
jections. During the delay consequent upon these, another, 
and the last Spanish intrigue, was detected, the object of 
which was to continue, to Spain, the possession of the very 
territories she had bound herself to relinquish to the United 
States. A former emissary, Mr. Power, was despatched by 
the Baron de Carondelet, with proposals to the people of 
Kentucky and the inhabitants of the Western country gene¬ 
rally, to withdraw and separate themselves from the Fede¬ 
ral Union, and to form an independent government, wholly 
unconnected with the Atlantic States. The danger of per¬ 
mitting the Federal troops to take possession of the posts on 
the Mississippi River, was pointed out, and an offer of pecu¬ 
niary assistance, from the royal treasury at New-Orleans, to 
the amount of one hundred thousand dollars, was made by 
the Baron, for the purpose of organizing the new govern¬ 
ment ; and the same amount was to be furnished by his 
Catholic Majesty, for the purpose of raising and maintaining 
the troops which, immediately after the declaration of inde¬ 
pendence, were to take possession of Fort Massac. Twenty 
field pieces, ammunition and small arms, and every neces¬ 
sary appendage to an efficient army, were also to be placed 
within the fort. Ilis Catholic Majesty engaged, also, to 
assist the new government in subduing the Indian nations 
south of the Ohio, and agreed to be bound, by future treaty, 
to defend and support it, in preserving its independence, and 



538 


TREATY MADE AND BOUNDARY RUN. 


to grant them a decided preference, on commercial subjects, 
over his Atlantic connexions.* 

Some individuals on Cumberland and in Kentucky,had con¬ 
nived at the expedition, as proposed by Genet, against Lou¬ 
isiana, but the Western people, having now obtained the 
navigation of the Mississippi River, all their wishes were 
gratified, and Mr. Power received from them little encour¬ 
agement, and no promise of co-operation. 

The boundary was soon after run, and the posts surren¬ 
dered, as provided for in the treaty, and the angry contro¬ 
versy which had, for ten years, convulsed the Western 
country, was at an end. 

During that whole period of political excitement, it is 
worthy of remark, and highly creditable to the good sense 
and patriotism of the people of Tennessee, that they were, 
in no case, seduced into an abandonment of their rights and 
duty, nor of allegiance to their own country, and fidelity to 
their republican principles. The masses of them remained 
true and incorruptible. Isolated instances of individual de¬ 
fection, did occur. Prominent and ambitious men were found 
in different sections, sustained it may be, by here and there 
a partizan, not unwilling to elevate themselves at the immi¬ 
nent hazard of the welfare and permanent interest of the 
country. Among these there was little unanimity, and no 
well-digested concert of action. They gave rise, however, 
for the time being, to the following parties, as enumerated 
by Monette : 

I. In favour of forming a separate and independent re¬ 
public, under no special obligation of union, except as might 
be most advantageous. 


II. In favour of entering into commercial arrangements 
with Spain, and of annexing themselves to Louisiana, with 
all the advantages offered. 

III. Opposed to any Spanish connexion, and in favour of 
forcing the free navigation of the Mississippi by the arms of 
the United States, with the invasion of Louisiana and West 
Florida. 

IV. In favour of soliciting Republican France to claim a 


* Marshall, 


INTEGRITY OF WESTERN SETTLERS. 


539 


retrocession, or make a reconquest of Louisiana, and to ex¬ 
tend her protection to the western settlements. 

V. The strongest party, however, was in favour of new 
independent state organizations in the West, leaving it with 
the Federal Government to regulate the Mississippi and 
boundary questions with Spain. 

To estimate properly the virtue, the patriotism, the loyalty 
and the republicanism of the western people, when, with a 
noble disinterestedness and self-sacrificing devotion to the 
Union, they resisted these artful and powerful appeals to 
their sectional and local interests, let it be remembered, that 
the several communities to whom these appeals were made, 
had penetrated through a vast wilderness of desert and 
mountain—that their own courage had expelled a savage 
enemy—their own rifles had achieved their conquest—their 
own enterprise had planted and defended their settlements— 
their own efforts had made their fortunes, provided them 
a home, and the benefit of a simple, but stable government— 
that with little assistance from the old states, almost none 
from the General Government, the wilderness, under their 
own industry and culture, “blossomed as the rose and that 
the fertile banks of the navigable streams in the distant 
vallies, in whose bosoms they dwelt, were rewarding with a 
luxuriant harvest of rich fruits, their own labour, upon their 
own fields; that the intervention of hundreds of miles and 
great mountain ranges, insulated them from the commerce 
of their Atlantic countrymen, and that for the products of 
the whole West, there was but one great outlet to the ocean 
and to the markets of the world—the Mississippi River ; and 
that the right of freely navigating that stream, though gua¬ 
ranteed to them as a result of that Revolution which they 
had assisted to effect, and of those victories achieved in part 
by their valour, was still withheld from them, under the 
vexatious delay of Federal negotiation. Under such cir¬ 
cumstances of admitted neglect, disappointed expectation, 
deferred hope and accumulated wrong, to remain constant, 
and faithful, and loyal to the Union, is alike a rare instance, 
and evidence, of all that is heroic in forbearance, lofty in 
patriotism, and majestic in national virtue. Western purity 


540 


THE WEST REMAINED UNSEDUCED. 


remained unseduced by the coquetry of monarchical intrigue, 
and the stern virtue and primitive integrity of the simple- 
hearted pioneer and hunter, resisted the art and baffled the 
designs of the diplomatist and the emissary. 

The negotiation on the subject of boundaries, and of the 
right of navigating the Mississippi, extending, as it did, 
through ten years, has been thus presented in one general 
view. It will serve to explain and illustrate some smaller 
incidents, detailed on other pages, as they took place, con¬ 
nected with the early settlements of Tennessee. 


TERRITORY OF UNITED STATES SOUTH OF OHIO RIVER. 541 


CHAPTER VII 

TERRITORY OF THE UNITED STATES SOUTH OF OHIO RIVER. 

Having accepted the deed of cession from North-Carolina, 
Congress soon after passed a law for the government 
of the “ territory south-west of the River Ohio.” The 
ordinance itself, and the act of Congress amendatory of it, 
passed August 7, 1789. 

Provision being thus made for the government of the ter¬ 
ritory, it remained for the President to nominate suitable 
officers to carry the Territorial Government into operation. 
Several gentlemen, of acknowledged capacity and worth, 
were presented to President Washington, for the appoint¬ 
ment of Governor. Patrick Henry recommended to him Mr. 
Mason of Virginia. But there was an obvious propriety in 
selecting, for this station, a citizen of the state which had 
ceded the territory, and who was presumed, on that account, 
to be familiar with the circumstances and interests con¬ 
nected with and involved in the cession. William Blount, 
of North-Carolina, received the appointment of Governor. 
He has been heretofore mentioned in these pages, as the 
vigilant agent of his state, and the faithful guardian of the 
interests of North-Carolina, at the treaty of Hopewell. He 
was of an ancient English family, of wealth and rank, 
which, at an early day, emigrated to Carolina. The name 
is often mentioned in the annals of that state during the 
Revolution. Charles, James and Benjamin Blount, were all 
civil or military officers during that period. William Blount 
was one of the deputies from North-Carolina to the Conven¬ 
tion which formed the Constitution of the United States. It 
was on this occasion, probably, that General Washington, 
the President of the Convention, first became acquainted 
with him, and, appreciating his qualifications for the public 
service, his discernment selected him for the important posi¬ 
tion of Governor of the new Territory. He was remarkable 



542 GOVERNOR BLOUNT ARRIVES IN THE TERRITORY, 

for great address, courtly manners, benignant feelings, and a 
most commanding presence, r His urbanity—his personal in¬ 
fluence over men of all conditions and ages—his hospitality, 
unostentatiously, but yet elegantly and gracefully extended 
to all, won upon the affections and regard of the populace, 
and made him a universal favourite. He was at once the 
social companion, the well-bred gentleman and the capable 
officer.' He received his commission as Governor of the 
Territory, August 7, 1790. On the 10th of October, he 
reached the theatre of his new and important public duty on 
the frontier, amidst a people unacquainted as yet with the 
forms and usages of old and refined society, but unsurpassed 
any where in all the strong traits of character which form 
the man, the patriot and the citizen. At first, he made his 
residence at the house of William Cobb, in the fork of Hol- 
ston and Watauga Rivers, not far from the Watauga Old 
Fields, where was planted, twenty years before, the germ of 
the future Tennessee.* Mr. Cobb was a wealthy farmer, an 
emigrant from North-Carolina, no stranger to comfort and 
taste, nor unaccustomed to what, in that da}*, was called 
style. Like the old Carolina and Virginia gentlemen, he 
entertained elegantly, with profusion rather than with plenty, 
without ceremony and without grudging. Like theirs, his 
house was plain, convenient, without pretension or show. 
His equipage was simple and unpretending. He kept his 
horses, his dogs, his rifles, even his traps, for the use, comfort 
and entertainment of his guests. His servants, his rooms, 
his grounds, were all at their bidding. They felt themselves 
at home, and never said adieu to him or his family, without 
the parting regret and the tenderness of an old friendship. 

It was here, and under such circumstances, that Governor 
Blount opened and held his court in the ancient woods of 
old Sullivan. The President had associated with him, in the 
administration of the Territorial Government, as Judges, 
David Campbell and Joseph Anderson. The former had 
held a like position under the State of Franklin, and subse¬ 
quently, under the authority of North-Carolina. The latter 


* Mss. furnished by General Deery, then of Blountsville. 


AND ASSUMES ITS GOVERNMENT. 


543 


had been an officer in the Continental service during the 
war of the Revolution. 

Governor Blount proceeded to appoint and commission the 
officers, civil and military, for the counties forming the 
District of Washington. Those holding office under North- 
Carolina, generally continued to serve in the same capacity 
under the Territorial Government ; a new commission and 
a new oath of office were required. The oath was admin¬ 
istered by Judge Campbell, in the presence of the Governor. 
The names of some of those commissioned by him are here 
given. 

Washington County, Nov. Term, 1790.—Charles Robertson, John 
Campbell, Edmond Williams, John Chisholm, Magistrates. James 
Sevier, was appointed Clerk—a position he occupied under the 
Franklin organization, under the authority of North-Carolina, during 
the Territorial Government, and under the State of Tennessee up to the 
time of his death in 1842. 

Sullivan County.— The first Court was held December, 1790, when 
the magistrates commissioned by the Governor were sworn into office by 
Judge Campbell. 

Greene County, February Session, 1791.—Present, Joseph Har¬ 
din, John Newman, William Wilson, John McNabb and David Ran¬ 
kin. Daniel Kennedy was appointed Clerk—an office he had also held 
under each of the preceding governments, and which he retained many 
years afterwards. At this session, David Allison and Wm. Cocke were 
admitted Attorneys. 

Hawkins County, Dec. Term, 1790.—Richard Mitchell received the 
appointment of Clerk from Governor Blount. 

The same gentleman also became, for a time, the Private 
Secretary of the Governor. He yet (1852) survives, in a 
green old age, an intelligent chronicle of past events. To 
him is this writer indebted for’some of the incidents detailed 
in these pages. 

Having commissioned the necessary officers in Washing¬ 
ton District, Governor Blount, on the 27th of November, set 
out for the District of Mero, then composed of Davidson, 
Sumner and Tennessee counties, to make similar appoint¬ 
ments there. 

The Governor had, in all the counties, appointed military 
officers below the grade of brigadier-generals. These he 
could not appoint, but recommended to the President, Col. 
John Sevier, as the brigadier for Washington, and Col. 


544 


MAJOR KING VISITS CHEROKEES. 


James Robertson, for Mero District. These appointments 
were afterwards confirmed accordingly. 

In his tour, passing through the Territory from one extreme 
settlement to the other, Governor Blount endeavoured to 
make himself familiar with its condition and wants, so as to 
enable him the better to discharge his official duties, to the 
satisfaction of the Government, and with benefit to the people 
His instructions from the Executive, were to restore and 
maintain peaceful relations with the Indians. To effect this, 
he had sent Major King to the Cherokee nation, with an in¬ 
vitation to meet and hold a treaty with the whites the suc¬ 
ceeding May. This proposition was now more likely to be 
accepted, as the Creeks had entered into terms o peace in 
August of the last year, at New-York. Major King found 
the Cherokees divided into two parties, of which Hanging 
Maw was the leader of the northern, as the Little Turkey 
was of the southern party. At the time of his mission, Ma¬ 
jor King found each of them disposed to negotiate. 

The settlements formed in the Territory, at the time Go¬ 
vernor Blount assumed the government of it, extended from 
the Virginia line on the east, in a peninsular shape, southwest 
to the waters of Little Tennessee, a distance of about one 
hundred and fifty miles in length, by a width no where 
more than fifty, and in some places less than twenty-five 
miles. This narrow strip of inhabited country, was bounded 
on the south by a constant succession of mountains, claimed, 
if not occupied, by the Indians. On the west, by the Indian 
territory then in their occupancy ; and on the north and 
northwest, by the Clinch and Cumberland Mountains. In¬ 
deed, the settled country was confined to the valleys of the 
Holston, the Nollichucky, and the French Broad and Little 
Rivers below the mountains. All the rest of what is now 
East Tennessee, was either covered over with Cherokee 
villages, or frequented by the Indians in their hunting and 
predatory excursions. The white population thus insulated, 
was quite small. It was estimated that Washington District 
contained less than thirty thousand inhabitants. Besides 
these, there were, along the Cumberland Valley and its 
lower tributaries, settlements still more feeble and more ex- 


blount’s familiarity with Indian affairs. 


545 


posed to Indian assault and aggression—entirely insulated by 
desert wilds, and dissociated from all contact with civil¬ 
ized neighbours. Mero District contained about seven 
thousand inhabitants ; while the four southern Indian tribes 
numbered above twenty thousand warriors alone. 

Between those two remote sections of the Territory, there 
1790 S was 110 direct communication, either by land or water. 

( The rapids and shoals in the Tennessee, and the 
ascent of the Ohio and Cumberland, was an obstacle to the 
latter ; and the intervention of a wilderness^and a mountain^ 
made the other difficult, if not impracticable, to any but In¬ 
dian marches. 

At the commencement of Governor Blount’s administra¬ 
tion, the Cherokees resided upon, and many of them within, 
the boundaries of the Territory, upon lands which they 
claimed, but much of which had been granted by North-Ca- 
rolina to her citizens, and a whole section of which had been 
occupied and settled under the laws and treaties of Franklin. 
The Chickasaws claimed also, but did not reside upon, the 
country between the Tennessee and Mississippi. Much of 
their claim was covered by grants from North-Carolina, but 
none of it was settled. It furnished a hidden retreat, and a 
thoroughfare, inaccessible to the whites, through which con¬ 
stant intercommunication was had, between the southern and 
northern tribes, and foreign emissaries, who sought to incite 
them against the intervening American settlements. The 
Choctaws and Creeks had no valid claim to any part of the 
Territory, but each of them had settled, and permitted Span¬ 
iards to reside in, their towns, near the Great Bend of Ten¬ 
nessee. 

With the local condition of these tribes, Governor Blount 
had been long familiar, as well as with all the circumstances 
bv which they were surrounded, and would continue to be 
affected. He had been often a member of the Legislature of 
his native state, North-Carolina, and was well acquainted 
with the exposed condition of the West, and had been active, 
as a member, in meliorating that condition. Having been a 
member of the old Congress, of the Convention that formed 
the Constitution of the United States, and likewise of the 
35 


546 


BLOUNT APPOINTED SUPERINTENDENT 


State Convention that ratified and adopted it, on the part of 
North-Carolina, and also a member of its legislature in 1789, 
when the Cession was made, and of which he was a zealous 
advocate, his appointment gave general satisfaction. 

'' Mr. Blount also received the appointment of Superinten¬ 
dent of Indian Affairs. To his selection for the joint duties 
thus assigned him, President Washington was led by the ur¬ 
gent solicitation, and at the unanimous recommendation of 
the members of the legislature of 1789, who were present as 
representatives from the western counties. It is believed 
that no one was better qualified than he, to reconcile the con¬ 
flicting elements that had estranged, to some extent, the 
western citizens, after the dissolution of the Franklin Go¬ 
vernment ; none, with more ability and fidelity, to regulate 
Indian affairs between the Government of the United States, 
the people of the Territory, the Indian tribes, and the frontier 
population generally. 

The superintendency of Indian affairs embraced the four 
southern tribes—the Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws and Chick- 
asaws. Some judgment may be formed of the difficult, re¬ 
sponsible and delicate duties these two offices devolved on 
the Governor, by a brief reference to the posture of affairs 
when he received his appointments. The Territory over 
which Governor Blount was called to preside, bordered upon 
the frontiers of Virginia, North and South-Carolina, Georgia 
and Kentucky, within the boundaries of which, as well as 
his own Territory, all the southern tribes either resided or 
claimed hunting grounds. The interests and pursuits of this 
entire frontier, constantly produced collision, if not hostility, 
between the whites and the several Indian tribes. All com¬ 
plaints on whatsoever subject, between these parties, were 
cognizable by, and made to Mr. Blount, for redress or palli¬ 
ation. This duty was arduous in the extreme, and delicate. 
There were in all of the tribes, several distinct parties, 
swayed by opposite influences, some adhering to the United 
States, some to the Spanish authorities south and west of 
them, who held a number of trading and military posts, not 
only in Florida, but within the limits of the United States, 
east of the Mississippi. The British still held possession of 


OF SOUTHERN INDIAN AFFAIRS. 


547 


a number of posts of like character on the lakes, and in the 
northwest, within the boundaries of the treaty of 1783, and 
from these emanated counsels unfriendly to the peace and 
extension of the territorial settlements. On account of ex¬ 
isting foreign negotiation, Governor Blount was restricted by 
his instructions from the Federal Government, to defensive 
measures only ; offensive measures against the southern tribes 
being forbidden by the delicate and unsettled posture of af¬ 
fairs between the United States and England, and the 
United States and Spain. Foreign intrigue had been suc¬ 
cessful in fomenting quarrels in portions of each tribe, and 
in stimulating invasions and strifes between some of the seve¬ 
ral Indian nations within the superintendency. To reconcile 
all these animosities between savages, and to protect his Ter¬ 
ritory from their injurious effects, required frequent confer¬ 
ences and correspondence, imposing a Herculean labour upon 
Mr. Blount. His correspondence with the Governors of ad¬ 
joining States, with the Secretary of War, and with the au¬ 
thorities of Spain, is extensive and minute. Being well pre¬ 
served in the printed archives of state, at Washington, but 
a small portion of them need be transferred to these pages. 
To keep the Indian tribes quiet—to conciliate their friend¬ 
ship to the United States—to save the Territory from inva¬ 
sion, and to neutralize and prevent foreign influence, and, at 
the same time, not to jeopardize negotiations then pending 
required a high degree of administrative capacity and diplo¬ 
matic talent. In the discharge of these arduous duties, Go¬ 
vernor Blount was aided by his two private secretaries, his 
brother, the late Governor Willie Blount, and the late Hon. 
Hugh Lawson White, whose lives, as will be hereafter seen 
in the prosecution of these Annals, were spent in the service, 
and identified with the interest, and character, and honour of 
Tennessee. 

Along the frontiers of the four eastern counties, were seve¬ 
ral forts and stations, rudely constructed by the inhabitants 
in times of imminent danger, but furnishing no adequate pro¬ 
tection. These were manned, generally, by the militia of 
the neighbourhood, under no permanent organization. 

About one thousand men, capable of bearing arms, resi- 


548 


DUTIES OF GOVERNOR BLOUNT 


ded west of the Cumberland Mountains—confined, princi¬ 
pally, to a circle embraced by a radius of less than forty 
miles, of which Nashville was the centre. Beyond that 
circle was an unsettled wilderness of almost indefinite ex¬ 
tent, used only as Indian hunting grounds. Whilst, on the 
other hand, the Indian population of the tribes surrounding, 
furnished not less than from thirty to fifty thousand* fight¬ 
ing men, in alliance with more distant tribes in the north¬ 
west, and in friendly intercourse with military posts occupied 
by British and Spanish garrisons, the commanders of which 
were in the habit of issuing trading licenses, alike to native 
and foreign companies, who resided among the Indians. 
Such were the posts of Mobile, Pensacola, St. Marks, St. 
Augustine, Baton Rouge, New-Madrid, Cape Gerardeau, St. 
Genevie and St. Louis, where supplies were kept, and am¬ 
munition and arms furnished, to the Indians, to excite them 
to commit murder and depredation upon the citizens of the 
Territory, then, except on its eastern extremity, an exposed 
and defenceless frontier—extending, with the meanders of 
the several treaty lines, nearly a thousand miles. A border, 
thus extensive and thus exposed, invited attnck. Several 
invasions, as will be hereafter more specially detailed, were 
carried on by the Indians, in large bodies, not only against 
the border settlements, but extending to the interior and 
better settled neighbourhoods. Instructed, as he was, to 
refrain from offensive war, and to act purely on the defen¬ 
sive, Governor Blount was, of course, often and severely 
censured, for affording so inefficient protection to the people of 
the Territory. The aggressions upon them were frequent, nu¬ 
merous, and of several years continuance. They gave rise to 
many complaints, not only by his own people, but by those of 
other states contiguous to his superintendency. The people 
complained that offensive measures were not vigorously adopt¬ 
ed—the Indians, that they were adopted—and the Executive 
and Congress of the United States, that the expenses of pro¬ 
tecting the frontier were so great, and accumulated so 
rapidly. These complaints the Governor bore with equa¬ 
nimity. The people, at length, ascertaining that the fault 

* Blount Papers. 


WERE LABORIOUS, DELICATE AND RESPONSIBLE. 


549 


was not with him, withheld their censures, and generally 
sustained his authority. 

Some of the duties assigned to the Governor were com¬ 
plex, delicate and difficult. Much of the land in Greene and 
Hawkins counties, entered and held by the inhabitants, 
according to the provisions of the laws of North-Carolina, 
were south and west of the line described as the line of 
allotment in the fourth Article of the Treaty of Hopewell. 
Some settlers had crossed Clinch River in violation of the 
same treaty ; and the entire population south of French 
Broad and Holston, were upon lands reserved to the Chero- 
kees, as hunting grounds, by the legislation of the mother 
state, but yet relinquished by the Indians at the treaties held 
under the authority of Franklin—an authority denied by 
North-Carolina, and not recognized by the United States. 
These were only a part of the embarrassments which Go¬ 
vernor Blount had to encounter. The provisions of the 
treaty of Hopewell, for the delivery of property stolen by 
the Indians, during the Revolution, were not only disregarded 
by them, but additional thefts were constantly practiced, 
both by Cherokees and Creeks, upon the citizens of the Ter¬ 
ritory. This 'disregard of treaty stipulations by one party, 
led to a like disregard and violation of treaties by all. A 
proclamation from the Federal Executive, warning intruders 
upon Indian territory to withdraw within the treaty limits, 
and others to observe and comply with treaty stipulations, 
were issued, but, as the Indians broke the treaty, the whites 
refused to perform its requirements on their part, and the 
proclamation was disregarded. s 

Another serious difficulty presented itself. By an act of 
the State of Georgia, disposing of certain vacant lands, 
three million and a half acres of land, lying south of Ten¬ 
nessee River, were conveyed to the Tennessee Company, con¬ 
sisting of Zachariah Cox, Thomas Gilbert and John Strother, 
Esquires, and their associates. The proprietors took mea¬ 
sures, soon after, to effect a settlement of their purchase. 
Zachariah Cox and Thomas Carr, as agents of the Company, 
repaired to the Territory, and there, Sept. 2d, 1790, issued 


550 


cox’s EXPEDITION DESCENDS 


an advertisement that it would embark a large armed force 
at the mouth of French Broad. The fleet was to start Jan. 
10, 1791, carrying, in the boats, such emigrants as desired to 
settle near the Muscle Shoals. A bounty of five hundred 
acres was offered to each family, and half of that quantity 
to each single man. A land office was opened for the dis¬ 
position of these lands, which was to be kept at the conflu¬ 
ence of Holston and French Broad till the company embarked, 
and was then to be opened at the Great Bend. Undoubted 
fee simple titles were promised to the adventurers. 

Against this projected settlement, and two others, known 
as the South-Carolina Yazoo Company, and the Virginia 
Yazoo Company, the Secretary of War earnestly remonstra¬ 
ted, and the President issued a proclamation, forbidding the 
intended settlement, and declaring that those who made them 
would be considered, to all intents and purposes, entirely 
without the protection of the United States. 

A copy of this proclamation the Governor communicated 
to such agents and employees of the Company, as were 
then in the Territory and preparing to embark on the pro¬ 
jected expedition ; with the declaration, that if the expedition 
should go forward to the Muscle Shoals, he would at once 
acquaint the Indians of its movements, who should be at 
liberty to act towards the Company as they might think right 
without offence to the United States. 

Not deterred by the Federal prohibitions, Col. Plubbardt, 
1791 $ P e ^ er Bryant, and fifteen others, embarked at the 
( mouth of Dumplin, and went with Zachariah Cox to 
take possession of the Tennessee Grant, near the Muscle 
Shoals. In a small boat and two canoes, and with so few 
men, the enterprise was hazardous in the extreme. The 
“ Narrows” were still in the occupancy of the same sa¬ 
vage hordes, who, in 1788, had butchered and captured 
Colonel Brown’s company. His sad fate was a warning, 
which Hubbardt and his comrades could not disregard. They 
proceeded with the utmost caution and circumspection. Be^ 
low the Suck, at the Indian Old Fields, a small party of In¬ 
dians came out in their canoes and hailed them. The same 


THE RIVER TO MUSCLE SHOALS. 


551 


number of white men were sent out to meet them, advancing 
firmly with their rifles in their hands, but with orders not to 
fire till the last extremity. Their canoe floated down to¬ 
wards the Indians, who observing their preparation for at¬ 
tack, withdrew and disappeared. A little further down, 
night overtook the voyagers, and when, from the dangers of 
the navigation at night, it was proposed to steer to the shore, 
they saw upon the bank a row of fires, extending along the 
bottoms as far as they could see, and standing around them 
armed Indian warriors. They silenced their oars by pouring 
water upon the oar pins—spake not a word, but glided by 
as silently as possible. The dogs barked from the bank. 
The Indians rekindled their fires and appeared to listen. 
The boat escaped. Several times next day the Indians tried, 
by various artifices, to decoy them to land. On one occasion 
three of them insisted, in English, to come and trade with 
them. After they refused and had passed by, three hundred 
warriors rose out of ambush. They were then beyond the 
reach of their guns, and escaped. For three days and nights 
they did not land, but doubled on their oars—beating to the 
south side at night, and in the middle of the river through 
the day. 

Cox and his party built a block-house, and erected other 
works of defence, on an island, at the Muscle Shoals. The 
Glass, with about sixty Indians, appeared shortly afterwards, 
and informed them, if they did not peaceably withdraw, he 
would put them to death. After some further conference, 
the works were abandoned. The Indians immediately re¬ 
duced the works to ashes. 

A bill of indictment was twice sent to the Grand Jury 
against Cox and his associates, at the next term of the Su¬ 
perior Court of Washington District, but the indictment was 
not sustained as a true bill. 

Another source of embarrassment to Governor Blount, was 
the immature negotiation with Spain concerning bounda¬ 
ries, the navigation of the Mississippi, and the treaties of 
that Power with the Indians. The delicate posture of that 
negotiation required caution and forbearance on the part of 
the western people, and subjected the Government and its 


552 


REPULSE AT HOUSTON’S STATION. 


agents, at that time, and for years after, to very serious com¬ 
plaints, censure and opposition. 

A fort, about ten miles from Maryville, had in it several 
1790 \ f am ^ es ’ but only seven gunmen. It consisted of a 
l rudely constructed cabin, one story high, provided, 
though, with the usual defences, port-holes, etc.y A large 
party of two or three hundred Indians approached it, with 
the evident design to attack and destroy it. This they could 
have undoubtedly effected with suitable resolution, but 
were deterred by the method adopted for its defence. The 
besieged, of whom James Houston, the narrator, was one, 
reserved their fire till the assailants were near enough for 
very decisive and certain aim. The discharge at that mo¬ 
ment, of the seven rifles, was calculated to impress the enemy 
with the belief that a more formidable force was lodged 
within. The firing was repeated with great vigour. The 
savages picked up their dead and wounded, and retired. The 
fort did not lose a man. 

Indian aggression had become so frequent and general, 
1701 ( on every part of the extensive frontiers of the United 
l States, that Congress passed an act for their defence, 
authorizing the President to call mounted militia into the 
field, and to increase the defences of the country by new le¬ 
vies. These were ordered to rendezvous at Fort Washing¬ 
ton, to be placed under the command of General St. Clair, to 
be employed in an expedition meditated against the Indian 
villages on the Miamis. A requisition for that purpose was 
made upon the forces of the Territory. 

The President required three hundred and thirty-two men 
from the District of Washington, to be enrolled at the ear¬ 
liest moment, and ready to march to the head-quarters of 
Gen. St. Clair, at Fort Washington. For once, the militia of 
the country did not turn out with their usual alacrity. The 
term of service was longer than they had been accustomed 
to, and they were required to take an oath to obey command 
of officers whom they-did not know, and in whose selection 
their voice was not heard. A draft was had, and many hired 
substitutes. 


LEVIES SENT TO GENERAL ST. CLAIR. 


553 


Most of the civil, and nearly all of the military, appoint¬ 
ments made for the Territory by Governor Blount, were 
conferred upon the former officers of the State of Franklin. 
Considerable dissatisfaction was excited, and a petition was 
got up, remonstrating against the acts of the Governor. 

The opposition thus raised against the administration 
of Governor Blount, was occasioned principally by his efforts, 
and those of General Sevier, to raise the United States levies, 
then wanted for the reinforcement of the north-western army. 
The terms, especially as to the period of the enlistment for 
the quotas to be sent from the Territory, were very formal, 
and different from the volunteering system which had so 
long obtained with the western militia. The period of ser¬ 
vice with them had always been short, and they never parted 
with the right of choosing their own officers. 

A further reason for the hesitanc} 7- of the Territorial mili¬ 
tia to join St. Clair, was the inadequacy of the defensive 
measures nearer home. Still, there was no relaxation, on 
the part of the Governor, to send forward the levies from 
the Territory. He was himself engrossed with pressing 
duties, growing out of his superintendency, and found it 
necessary to devolve on General Sevier the task of organi¬ 
zing the battalion. Writing to him, under date May 24, 
1791, Governor Blount says : “ The necessity I am under to 
meet the Cherokees, in treaty, on the last day of this month, 
will not permit me, after Thursday next, to pay but very 
little attention to these troops.” 

Major Rhea was appointed to the command—the battalion 
was organized and ordered to march, and, before July 15, 
had started with two hundred men to Fort Washington. 
Such of the troops as reached the scene of action did their 
duty, and fully sustained the character of their countrymen 
for conduct and courage. 

Among the troops sent to the army of St. Clair, raised in 
the South-western Territory, was the company commanded 
by Captain Jacob Tipton. About to leave on that distant 
and perilous service, he had taken his farewell of his family, 
and had mounted his horse. He hallooed back to his wife, 
requesting her, that if he should be killed, to alter the name 


554 


HEROISM OF THE TIPTONS. 


of their son William, and call him, for himself, Jacob. The 
presentiment which suggested the request, was unhappily 
realized. At the battle of the fourth November, 1791, the 
brave captain was killed. His last injunction to his wife 
was complied with. William became Jacob Tipton, late 
General Jacob Tipton, of Tipton county, Tennessee, which 
was thus named, in 1821, by the Tennessee Legislature, in 
honour of the patriotic captain.* 

In the meantime, Governor Blount was directing attention 
to the great subject of procuring a lasting peace between 
the Cherokees and the people of the United States. He had, 
during the last year, sent, through Major King and others, 
invitations to their chiefs, to meet him for that purpose in 
treaty. Some mischievous men on the frontier and in the 
nation, had circulated a report that it was the intention of 
the Governor to draw them to the treaty ground, and there 
have them all cut off. To counteract such reports, which 
were keeping back some of the more influential leaders, in 
the more interior towns, General Robertson, who always 
had their entire confidence as an honest and frank man, 
went to their nation early in June. He succeeded in quiet¬ 
ing their apprehensions and removing the unfavourable 
impressions they entertained towards the LTnited States, and 
in disposing them to treat. At first, they proposed to meet 
at the confluence of Holston and French Broad, and to this 
General Robertson assented. But they were at length in¬ 
duced to yield to the preferences of Governor Blount, who 
designated a point four miles below, on the north bank of 
Holston River, as the most convenient and suitable place for 
holding the treaty. There, was a denser settlement, of which 

* Another Tennessean, of the same name and family, was distinguished after¬ 
wards at Tippecanoe. He left his native state with an axe and a rifle for his 
patrimony. He subsequently became Senator in Congress, and one of the most 
prominent men in Indiana. Of him the anecdote is narrated, which we have seen 
in the public journals, where General Harrison is represented as riding up in the 
heat of the battle, inquiring of the young Tipton—“ Where is your captain ?” 
“ Dead ! sir.” “ Your lieutenant ?” “ Dead ! sir.” “ Your second lieutenant ?” 
“ Dead ! sir.” “ Your ensign ?” “ He stands before you !” where Tipton then 

stood, holding and defending the flag, but so covered with dirt and so besmeared 
with blood, that General Harrison scarcely knew him. 


INDIAN TREATY AT KNOXVILLE. 


555 


White’s Fort was the centre, and where, indeed, there was 
already the nucleus of the future Knoxville and the seat of 
the Territorial Government. 

It would be desirable to present here, a full and minute 
account of this negotiation with the Cherokee chiefs and the 
Superintendent of the Southern District. This, together with 
the treaty itself, were laid before the Senate, in October fol¬ 
lowing, by President Washington, for its advice and ratifi¬ 
cation. The proceedings are not on record or on file in the 
War Department, and cannot be procured elsewhere. Tra¬ 
dition says that Governor Blount received and entertained 
the chieftains and head warriors with signal attentions and 
marked ceremonials. The treaty ground was at the foot of 
Water-street, where the Governor appeared in full dress. 
He wore a sword and military hat, and acted throughout 
the occasion the polite and accomplished gentleman, the dig¬ 
nified officer and courteous negotiator. He remained seated 
near his marquee, under and surrounded by the tall trees 
which then shaded the banks of the Holston. His officers, 
civil and military, stood near him, uncovered and respectful. 
On this occasion, James Armstrong was arbiter elegantia- 
rum. % Behind the officials, in clusters and disorderly groups, 
stood strangers, attracted by the occasion, and the citizens 
of the immediate neighbourhood. The soldiery were not 
present. 

One of the interpreters, in Indian costume, introduced each 
chief to Armstrong, and he presented him to the Governor, 
announcing him by his aboriginal name. The delegation 
was large ; forty-one of them being thus presented, in order 
according to their age, and not their rank. Twelve hundred 
other Indians were upon the ground, among whom were 
some women and children. The Braves were decorated 
with eagle feathers on their heads, and other insignia of their 

* James Armstrong, alias Trooper Armstrong, the ancestor of General Robert 
Armstrong, the hero of Emuckfaw and other battles in the Creek ‘ war, and at 
present the editor of the Washington Union. The father had seen service in 
Europe, and was familiar with foreign etiquette and manners, and acquitted him¬ 
self on this occasion much to the satisfaction, both of the Governor and the In¬ 
dians. The latter are always pleased with ceremony and forms. 


556 


CHEROKEE BOUNDARIES. 


rank, but were unarmed. The older chiefs and wise men, 
wore only the common Indian dress. 

After the presentation was over, Governor Blount, speak¬ 
ing through the interpreter, opened the conference. During 
its continuance, the chiefs observed strictly the Indian Coun¬ 
cil House tactics—the speaker alone standing, while his 
colleagues sat upon the ground, in a circle around him, in 
respectful silence and with fixed attention. Squollecuttah, 
Kunoskeskie, Auquotague and Nenetoo} r ah, are said to have 
been the principal speakers. Chuquilatague seemed sullen, 
and, it is believed, signed the treaty reluctantly. 

On the second of July, the conference was ended, and the 
treaty agreed to and signed. 

By its provisions, perpetual peace and friendship were re¬ 
stored and established between all the citizens of the United 
States, and the whole Cherokee nation of Indians, who ac¬ 
knowledged themselves to be under the protection of the 
United States, and of no other sovereign whatsoever. They 
agreed to deliver to Governor Blount all prisoners then in 
their nation, the boundaries of which were declared to be— 

“ Beginning at the top of the Currahee Mountain, where the Creek 
line passes it ; thence in a direct line to Tugelo River; thence northeast 
to the Ocunna Mountain, and over the same along the South-Carolina 
Indian boundary to the North-Carolina boundary; thence north to a 
point from which a line is to be extended to the River Clinch, that shall 
pass the Holston at the ridge which divides the waters running into Lit¬ 
tle River from those running into the Tennessee; thence up the River 
Clinch to Campbell’s line, and along the same to the top of Cumberland 
Mountain; thence a direct line to the Cumberland River where the 
Kentucky road crosses it; thence down the Cumberland River to a point 
from which a southwest line will strike the ridge which divides the wa- 
ters of Cumberland from those of Duck River, forty miles above Nash¬ 
ville ; thence down the said ridge to a point from whence a southwest 
line will strike the mouth of Duck River. 

For the country thus ceded, the United States were to pay 
and deliver to the Cherokees certain valuable goods, besides 
an annuity of one thousand dollars. It was farther stipula¬ 
ted, that the citizens of the United States should have the 
free and unmolested use of a road, from Washington to Mero 
District, and the navigation of the Tennessee River. The 
right of regulating their trade, was also reserved to the 


557 


FIRST PRINTING PRESS IN TENNESSEE. 

United States. Other provisions were made for the preser¬ 
vation of friendly relations between the contracting parties. 

This treaty was ratified in November following, when the 
President issued his proclamation commanding its observ¬ 
ance. 

During the inception and progress, and even after the 
1791 \ signing and execution of the Treaty of Holston, In- 
i dian hostility continued. In May, John Farris was 
wounded, and Mr. Miller and five of his family killed, and 
his house robbed, on the Rolling Fork of Cumberland. In 
Russell county, Virginia, near Moccasin Gap, Mrs. Mc¬ 
Dowell and Frances Pendleton were killed and scalped. 

A few days after the signing of the treat} 7 , a party of 
Creeks were seen on the Lookout Mountain, with fresh 
scalps, which they acknowledged had been taken on Cum¬ 
berland. It was generally conjectured, that most of the mis¬ 
chief mentioned here, was perpetrated by the Creeks and 
the banditti at the five Lower Towns. Whether by the 
Creeks or Cherokees, murders continued with little abate¬ 
ment. James Patrick was killed in the Poor Valley, seven- 
teen miles from Rogersville, early in September. The peo¬ 
ple began to complain of the inefficiency of treaty stipula¬ 
tions in preserving peace, and Governor Blount felt it ne¬ 
cessary to urge upon General Robertson the necessity of 
preventing an infraction of the treaty on the part of the 
whites, and to maintain, if possible, friendly relations with 
the Indians. 

The fifth of November, 1791, is signalized in the annals 
of Tennessee, as the day on which the first newspaper was 
issued within the borders of that state. The pioneer printer, 
publisher and editor, in Tennessee, was George Roulstone. 
He established his press first at Rogersville, in Hawkins 
county, which thus claims the credit and distinction of the ’ 
nativity of the newspaper press, which sent forth, through a 
domestic medium, the first ray of light for the information 
and improvement of the new community, in whose limits it 
was founded. 

Though at first published at Rogersville, Mr. Roulstone’s 
paper was called “ The Knoxville Gazette,” as it was intend 


558 


KNOXVILLE ESTABLISHED. 


ed to be issued at Knoxville, where Governor Blount had 
determined to fix the seat of his government. In February, 
of the next year, Knoxville was laid off by Col White, and 
the Gazette removed to it soon after. It was issued from a 
cabin, erected on the lot lately owned by Mr. Samuel Bell, 
on Gay-street. 

The columns of the Gazette will, hereafter, furnish some of 
the matter of these Annals. It was a small sheet, but “ re¬ 
garded as the pioneer newspaper in the country, the Gazette 
engages an interest, to which its intrinsic merits would not 
entitle it. Solitary and alone, in the midst of an extensive 
Territory, its adventitious importance was necessarily con¬ 
siderable. The publisher was a man of rather more than 
ordinary capacity, but seldom ventured opinions, confining 
himself to the more easy and ordinary duty of chronicling 
passing events.”* 

In this year, Mr. White’s neighbourhood had become larg¬ 
er, and invited, by its position and strength, the location near 
it of the seat of the Territorial Government. Governor 
Blount so determined, and the proprietor, James White, laid 
off a town, consisting of the necessary streets and si&ty-four 
lots. In honour of Major-General Henry Knox, the then Sec¬ 
retary of War, under President Washington, the new town 
was called Knoxville. Some of the lots were sold, in 1791, 
but no considerable improvement was commenced till Feb¬ 
ruary, of 1792, when several small buildings were erected. 

Being still Hawkins county, no county buildings were at 
first erected, but in June that county was circumscribed and 
subdivided, by an Ordinance of Governor Blount, and Knox 
county established. Lots had been, however, designated for 
county purposes, by the proprietor, and temporary buildings 
for a court house and jail, were, soon after the establishment 
of the county, put up. The first court house was on the lot 
adjoining and west of the residence ofS. R. Rogers, Esq. The 
jail was made of squared logs, let down close together, and 
the floor and loft of like materials. It was enclosed with 
long palisades, deeply entrenched and sharpened at the upper 


* Semi-centennial address of Rev. T. W. Humes. 


FIRST INHABITANTS OF KNOXVILLE. 


559 


end. It was a small building, not more than fourteen feet 
square, and stood near the spot now occupied as the vault 
of the Bank of East Tennessee, corner of Main and Gay- 
streets. The lot for the barrack, extended from Gay to Prince 
streets, embracing the entire front of that square on Main 
street. The barrack was an entensive, but not costly struc¬ 
ture. It stood upon the ground now the L of the Mansion 
House, but extended more than twice its length, towards the 
river ; the building was made of logs notched closely to¬ 
gether. It was thus secure against attacks with small arms. 
The second story projected two feet on every side beyond the 
walls of the first, so as thus to prevent the application of fire 
to them in case of a siege. In both stories and in the floor of the 
second, port-holes were left, at suitable distances. The entire 
area around it, as far as a rifle would reach, was cleared— 
even a stump large enough to protect the body of an as¬ 
sailant, was eradicated. The site was well selected, and well 
adapted to its purposes. The structure itself was designed 
with military skill. 

With pious regard and consideration for the church and 
religion of his fathers, the proprietor of Knoxville designated 
a lot for the erection of a place of public worship. The 
barrack, and the court house, and the grove, above the mouth 
of White’s Creek, on the river bank, were at first substituted 
for this purpose, and it was not till 1810 that a church edi¬ 
fice was erected on the church lot. An adjoining square 
was, afterwards, designated to a purpose scarcely less im¬ 
portant—the instruction and education of youth. The entire 
square between Gay and Church-streets, and State and 
Boundary-streets, was appropriated to Blount College. 

* Amongst the first settlers of Knoxville, were James White, 
James King, Mr. McLemee, Governor Blount, Hugh Dunlap, 
Samuel and Nathaniel Cowan, Joseph Greer, John Chisolm, 
Mr. Stone, Captain John Crozier, and Major Arthur Crozier. 

The first white child born in Knoxville, was the late Gen. 
Richard G. Dunlap. 

The first lots improved were those nearest the river, and 
in the south-east quarter of the town. It was not till 1794, 
that the trees were cut from the lots since owned by Captain 


560 


FIRST HOUSES IN KNOXVILLE. 


Crozier, south of Gay and north of Cumberland. When he 
built his first store-house, at what is still called Crozier’s 
Corner, it was shaded by the trees of the ancient forest, and 
considered out of town. 

The cabin of the Governor was on the knoll, between the 
University and the river. Afterwards, a more suitable resi¬ 
dence was erected by him on the lot now’ owned by Judge 
Boyd. The mansion stood near the centre of the lot—was 
finished with some taste, and the grounds ’were better im¬ 
proved than any in town. His office was immediately be¬ 
tween his house and Chisolm’s Tavern, south of it. It is 
still standing. Chisolm’s was the pioneer tavern in Knox¬ 
ville. Col. McClung’s clerk’s office was on the corner, now 
known as Craighead’s. Nathaniel Cowan’s house was on 
the corner of Water and River-streets. Stone’s Tavern was 
on the property known as Park’s Corner. Joseph Greer re¬ 
sided upon the lot now owned by S. R. Rogers, Esq. The 
approach to Knoxville, on the east, was at first along the 
deep hollow or ravine, which extends from a little below 
Kennedy’s saw-mill, and reaches Cumberland-street before 
its junction with Main, in front of the residence of Major 
Swan. 

The annuity of one thousand dollars to the Cherokees, as 
provided by the Treaty of Holston, was considered by some 
of the chiefs as insufficient. A deputation, consisting of 
Nenetooyah or Bloody Fellow, Chutloh or King Fisher, Non- 
tuaka or the Northward, Teesteke or the Disturber, Kutha- 
gusta or the Prince, Suaka or George Miller, and James 
Cary, Interpreter, arrived at Philadelphia, Dec. 28th, 1791. 
A long conference ensued and continued to the 11th. In this 
conference, Nenetooyah gave a minute and interesting ac¬ 
count of all that had transpired at the Treaty of Holston, 
and, with the rest of the delegation, made a full expose of the 
affairs of his nation. 

On the 18th, the President proposed an addition of five 
hundred dollars to the Cherokee annuity, to which the Se¬ 
nate gave its advice and consent. 

On the 31st, the Secretary of War wrote to Governor 
Blount, directing him not to call out the militia of the Terri 


SCALP DANCE IN CHEROKEE TOWNS. 


561 


tory, excepting in cases of real danger, and pointing out the 
importance of having the boundary line run. 

In February, of this year, Col. E. Robertson informed Go¬ 
vernor Blount of aggressions by the Indians, and that on the 
27th, in the evening, they killed Mr. Thompson in his own 
yard, and jumped into his house and killed all the women 
and children except two. The Governor also received infor¬ 
mation from Captain Craig, whom he had despatched on a 
mission to the v Lookout Towns, that some prisoners and 
scalps had been brought in by the Turtle-at-Home, and that 
at night a scalp dance was there held, at which Richard Jus¬ 
tice and the Glass took the scalps, and tore them with their 
hands and teeth with great ferocity, as did also the warriors 
generally, with all the forms, gestures, exultation and decla¬ 
ration of a war dance ; and that the warriors from Running 
Water coming in afterwards, renewed the war dance, and 
gave other indications of hostile intentions ; that the Shaw- 
nees, in their invitation to the Cherokees to join them against 
the United States, after St. Clair’s defeat, had added the de¬ 
claration, that they would consider all Indians as enemies 
who did not assist them, and that General McGillevray 
wished to form a general confederacy of all the Indian tribes 
against the Americans, and that eighty Creek warriors had 
crossed the Tennessee, on their way to attack Cumberland, 
and were expecting reinforcements to make a formidable in¬ 
vasion of that country. Captain Craig felt a deep convic¬ 
tion that both the Creeks and the Cherokees of the five 
Lower Towns would join the Shawnees. 

Gov. Blount was also Superintendent of Indian Affairs for 
the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws and Chickasaws. In each 
tribe he had a deputy resident, and also interpreters. To 
these he gave instructions, and from them received reports 
of the condition, disposition and views of the Indians where 
they resided. 

The instructions of the Government restricted Governor 
Blount to the adoption of defensive measures only, by which 
to give protection and safety to the Territory. Thus re¬ 
stricted, he stationed detachments of militia at the more 
36 


562 


INTREPIDITY OF MRS. CAMPBELL. 


exposed points, with orders to patrol from one station to 
another. 

April 21.—General Pickens, of South-Carolina, was re¬ 
quested, by the Secretary of War, to attend at Nashville, 
where Governor Blount would hold a conference, in June, 
with the Chickasaws and Choctaws, to which some of the 
Cherokee chiefs would be invited. At that time and place, 
a proposition would be made to these tribes to join the 
United States army, and it was proposed, by the President, if 
they accepted, that General Pickens should command them 
combinedly, on the contemplated expedition north-west of 
the Ohio. 

One of the guards came express to Campbell’s Station, 
with the news that the Indians had just killed two boys at 
Mr. Wells’s, in Hind’s Valley. On this occasion it was, that 
the Indians came to Col. Campbell’s and fired at himself 
and another man, ploughing by his side. The report of their 
guns being heard by Mrs. Campbell, she, very coolly, barri¬ 
caded the door of the house, took the rifles from the rack, 
and waited, at the port-holes, for the approach of the Indians. 
In that position she was found by the men escaping from the 
field. She handed out the rifles—the Indians were pursued, 
but were not overtaken. 

Governor Blount had been invited, by the Chiefs, to meet 
them, in conference, at Coyatee. As he approached that 
place, the standard of the United States was erected. Two 
thousand Indians were marshalled into two lines, between 
which the Governor and his honourary escort passed. A 
firing, in the manner of a feu de joi , was commenced and 
kept up, handsomely, for some time. The object of the 
meeting, was the distribution of the goods, and the payment 
of the annuity, according to the treaty, and to bring to the 
attention of the Chiefs the repeated infractions, by their 
warriors, of the provisions stipulated for in treaty. To his 
remarks on that subject, the Breath, of Nickajack, the 
Hanging-Maw and John Watts, renewed their declarations 
that their people were for peace. 

After the conference at Coyatee, Governor Blount, attend¬ 
ed by a sufficient guard, crossed the mountain, and, at Nash- 


zeigler’s station attacked. 


563 


ville, held a conference with the Chickasaws and Choc¬ 
taws. In conjunction with General Pickens, be met there 
a large delegation of their chiefs, distributed the goods, and 
renewed assurances of peace with them.* Returned to 
Knoxville, he writes to the Secretary of War, under date— 

Knoxville, August 31, 1792. 

On the 10th instant, the conference with the Chickasaws and Choc¬ 
taws ended; there was a very full representation of the former, but not 
of the latter, owing, there is reason to believe, to the Spanish influence. 

During the conference, General Pickens and myself received the 
strongest assurances of peace and friendship for the United States, from 
both nations, and I believe they were made with great sincerity. 

June 26.—Zeigler’s Station, about two miles from Bled¬ 
soe’s Lick, was attacked by a large party of Creek Indians— 
first in the afternoon, and then at night. This station was 
picketed and was defended by thirteen men, including the 
son of Mr. Joseph Wilson, a lad not fully grown. Four 
were killed, four wounded, who escaped, three escaped 
unhurt, and eighteen were made prisoners. Of the prison¬ 
ers, nine were regained by purchase, made by their parents 
and friends. One, Miss Wilson, and four negroes, were 
carried into captivity. 

July 15—Isaac Pennington and Milligen were killed, and 
McFarland was wounded, on the Kentucky Road. 

July 31.—At Greenfield’s, near Bledsoe’s Lick, John Berk¬ 
ley, Jun., was killed and scalped, and John Berkley, Sen., 
was wounded. He killed the Indian while scalping the son. 

Mr. Cochrane lived on the farm afterwards occupied by 
Doctor M’Gee. His son, returning from Pistol Creek, was 
met by a white man, a stranger, who detained him a minute 
in conversation ; Indians lying in ambush, fired on him, their 
bullets passing through his hat and clothes without inflicting 
a wound. He, with his father’s family, escaped down the 
creek, and alarmed the neighbourhood, who began to build 
a fort. A few days after, Gillespie and two boys went home 
after some corn. The Indians killed Gillespie and the eldest 
boy, but the youngest they took prisoner. A white man 

* The fall proceedings of this conference, are in American State Papers, pp. 
284 - 5 - 6 . 


564 


MILITIA CALLED OUT. 


in the company of the Indians, excused the murder of the 
oldest brother, by stating that they had fired at and missed a 
pale-face, (Cochrane,) and killed his brother for satisfaction 
for their lost powder. 

The forts in what is now Blount county, were reinforced 
and guarded by men from Knox county. Captain John 
Crawford took troops from Tuckahoe, and other places, and 
left some of them at Henry’s, Craig’s and Ish’s Stations, and 
afterwards at Tellico Block-house. This was a strong work, 
of considerable size, with a projection on each square, fur¬ 
nished with port-holes, and calculated to stand a siege by 
an enemy provided with small arms only. Colonel James 
Scott commanded the troops of this frontier in the absence 
of Sevier. 

Governor Blount, by express, informed the Secretary of 
War, that the five Lower Cherokee towns on the Tennessee, 
headed by John Watts, had formally declared war against 
the United States, and that the warriors had set out on some 
expedition against the frontiers, probably against the Cum¬ 
berland settlements. Their number was variously estima¬ 
ted at from three to six hundred, including one hundred ban¬ 
ditti Creeks. The Governor ordered out one regiment of the 
militia of Washington District, and sent orders to General 
Robertson of Mero District, to put his brigade in the best 
possible state of defence. The military strength of the coun¬ 
try was immediately called out. The colonel of Knox county 
at once issued orders to his captains, bearing date— 

Knoxville, September 11, 1792. 

Sir :—You are hereby commanded to repair with your company to 
Knoxville, equipped, to protect the frontiers; there is imminent danger. 
Bring with you two day’s provision, if possible ; but you are not to de¬ 
lay an hour on that head. 

I am, sir, yours, 

James White. 

Captain Thomas Gillespie. 

The militia paraded at the points designated, and were 
distributed to the most exposed stations on the frontiers. It 
was, in the meantime, ascertained that the expedition of the 
hostile confederates was directed against the settlements on 
the other side of the mountain, and Governor Blount dis- 


INADEQUATE FORCE IN TIIE STATIONS. 


565 


banded most of the troops. One of the captains, with his 
company, was retained in service. 

The execution of this order by Captain Gillespie, restrained 
further annoyance for some time on the frontier. This was 
most inadequately protected, as appears from a list of the 
stations and strength of the frontiers of Knox county, Dec. 
22, 1792: 

Gambel's Station. —William Reagan, Lieutenant; men, thirteen ; on 
furlough, five ; at station, on duty, eight. 

Black's Station. —Joel Wallice, Ensign; men, four. 

Henry's Station. —George Huffacre, Corporal; men, six. 

Wells’s Station. —Richard Dearmond, Corporal; men, six. 

Ish's Station. —Matthew Karr, Sergeant; men, eight. 

Campbell's Station. — None. 

Lowe's Station. —None. 

Manifee's Station. —Capt. Sampels ; men, fourteen. 

Raccoon Valley Station. —Sergeant Finley and one man. 

Total at stations, forty-seven. 

For the protection of Cumberland against the threatened 
invasion, Governor Blount issued this order to Major Sharpe : 

“ Major Sharpe, of Sumner county, who commands all the troops in 
service, for the protection of the frontiers, is to be considered as subject 
to the orders of no superior militia officer, not in actual service. Butin 
case of any militia being turned out from either of the counties, by the 
commanding officer, to chastise Indians for recent depredations, he will 
cordially co-operate with such part of his command as may be in that 
particular county. No pursuit to be continued beyond the ridge di¬ 
viding the waters of Cumberland and Duck Rivers. Patrols and recon- 
noitring parties to be kept out from the stations, in search of, and to prevent 
any further depredations by the Indians; and in case any Indians should 
be found skulking or lurking about to the northward of the ridge afore¬ 
said, in the woods, off any path, or fleeing, to be considered and 
treated as enemies, save only, Chickasaws and Choctaws, women and 
children. 

“Annexed are the names of the stations, and the number of men at 
each ; but in case Major Sharpe should conceive it essential for the bet¬ 
ter protection of the frontiers, he will increase the number at any or 
either, and lessen them at any other, either the cavalry or infantry, or 
both, but erect no new ones, until his command shall receive an augmen¬ 
tation of troops; and on that event, he will either augment the numbers 
at the present stations, or erect new ones, so as best to effect the object of 
protection. Such men of Tennessee county on duty, as are draughts, to be 
discharged on the arrival of the men under the command of Captain 
Lusk, and their places to be supplied by a part of his men. Major 
Sharpe will call militia officers, not in actual service, into court martial 
for the trial of offenders, in cases where he cannot collect a sufficient 
number who are in actual service. 


566 


blount’s report of attack on 


Stations and. Numbers on 
No. 1. Cavalry—a Sergeant and 13 
Infantry—an Ensign and 15, 

2. Cavalry—Sergeant and 13, 

Infantry—Lieutenant, Ensign, and 15, 

3. Cavalry—Lieutenant and 13, 

Infantry—Sergeant and 15, 

4. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 

5. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 

6. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 

7. Cavalry and infantry, officers inclusive, 

8. Infantry, officers inclusive, 

9. Infantry, officers inclusive, 


Cumberland. 

14 ^ Taylor’s Spring, 

16 \ near Bledsoe’s. 

14 ) Spencer’s 

17 J Lick. 

14 ) Sconer’s 
16 \ Lick, 

15 Brown’s Spring. 

21 Kilpatrick’s. 

13 Gower’s Cabin. 

20 Edmondson’s. 

18 Near the — of Sycamore. 
12 Cave Spring, near the 

•- mouth of Red River. 


Total, 190 


“ On the 30th September, about midnight, John Buchanan’s Station, 
four miles south of Nashville, (at which sundry families had collected, 
and fifteen gun-men,) was attacked by a party of Creeks and Lower 
Cherokees, supposed to consist of three or four hundred. Their ap¬ 
proach was suspected by the running of cattle, that had taken fright 
at them, and, upon examination, they were found rapidly advancing 
within ten yards of the gate; from this place and distance they received 
the first fire from the man who discovered them (John McRory). They 
immediately returned the fire, and continued a very heavy and constant 
firing upon the station, (block-houses, surrounded with a stockade,) for 
an hour, and were repulsed with considerable loss, without injuring man, 
woman, or child, in the station. 

“During the whole time of attack, the Indians were not more distant 
than ten yards from the block-house, and often in large numbers round 
the lower walls, attempting to put fire to it. One ascended the roof 
with a torch, where he was shot, and, falling to the ground, renewed his 
attempts to fire the bottom logs, and was killed. The Indians fired 
thirty balls through a port-hole of the overjutting, which lodged in the 
roof in the circumference of a hat, and those sticking in the walls, on 
the outside, were very numerous. 

“ Upon viewing the ground next morning, it appeared that the fellow 
who was shot from the roof, was a Cherokee half-breed of the Running 
"Water, known by the whites by the name of Tom Tunbridge’s step-son, 
the son of a French woman by an Indian, and there was much blood, 
and signs that many dead had been dragged off, and litters having been 
made to carry their wounded to their horses, which they had left a mile 
from the station. Near the block-house were found several swords, 
hatchets, pipes, kettles, and budgets of different Indian articles; one of 
the swords was a fine Spanish blade, and richly mounted in the Spanish 
fashion. In the morning previous to the attack, Jonathan Gee and 

■-Clayton were sent out as spies, and on the ground, among 

other articles left by the Indians, were founfl a handkerchief and a moc¬ 
casin, known one to belong to Gee, and the other to Clayton, hence it 
is supposed they are killed.”* 

The repulse of so large a body of warriors by the small 


* Blount's Correspondence. 




buciianan’s station. 


567 - 


party of fifteen gun-men at Buchanan’s, is a feat of bravery 
1790 S which has scarcely been surpassed in all the annals of 
( border warfare. The number of the assailants, Creeks, 
Cherokees and Shawnees, was afterwards ascertained to be 
above seven hundred, some of them well mounted, and all 
well armed, and led by distinguished Braves of their several 
tribes. According to the Indian version of the affair, the as¬ 
sault was led by Kiachatalee, a daring half-breed warrior of 
Running Water Town. When it was found impracticable to 
carry the fort by other means, he “ attempted to fire the block¬ 
house, and was actually blowing it into a flame, when he 
was mortally wounded. He continued, after receiving his 
mortal wound, to blow the fire and to cheer his followers to 
the assault, calling upon them to fight like brave men, and 
never give up till they had taken the fort.”* Amongst the 
numerous wounded, was the Cherokee chief, John Watts. 

Communicating with the Secretary of War, Governor 
Blount says: 

“ That you may perfectly understand the situation of Mero District, I 
will give you a description of it. 

“ The settlements of Mero District extend up and down the Cumber¬ 
land River, from east to west, about eighty-five miles, and the extreme 
width, from north to south, does not exceed twenty-five miles, and its 
general width does not exceed half that distance, and, not only the 
country surrounding the extreme frontier, but the interior part (which is 
to be found only by comparison with the more exposed part) is covered 
generally with thick and high cane, and a heavy growth of large tim¬ 
ber, and where there happens to be no cane, with thick underwood, 
which afford the Indians an opportunity of laying days and weeks in 
any and every part of the district, in wait near the houses, and of 
doing injuries to the inhabitants, when they themselves are so hid or 
secured that they have no apprehensions of injuries being done in re¬ 
turn, and they escape from pursuit, even though it is immediate. This 
district has an extreme frontier of at least two hundred miles.” 

By the Governor of the Territory, an ordinance was passed, 
at Knoxville, the 11th of June, circumscribing the counties 
of Greene and Hawkins, and laying off two new counties, 
Knox and Jefferson. 

Courts of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, were ordained to be 
held in the two counties thus laid off;—for the county of 

* M. A. H., in Whig Review., of March, 1852. 


568 


KNOX COUNTY" RECORDS. 


Knox, at Knoxville, and for the county of Jefferson, at the 
house of Jeremiah Matthews. 

Knox County Court. 

1792, June 16.—James White, John Sawyers, Hugh Beard, John 
Adair, George McNutt, Jeremiah Jack, John Kearns, James Cozby, John 
Evans, Samuel Newell, William Wallace, Thomas McCulloch, William 
Hamilton, David Craig and William Lowry, presented a Commission 
from Governor Blount, appointing them Justices of the Peace for Knox 
county, and appeared before the Honourable David Campbell, Esq., 
who, in the presence of Governor Blount, administered to each of them 
an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and also an 
oath of office. 

Charles McClung also produced a Commission from the Governor, 
appointing him Clerk of Knox county, and he was in like manner 
qualified. 

Thomas Chapman, also, as Register. 

June 25.—Robert Houston, in like manner, was commissioned and 
qualified as Sheriff. 

It was ordered by the Court, that the Sheriff make proclamation for 
the opening of a County Court, at the house of John Stone, in the town 
of Knoxville, and that Charles McClung be admitted Clerk to record 
the same. 

Whereupon, the said Robert Houston, having solemnly proclaimed 
for that purpose, it is ordered, that the said Court be considered open 
for the purpose of dispatching public business, and be ordered of record 
accordingly. 

The first Court held, was on the 16th of July, 1792. Present—Jamea 
White, Samuel Newell, David Craig and Jeremiah Jack. James White 
was appointed chairman. 

June 16.—Luke Bowyer, Alexander Outlaw, Joseph Hamilton, Ar¬ 
chibald Roane, Hopkins Lacy, John Rhea and James Reese, Esquires, 
were qualified and admitted to practice law in this Court. 

Wm. Henry obtained leave to build a mill on Rosebury’s Creek. 

Ordered, that Alexander Cunningham have leave to keep a publio 
ferry at his landing opposite Knoxville. 

Roads were also ordered to be laid out, from Knoxville to Col. Alex¬ 
ander Kelley’s Mill, and to David Craig’s, on Nine Mile Creek. 

June 17.—John Rhea was commissioned by the Governor, Solicitor 
for Knox county. 

A public road was ordered to be laid oft' from Knoxville to the Ford 
on Clinch, and from Knoxville to Campbell’s Station. 

Oct. 23.—A public road was ordered to be laid out from Knoxville 
to the mouth of French Broad. 

The Sheriff appeared and protested against the Jail of Knox county. 

1793, January' 26.—Commissioners were appointed to contract for 
the building of a Jail. Its dimensions were, sixteen feet square; the 
logs to be one foot square, the lower floor to be laid of logs of that size, 
to be laid double and crosswise ; the loft to be laid also with logs, and 


SCOUTS ON FRENCH BROAD. 


509 


covered crosswise with oak plank, one and a half inches thick, and well 
spiked down. 

Ihe same Commissioners were also authorized to contract for build¬ 
ing a Court House. 

1793, May 6.—John Sevier produced a license from Governor 
Blount to practice law, and was admitted. 

By the Governor and Judges of the Territory, an act was 
passed, authorizing the courts of the several counties to 
levy a tax for repairing and building court houses, prisons 
and stocks, to pay jurors of the Superior Courts, and defray 
the contingent charges of the counties. This act provided, 
that the poll tax, for any one year, should not exceed fifty 
cents, nor the taxon land more than seventeen cents on each 
hundred acres. 

On the 30th November, Sevier informed Gov. Blount that 
the Block-house, at South-West Point, near the present 
Kingston, was finished, and advises the erection of a post 
between that place and Campbell’s Station, and that a strong 
detachment should be sent forward, to a point near which 
Captain Handley was defeated—assigning, as reasons for 
this policy, that a large body of Indians were in that vicinity, 
and that the greater part of all the Lower Cherokee families 
is on the north side of Tennessee River, about and near the 
Cumberland Mountains. 

Gov. Blount, having received authentic information of the 
hostile disposition of the Creeks and Lower Cherokees, 
issued orders to the colonels of the several counties of 
Washington District, to raise two regiments of troops to 
operate against them, on the defensive. On the 27th of 
September, he ordered General Sevier to repair to Knoxville 
to take the command of the brigade. The colonels were 
Carter and Christian ; lieutenant-colonels, Blair and McNabb; 
majors, Sawyers. McFarland, Conway and Rutledge. 

Indians were seen at the Warm Springs, and at the plan¬ 
tation of Charles Robertson, on Meadow Creek, probably 
watching the motions of the guards who were stationed for 
the protection of the frontier on French Broad. These 
guards were stationed in four block-houses—at Plough’s, at 
the Burnt Cane-brake, at the Painted Rock and at the Warm 
Springs, and scouted, regularly, between these block-houses, 


570 


blount’s letters to war department. 


and up to Big Laurel, where they met the Buncombe scout. 
Six was the number usually stationed at one post. 

The official letters of Gov. Blount to the War Department, 
and letters addressed to him by his subordinates, contain the 
best, and certainly the most authentic, account of the trans¬ 
actions in the Territory. They are voluminous, and being 
well preserved in the archives at Washington, need not be 
transferred to these pages. A few extracts, however, are 
considered essential to these Annals, and are here given. 

The Governor, writing to the Secretary of War, Nov. 8, 
says : 

“ The Creeks having never had the colour of claim to land on the 
north side of Tennessee, it is not necessary to say anything to show 
that their conduct must have been occasioned by other motives than a 
claim relating to boundaries. And if the Cherokees ever had a claim, 
it has been extinguished by two public treaties—that of Hopewell and 
Holston; at the last of which, a valuable consideration was paid in hand, 
and since, the first annual payment has been made, and principally re¬ 
ceived by the inhabitants of the five Lower towns, who have declared 
war against the United States. Thus, if the Cherokees ever had a 
claim, it has been twice extinguished, and by two public treaties. But, 
by the best information I can collect, the claim of the Cherokees to the 
lands lying on Cumberland, is a recent thing; there are many very 
respectable people now living who were present at the time. Richard 
Henderson and Company purchased from them their claim to the lands 
lying on Cumberland, as well as nearly all those included within what 
is now the limits of Kentucky. 

“ General Sevier, with the troops mentioned in my letter of the 27th 
September, as ordered into service, is in the field, advanced about thirty- 
five miles southwest of Knoxville, that is, at the mouth of Clinch, with 
his main force; the other parts of his brigade are detached to different 
parts of the frontiers of Washington District, for the protection thereof, 
with my orders to act on the defensive, under the limitations mentioned 
in your letter of the 9th of October. 

“ The advantages of the troops at the mouth of Clinch are, they will 
cut off all communication, by water, between the Upper and Lower 
Cherokees; they will deter, in a greater degree, and can more easily 
intercept, incursive parties from it, than in any other situation; they will 
impress the Lower towns with apprehensions of sudden attacks by wa¬ 
ter, as well as by horsemen. The distance by water can be passed in 
from forty to forty-eight hours. 

“ On Monday night last, five Creeks, headed by young Lashley, the son 
of a Scotchman in the Creek nation, the same that headed the party 
that killed and captured Gillespie’s son, on the 13th September, came 
in upon the waters of Little River, about twenty miles from this place, 
and stole and carried off eight horses ; they were traced towards Chil- 


captain iiandley’s defeat. 


571 


howee, the nearest Cherokee town. This gave reason to suspect the 
Chilhowee Indians of the theft, whereupon, as many as fifty-two of the 
neighbouring people, including the sufferers, assembled together in 
arms, and determined to go and destroy Chilhowee and Tallassee too, 
a little adjacent town, and actually did march ; but General Sevier re¬ 
ceived information of their intentions, and despatched orders to them to 
disperse and return home, which they obeyed, and thus the matter 
happily ended.” 

Captain Handley, when marching with his company of 
forty-two men, two hundred miles, for the protection of the 
stations on Cumberland, was attacked near the Crab-Orchard 
by a party of Indians, fifty-six in number, commanded by the 
Middle Striker. The party consisted of Cherokees, Creeks 
and Shawnees. When the attack was made upon his com¬ 
pany, a panic seized most of them, and they fell back. 
Handley laboured in vain to rally them. He believed that 
if this could have been done, the Indians would have been 
defeated. He saw one of his men, named Leiper, in a most 
hazardous position, at a little distance from the Indians, and 
unhorsed. Handley conceived the design of rescuing him 
instantly, by seizing the horse’s bridle and running him to 
the place where he was, to give the soldier an opportunity 
to re-mount. In doing this, he ran too near the enemy, and his 
own horse fell under him, pierced with wounds. Handley 
was immediately surrounded by Indians, furiously brandish¬ 
ing their uplifted tomahawks, the signal of death or submis¬ 
sion. He jumped behind a tree, and was met by a warrior, 
who held over him a tomahawk, in the act of striking. He 
arrested the stroke, by seizing the weapon, with the cry 
“ Canawlla”—friendship. “Canawlla” was responded by the 
Indian, who instantly began to seek his rescue. This he at 
length effected, by hurrying the captain around, till he 
brought him to the principal chief, where, for a short time, 
he was free from danger. While the Indian was thus draw¬ 
ing him off, Handley received numerous licks from other 
Indians, some of which seemed to be inoffensive, being made 
with the flat side of the hatchet. One was made by his own 
sword, from which he narrowly escaped. In another in¬ 
stance, a gun was fired at him, the muzzle not ten feet 
distant, which was only escaped, by some other Indians 


572 


handley’s captivity at wills town, 


striking the gun upwards at the moment of its discharge. 
The efforts of Handley to rally his men, and in labouring 
for the escape of Leiper, seem to have drawn off the atten¬ 
tion of the enemy from his men, and to have concentrated it 
nearly on himself. Only three of them were killed. The 
rest all escaped. Poor Leiper was seen by Handley lying 
scalped and lacerated with wounds. He exclaimed, “ dear 
captain,” to one who could no longer command nor protect, 
who was hurried away by his Indian captor, and never saw 
him more. Captain McClelland was, at this time, at South- 
West Point, and, with his company of light horse, was de¬ 
spatched to the scene of the discomfiture, to bury the dead, 
and to rescue the survivors, if possible, from their captivity, 
and cut off the enemies’ retreat. The first report was, that 
Captain Handley was killed, as the last time he was seen by 
his men, he was fighting hand to hand, surrounded by a 
crowd of warriors. But the light horse, in pursuing the 
Indian trail, found that wherever they had encamped, there 
were left the fixtures used by the Indians in securing a pri¬ 
soner. Along the trail, too, at different places, they found 
slips of torn paper, which, on being put together, were 
found to be parts of Handley’s muster-roll, which he had 
considerately tom and dropped along the path, hoping there¬ 
by to furnish those who might attempt his rescue the means 
of ascertaining the route his captors had taken. The pur¬ 
suit was, however, unsuccessful, and the light horse returned 
to South-West Point. Captain Handley was taken to Wills 
Town. On his way, he was confined carefully at night, and 
watched closely by his captors through the day. Arriving 
at the end of their journey, the Indians debated three days 
whether he should be killed or permitted to live. At length, 
he was adopted into the Wolf Tribe of the Cherokees, and 
treated like one of them, from November till March. Before 
his adoption into the tribe, he received repeated insults and 
injuries. He was made to run the gauntlet. Another mode 
of torture, was that of tying his hands and feet fast, and 
then hurling him over their heads, at the imminent hazard of 
dashing his nose and face against the ground. During his 
captivity, the Cherokees became tired of war, and requested 


AND HIS RESTORATION. 


573 


their prisoner to write a letter for them to Governor Blount, 
at Knoxville, proposing conditions or preliminaries of peace. 
He obtained liberty, at the same time, to write a letter in his 
own behalf, to his brother-in-law, Colonel James Scott, which 
is preserved and is here given: 

Wills Town, Dec. 10, 1792. 

Dear Sir :—I am a captive in this town, in great distress, and the 
hearer hereof is a runner from the Upper Towns, from the Hanging 
Maw, and is now going up with a Talk from Col. John Watts, with the 
Governor, on terms of peace. These people are much for peace, and if 
Governor Blount sends a good answer back to the Talk they have sent 
up by the runner, I am confident their Talk is true and sincere; and, 
upon the whole, we are not ripe for war with these people, for they are 
properly fixed for war ; but Watts is entirely for peace, at this time, 
and wishes for a good answer to their Talks. Dear Sir, I have been 
much abused, and am in great distress. I beg that you and John Cowan, 
and every good friend, would go to the Governor, and try all you can to 
get him to send a good answer, so that I can get away—for if an army 
comes before, I am sure to die. Send word to my wife, and send me 
a horse down by the Hanging Maw’s runner, for I am not able to come 
without. Dear friends, do what you can, for I am in a distressed way. 
No more, but— 

Samuel Handley. 

N. B.—John Watts sends to the Hanging Maw to send Calaka, the 
Hanging Maw’s nephew, and another young fellow, down with the Go¬ 
vernor’s Talk and the horse for me, for he is a safe fellow, and if they 
come I am sure to get home, but if not, I expect never to get home; and 
I once more beg you to do your possibles for me, and do them soon as 
you can. 

To James Scott, Nine Mile, Henry’s Station. These. 

The letter was favourably received by Gov. Blount, and 
though the Cherokees did not come to an adjustment till af¬ 
ter another bloody struggle and ruinous defeat at Etowah, 
they commissioned eight of their Braves to escort Captain 
Handley in safety to his friends, in Blount county, with no 
other ransom than a keg of whiskey given them as a pre¬ 
sent. 

Capt. H. resided some time after near Tellico Block-house, 
where the Indians frequently came for the purpose of traffic. 
When any of his Indian acquaintances from Wills Town 
came there, they crossed over to see him, share his hospi¬ 
tality, and repose upon his premises, as with a genuine 
brother of their own order. He afterwards moved to Win¬ 
chester, Tenn., where he died. 


574 


THE PEOPLE INCENSED. 


The Cherokees were understood to be embodied in such 
1793 ( force as to threaten an attack upon South-West Point, 
i and other places upon the frontier, where the several 
corps under the command of Sevier had been stationed. 
But acting under the orders of the Secretary of War, Gov. 
Blount gave orders, Nov. 29th, that all the troops of Sevier’s 
brigade, except two companies, should be marched to Knox¬ 
ville, and mustered out of service. This was accordingly 
done early in January of 1793. 

On Tuesday, the 22d of January, the Indians killed and 
scalped John Pates, on Crooked Creek, about sixteen miles 
from Knoxville. 

On the 29th, the Cherokees stole three of William David¬ 
son’s horses from Gamble’s Station, on Little River ; and, on 
the 26th of February, they stole ten horses from Cozby’s 
Creek. These aggressions prompted the spontaneous assem¬ 
blage of the militia at Gamble’s Station, for the purpose of 
marching to the nearest Indian towns, and retaliating upon 
them the injuries they were suffering. 

The Governor immediately ordered Col. Kelly to go to the 
dissatisfied and incensed citizens on the frontier, and en¬ 
deavour to restrain them from going with arms across the 
Tennessee River, or entering any of the Indian towns. The 
Governor found it necessary also to issue his proclamation, 
requiring the citizens to desist from an invasion of the In¬ 
dian territory, which was now contemplated by a party of 
eighty men, who had assembled at Gamble’s for that pur¬ 
pose. He attended there himself in person, to aid, by his per¬ 
sonal and official influence, in the preservation of peace. In 
this he was assisted by Col. White and others. To contri¬ 
bute still more in allaying the impending storm of retalia¬ 
tion, a company of cavalry was ordered to range from Hol- 
ston to Little River. Quiet was restored, and the people 
were tranquillized. 

While these measures were being adopted to restrain the 
just indignation of the settlers, new causes of offence were 
of constant occurrence. 

On the 9th of March, a party of Indians, led by Towakka, 
formed an ambuscade near the house of Mr. Nelson, living 


INDIANS CONTINUE HOSTILITIES. 


575 


oil Little Pigeon, twenty-five miles from Knoxville. Two of 
his sons, James and Thomas, were killed and scalped. 

On the 16th, fourteen horses were stolen from Flat Creek, 
within sixteen miles from Knoxville. 

In March, Joseph Brown, whose capture, in 1788, has al¬ 
ready been mentioned, accompanied Thomas Ross, the mail 
carrier, and Col. Caleb Friley, from the Holston settlements, 
by the way of Kentucky, to Cumberland. They were fired 
upon the third evening after they started, on the east side of 
Little Laurel, but sustained no damage. They went in full 
speed, crossed the river, and in about a quarter of a mile ran 
into a large body of Indians ; Ross was killed, Brown and 
Friley escaped, severe!}' wounded. 

On the 18th of March, two young men, named Clements, 
were killed and scalped sixteen miles below Knoxville. 

On the 20t.h of March, a party of Indians killed and scalped 
William Massey and Adam Greene, at the gap of Powell’s 
Mountain, on Clinch, about twenty miles from Rogersville. 

A party of Creeks, led by young Lashley, burned, on the 
8th of April, the house of Mr. Gallaher, on the south side of 
Holston, and within twenty miles of Knoxville. A detach¬ 
ment of mounted infantry pursued, but did not overtake 
them. The same party hovered about the settlements till 
the 15th, when a party of Lieutenant Ted ford's rangers fired 
upon and killed one of the Indians, who proved to be a Che¬ 
rokee—Noon-Day of Toquo. 

A report was received from James Carey, one the inter¬ 
preters of the United States in the Cherokee nation, in which 
he confirms the intelligence Governor Blount had received 
of Indian hostili ties—“ of large parties of Creeks and Chero- 
kees, meditating invasion of Mero and Washington Districts, 
and of the impression generally prevalent with the Indians, 
that the reason why the Americans did not retaliate, but 
patiently bore the injuries they had received from them, was 
the posture of their negotiation with foreign Powers, and 
their fear of offending them. And that if it was not for this, 
the Americans, certainly, would not be offering and begging 
peace in return for murders, robberies and bloodshed, daily 
committed on their citizens.’' Other intelligence of the 


576 


JEFFERSON COUNTY RECORDS. 


same purport was received, through Mr. Gilliland, who had 
just returned from the nation. 

April 12.—The people on the frontier generally collected 
in stations. At Craig’s, there were two hundred and eighty 
men, women and children, living in great discomfort in small 
huts. 

At this moment, Governor Blount was informed, that Gen¬ 
eral Logan was raising a party of Kentucky Volunteers, for 
the purpose of making war upon the Lower Cherokee 
towns. 

On the 12th of April, Gov. Blount wrote to Gov. Shelby, 
suggesting to him the propriety of restraining Logan from the 
expedition he contemplated against the enemy. 

The Governor ordained that Knox and Jefferson counties 
should constitute a Judicial District, to be known by the name 
of the District of Hamilton, in which two Superior Courts 
should be held, at Knoxville, in April and October of each 
year. Of this court, Col. F. A. Ramsey was, by the Go¬ 
vernor, appointed clerk. 

March 21.—It was ordained by the Governor, that courts 
should be in future held for Jefferson county, on the north 
side of French Broad, on the lands of Francis Dean, near the 
Rev. Mr. Henderson’s Lower Meeting House. 

July 22.—Jefferson County Court first held.—I t met at the 
house of Jeremiah Mathews, (now Reuben Zirkle’s, four and a half 
miles west of Dandridge, near the river.) The magistrates had been 
commissioned and qualified. 

June 11.—The following gentlemen appeared and took their seats, 
•viz: Alexander Outlaw, George Doherty, James Roddye, John Black¬ 
burn, James Lea, Josiah Wilson, Josiah Jackson, Andrew Henderson, 
Amos Balch and Wm. Cox. 

Joseph Hamilton was commissioned Clerk. 

Robert McFarland, Sheriff. James Roddye, Register. 

Luke Bowyer, Wm. Cocke, John Rhea, Alexander Outlaw, James 
Reese, Archibald Roane and Hopkins Lacy, were admitted as Attornies. 

John Morris, a Chickasaw warrior, being at Knoxville, 
and a guest of the Governor, was shot and killed by some one 
unknown. To soothe the feelings of the Indians, Morris was 
buried with the military honours due to a warrior of a 
friendly nation. In the procession, to the usual burial 
ground of the white people, Governor Blount and the brother 


beard’s attack on hanging maw. 


577 


of the murdered Indian, walked together as chief mourn¬ 
ers. 

May 25.—Thomas Gillam and his son James, were killed 
and scalped by the Indians, in the Raccoon Valley, eighteen 
miles from Knoxville. Captain Beard, with fifty mounted 
infantry, made immediate pursuit. 

June 13.—General Sevier was at this time at Jonesboro’, 
and Captain Chisholm, by letter of this date, forwarded by ex¬ 
press from Knoxville, informs him, “ That on yesterday 
morning, Capt. John Beard, with a party of forty men, at¬ 
tacked the Indians at the Hanging Maw’s, and killed twelve 
or fifteen on the spot, among whom were a number of the 
principal chiefs, called there by the express order of the 
President. Major Robert King, Daniel Carmichael, Joseph 
Sevier and James Ore, were acting for the United States. 
This will bring on inevitable war ; the Indians are making 
vigorous preparation for an assault on us. The frontier is 
in a most lamentable situation. Pray, sir, let us have your 
immediate presence, for our all depends upon your exertion. 

“ The Hanging Maw is wounded, his wife is killed, also 
Scantee, a Chickasaw chief, that was at the Maw’s, Kitti- 
geskie’s daughter and other principal Indians. Two hundred 
Indians were in arms in thirty minutes. Beard and his 
party have fled, leaving the frontier unprotected. My dear 
sir, much depends on you—for your presence itself will be a 
balm to the suffering frontier.” 

Governor Blount, was at this moment absent, and the sec¬ 
retary, General Smith, on whom that duty now devolved, 
wrote immediately to the Hanging Maw and other chiefs, 
in explanation of the atrocious conduct of Beard’s party, 
and begged them not to retaliate the outrage. “ Be not 
rash and inconsiderate,” said he ; “ hear what your and our 
Great Father, the President, will say. Go and see him as 
he has requested. I assure you, I believe he will give you 
satisfaction, if you forbear to take it yourselves.” 

The Secretary, communicating the state of things to the 
War Department, adds, “ to my great pain, I find, to punish 
Beard by law, just now, is out of the question.” 

The affair was deemed of such consequence, as to demand 
37 


578 


ANDREW CRESVVELL’S STATION. 


the arrest and trial of that officer. The court martial, 
however, before which he was arraigned, inflicted no punish¬ 
ment. 

The forbearance, as hoped for, from the Cherokees, bjr 
General Smith, did not continue long. At daylight, August 
29, a large party of Indians attacked Henry’s Station. Lieu¬ 
tenant Tedford was taken prisoner, and horribly butchered. 

Andrew Creswell was living in the neighbourhood of Mc- 
Gaughey’s Station ; two other men constituted the force in his 
house. William Cunningham, passing near, was way¬ 
laid by the Indians and shot. He escaped to Creswell’s 
house. One of the men* proposed to Creswell, to break 
up and go to the station. The latter replied that, from 
his knowledge of the Indian character, he believed they 
would not strike a second blow in the same place. Mr. 
Creswell then enquired from his wife, whether she would 
rather go to the station than to stay at home ? She replied, 
it seemed like death at either place, and she would rather 
risk her life there, than any place else. “ That’s my sort,” 
said Creswell; “ I will keep this house till the Indians take 
me out of it.” The house was a new log cabin, with a sin¬ 
gle door, fastened by a shutter of hewed puncheons, too 
thick to be penetrated by a bullet. His stable was so placed, 
immediately in rear of his house, that Mr. Creswell himself 
could not open the door of it, without first entering his dwel¬ 
ling-house, and going to the head of his bed, and raising a 
large bolt, with a long lever. Near this lever, was a port¬ 
hole, through which he defended his stable ; and on each 
side of his house, were others through which he defended his 
family. Indians came in sight, but never attacked him. Mr. 
Cunningham recovered ; he died a few years, since in Monroe 
county. 

August HO.—This day, two Indians came to the house of 

* 

Philip Hutter, in Washington county, about eleven o’clock, 
and tomahawked and scalped his wife, and left her for dead ; 
cut the head off his daughter, and carried it away with them, 
and plundered the house. 

Colonel Doherty and Colonel McFarland, indirect disregard 
of the orders of the Territorial authorities, raised one hundred 
nd eighty mounted riflemen, with whom they invaded the 


DOHERTY INVADES THE CIIEROKEES. 


579 


Indian country. Crossing the Tennessee, they penetrated 
the mountains at a place called the Unaca Pass. It was af¬ 
terwards ascertained, that three hundred Indians lay here in 
ambuscade, awaiting their return. Fortunately, they de¬ 
flected eastwardly, south of Tennessee and Pigeon Rivers. 
In this march, they destroyed six Indian towns, and killed 
fifteen Indians, whom they scalped. They also took sixteen 
women and children prisoners. Two or three times, our men 
were attacked by night. On such occasions, they would re¬ 
tire a few paces from the lights of their camp-fires, into the 
nearest thicket, and stand with their rifles at a present, ready 
to fire at the flash of the enemies’ guns. By the sudden ces¬ 
sation of the Indian arms, it was believed that the aim of 
the whites, although in the dark, was effectual. In these 
night attacks, four of the riflemen were wounded, one of 
whom died soon after their return. They were out on this 
campaign four weeks, and reached the white settlements, 
twelve miles above the War Ford on French Broad, now 
New-Port. 

Captain Nathaniel Evans, from Boyd’s Creek, took forward 
a large detachment of troops for the protection of Cumberland. 
One hundred and eighty men rendezvoused at Knoxville. Be¬ 
ing mounted, they carried their own provisions—passed 
South-west Point, Post Oak Springs and the Crab-Orchard # 
James Capshaw, Samuel Martin and George Telford, acted 
as spies through the wilderness. On Obey’s River the signs of 
Indians multiplied. They, however, came upon none—pass¬ 
ing the Rolling Fork and the head of Stone’s River, they 
reached Nashville without molestation from the enemy. 
Here they remained fifteen days, and returned nearly the 
same route. It was in their absence, that the Indians in¬ 
vaded the country, and took Cavet’s Station. 

Captain Michael Harrison, with his company of eighty 
j light-horse from Washington county, was in service 
1 ° ( early in September, and visited the several stations 
on Pigeon, before coming to Sevier’s head-quarters at Ish’s 
Station, south of Holston. From this point, scouts were 
sent out to guard the approaches to Knoxville, which it was 
apprehended would be the object of Indian attack, on ac‘ 


580 


ONE THOUSAND CHEROKEES MARCH AGAINST 


count of the public stores that were known to be there. On 
the 24th September, Captain Harrison’s light-horse had 
scoured the country in every direction, but made no dis¬ 
covery of the enemy. But the same evening, a body of a 
thousand warriors, under the lead of John Watts and Double 
Head, crossed the Tennessee River, below the mouth of Hol- 
ston, and marched all night in the direction of Knoxville. 
Of this large force, seven hundred were Creeks—the rest 
were Cherokees. Of the former, were one hundred well 
mounted horsemen. The Indians had expected to reach 
Knoxville before day, on the morning of the twenty-fifth, 
but some detention at the river had prevented. The horse¬ 
men had out-marched the main body, and some altercation 
between the leaders occurred, and produced confusion. 
Knoxville being the principal object of attack and plunder, 
orders were given by some of the Creeks to press forward 
at once, and not delay their march, by stopping to disturb 
and plunder the smaller settlements. Double Head advised 
a different policy, and insisted on taking every cabin as they 
passed. A further cause of delay was the rivalry between 
this chief and Van, each of whom aspired to the leadership 
of the expedition. Upon the question, “shall we massacre 
all the inhabitants of Knoxville, or the men only ?” these 
savage warriors differed in opinion ; Van advising lenity to 
the women and children. Before the plan of procedure was 
adjusted, the night was so far spent as not to allow the 
invaders time to reach Knoxville before daylight. That 
town was, however, in the opinion of all, the primary object 
of attack, and, with that purpose in view, Campbell’s Sta¬ 
tion—one of the chief forts of the country, and in which, at 
this time, twenty families were there stationed for mutual 
protection—was carefully passed, undisturbed. At daylight 
they had reached the head of Sinking Creek, in the Grassy 
Valley, and were in a rapid march for Knoxville. The 
United States troops at that place, as usual, fired off a can¬ 
non at sunrise, which the Indians heard, and understood to 
be an evidence that their attack was expected. This dis¬ 
concerted their plans, and led to the abandonment of their 
meditated assault. The Indian force was halted immedi- 


581 


KNOXVILLE, AND TAKE CAVET’s STATION. 

ft 

ately. In sight of them, was the house or station of Alex¬ 
ander Cavet, in which were only three gun-men and his 
family, thirteen in number. This house stood on the plan¬ 
tation now owned by Mr. Walker, about eight miles west of 
Knoxville, and about six hundred yards north of the present 
stage-road, where its foundation can yet be seen. 

Disappointed in their hopes of plunder, and too cowardly 
to run the risk of obtaining it by attacking Knoxville, the 
Indians determined to wreak their vengeance upon a de¬ 
fenceless family, and marched at once to and invested Cavet’s 
house. It was put in the best state of defence which three 
men could do against a thousand savage assailants. The 
fire from the house killed one Creek, one Cherokee, and 
wounded three more. This held back the Indians for a time, 
and they sent in Bob Benge, a half Creek, who spoke En¬ 
glish, proposing that if the station were surrendered, the 
lives of the besieged should be spared, and that they should 
be exchanged for a like number of Indian prisoners. These 
terms were accepted, and the house surrendered. Its unfor- 
nate inmates had scarcely left the door, when Double Head 
and his party fell upon the prisoners and put them to death, 
mutilating and abusing the bodies of the women and chil¬ 
dren especially, in the most barbarous and indelicate man¬ 
ner possible. Cavet himself was found in the garden bar¬ 
barously murdered, and having seven bullets in his mouth, 
put there by himself, for the greater convenience of speedily 
loading his rifle. John Watts interposed, and saved the life 
of Alexander Cavet, Jun., a lad. Benge also interceded for 
the prisoners, who had capitulated with him, but Double 
Head was inexorable, and all efforts were unavailing to 
save the poor victims. The house and stables were plun¬ 
dered and burnt, and the Indians went off, carrying with 
them into captivity the only survivor of a large family. He 
was afterwards killed in the Indian towns. 

The firing at Cavet’s Station was heard, and notice of the 
invasion of the country was communicated, at once, to Gen. 
Sevier, then lying, with some troops, across the river, at 
Ish’s, and to the people at Knoxville. 


582 


COLONEL WHITE TAKES MEASURES OF DEFENCE. 

f 

“This intelligence gave to the minds of its citizens that impulse 
■which is only to be looked for on great occasions, when the dignity of a 
simple heroic conception is enough to consecrate danger and death. 
The number of fighting men in Knoxville was forty. But it wa. 
thought preferable to combine this force, and to risk every life in a well 
concerted effort to strike a deadly and terrific blow on the advancing 
enemy, at the outskirts of the town, rather than stand to be hewed 
down, in its centre, by the Indian tomahawk. 

“ Col. James White was then advanced a little beyond the prime of 
manhood, of a muscular body, a vigorous constitution, and of that cool 
and determinate courage which arises from a principle of original bra¬ 
very, confirmed and ennobled by the faith of the Bible. He was the 
projector and leader of the enterprise. Robert Houston, Esq., from 
whose verbal statements the substance of much of this narrative is 
copied, was of the age of twenty-eight, and was a personal actor in the 
scene. 

“ It was viewed to be manifest, by those who were acquainted with 
Indian movements, that the party would come up the back way, near 
the present plantations of Mrs. Luttrell and Henry Lonas, rather than 
the straighter way, now travelled by the stage. The company from 
Knoxville accordingly repaired to a ridge on that road, which now may 
be inspected, about a mile and a quarter from Knoxville. 

“ On the side of this ridge next to Knoxville, our company was sta¬ 
tioned, at the distance of twenty steps from each other, with orders to 
reserve their fire till the most forward of the Indian party was advanced 
far enough to present a mark for the most eastern man of our own 
party. He was then to fire. This fire was to be the signal for every 
man of our own to take aim with precision. This would be favoured 
by the halt thus occasioned in the ranks of the Indians. And these 
latter, it was hoped, astonished at the sudden and fatal discharge of 
rifles, extended over so long a line, would apprehend a most formidable 
ambuscade, would quit all thoughts of further aggression, and betake 
themselves to the readiest and safest retreat. 

“ But to provide for the worst, it was settled beforehand, that each 
man, on discharging his piece, without stopping to watch the flight of 
the Indians, should make the best of his way to Knoxville, lodge him¬ 
self in the block-house, where three hundred muskets had been depo¬ 
sited by the United States, and where the two oldest citizens of the 
forty, John McFarland and Robert Williams, were left behind to run 
bullets and load. 

“ Here it was proposed to make a last and desperate struggle ; that, 
by possessing every port-hole in the building, and by dealing lead and 
powder through it to the best advantage, they might extort from an 
enemy of nearly forty times their number, a high price for the hazard 
of all they had on earth that was dear and precious. There were then 
two stores in Knoxville, Nathaniel Cowan’s and James Miller’s. Though 
the practical heroism of the well-concerted, and thus far, ably conducted 
stratagem, in consequence of the sudden retreat of the enemy, was not 
put to the test of actual experiment, yet an incident fraught with so 


y 


VOLUNTEERS CONCENTRATE AT ISh’s. 


583 


much magnanimity in the early fortunes of Knoxville, should not be 
blotted from the records of her fame. It is an incident on which the 
memory of her sons will linger without tiring, when the din of party 
shall be hushed and it 5, strife forgotten. These men of a former day, 
were ‘ made of sterner stuff’ than to shrink from danger at the call of 
duty. And it will be left to the pen of a future historian to do justice 
to that little band of thirty-eight citizens, who flinched not from the 
deliberate exposure of their persons in the open field, within the calcu¬ 
lated gunshot of fifteen hundred of the fleetest running and boldest 
savages.”— Foster's Fssay before E. T. Historical and Antiquarian 
Society. 

At Ish’s, preparations were made for an immediate pur¬ 
suit, and an invasion of the Indian country. The troops in 
the less remote settlements were ordered into service. Not 
knowing the number of the invaders, the extent of the mis¬ 
chief they had done, nor the point of the next attack, Gen¬ 
eral Sevier detached Captain Harrison, to cross the Holston 
and make discoveries ; and, if necessary, give pursuit. That 
officer, with his company of light-horse, set out for the trail of 
the Indians, and, from the smoking ruins of the station, he traced 
it to a place where they had stopped to feed, in the direction 
of Clinch River. Finding that the enemy had abandoned 
the attack on Knoxville, the light-horse returned to Sevier’s 
camp, and expresses were dispatched to Washington District 
for reinforcements, to intercept and pursue the enemy. 
Another company of light-horse, commanded by Captain 
James Richardson, joined the camp at Ish’s ; and, in a short 
time, Sevier’s command was augmented by the arrival of 
troops under Colonel Kelly and others, in numbers sufficient 
to authorize him to invade the enemy’s country. 

The daring inroad of almost the entire available force of 
the Creeks and Cherokees under John Watts, one of the most 
resolute and enterprising of their chiefs, though abortive, 
and, in its main object, entirely unsuccessful, went far to con¬ 
vince the authorities of the Territory, and the Executive of 
the Federal Government, that it was no longer wise or safe 
to insist upon and continue their past policy of limiting the 
action of the country to defensive warfare only, against the 
Indians. Of this, the people on the frontier had, long since, 
been fully satisfied ; and against it, had frequently uttered 
their earnest remonstrance. A sudden and destructive blow 


584 


ARMY MARCHES UNDER SEVIER. 

7 • 


against the heart of the Indian nation, was loudl. called for, 
and was immediately authorized by Secretary Smith, then 
acting as Governor, in the absence of Blount. The army 
already at Ish’s, under General Sevier, was reinforced by ad¬ 
ditional troops from Washington District, commanded by 
Colonel John Blair, and from Hamilton District, under Col. 
Christian. Major Elholm acted as Adjutant on this cam¬ 
paign. Thus reinforced, the army under Sevier amounted 
to six or seven hundred mounted men. They crossed Little 
Tennessee River at a ford above Lowry’s Ferry, and con¬ 
tinued a rapid march across Hiwassee and Amoyah, till they 
reached Estinaula, an Indian village. Here they found 
abundant supplies of grain and meat, and remained there 
two or three days. Having burned the town, which they 
found deserted, their encampment was formed in its imme¬ 
diate vicinity, and upon the banks of Estinaula River, in 
two parallel lines—Christian’s regiment nearest to the river, 
and Blair’s a little south of it, with sentries around it in all 
directions. The flower of the enemies’ warriors were 
around the camp, and would, doubtless, make a night attack. 
Noises were heard at the approach of evening, from the sur¬ 
rounding woods, which indicated that mischief was medita¬ 
ted. The horses were tethered at a point where they were 
least likely to be stolen; sentinels were doubled, and the 
whole army laid upon their arms Late at night, the Indians 
were heard by the sentries, some hundred yards distant, ap¬ 
proaching in a stealthy, slow, uniform movement, creeping 
abreast over the high sedge grass. They were allowed to 
come so near, that the sentries heard the Indians cock their 
guns. At that instant, their own guns were fired, and they 
then retired, in a sidewise direction, to the camp. The In¬ 
dians discharged their guns, and, at once, set up the war- 
whoop and yells of defiance. The sidewise movement of 
the retiring sentries saved most of them from the aim of the 
Indians. Gaut, by pursuing a straight course, was danger¬ 
ously, but not mortally, wounded. 

The Indian fire produced some confusion in the camp, du¬ 
ring which, some captive squaws and children escaped. But 
the warriors kept at such a distance, that the fire from the 


AND ENCOUNTERS THE INDIANS AT ETOWAII. 


585 


camp could not reach them ; and the darkness prevented an 
outward movement against them. The Indians, soon after, 
withdrew—having inflicted not a single wound, with the ex¬ 
ception of that received by Gaut. 

The next night, the camp-fires were kept burning at the 
same place, but the army decamped to the west The In¬ 
dians, during the night, made another attack ; but, firing 
only at the vacated camp and finding their mistake, suddenly 
withdrew. 

Finding no Indians to attack at Estinaula, Sevier took up 
the line of march in the direction of Etowah, with the Coosa 
on the right. Near the confluence of these streams, and 
immediately below, was the Indian town, Etowah. The 
river of the same name had to be crossed before the town 
could be attacked. Firing was heard in the direction of the 
town, and apprehending a general attack, Sevier judiciously 
ordered a halt, and sent forward a detachment from the main 
body against the town. By mistake of Carey and Findleston, 
the guides, the party was led to a ferry half a mile below 
the fording place, and immediately opposite the town. A 
few of the foremost plunged into the stream and were soon 
in swimming water, and pushing their way to the opposite 
bank. The main body, however, discovering the mistake, 
wheeled to the left and rode rapidly up the river to the ford, 
where they crossed with the design of riding down to the 
town, and attacking fit without delay. 

The Indians, having previously obtained information of 
Sevier’s approach, had made excavations in the bank of the 
river nearest their town, each of them large enough for one 
man to lie with his gun poised, and with a leisurely aim to 
shoot our men as soon as they came in sight. In these, the 
warriors were safely entrenched. But perceiving the move¬ 
ment of horsemen down the river, and suspecting some other 
project was devised against their town, they quitted, precipi¬ 
tately, their places of ambush, crossed the river, and hurried 
down on its other side to defend it. 

A fortunate mistake of the pilots, thus drew this formidable 
party out of its entrenchments, exposed it in the open field, 
and left to the invaders a safe passage through that bank of 


586 


DECISIVE BATTLE AT ROME. 


the river so recently lined with armed men. But for this 
mistake, the horsemen could not have escaped a most deadly 
fire, and, in all probability, a summary defeat. But the 
method of fighting was now entirely changed. The crossing 
by the horsemen was too quickly done, to allow the Indians 
to regain their hiding places; their ranks were scattered, 
and the main body of them, hemmed in between the assail¬ 
ants and the river. This done, the men dismounted, betook 
themselves to trees, and poured in a deadly fire upon the 
enemy. They resisted bravely, under the lead of the King 
Fisher, one of their most distinguished Braves. He made a 
daring sally within a few yards of where one of the party, 
Hugh L. White, was standing, and the action was becoming 
sharp and spirited, when White and a few comrades near 
him, levelling their rifles, this formidable champion fell, and 
his warriors immediately fled. Three brave men lost their 
lives in this engagement. Pruett and Weir died on the spot— 
Wallace, the next day. 

The town was set on fire late in the evening, and the 
troops encamped near it. During the night they were attacked 
by the Indians. Benjamin McNutt, Esq., and William Gaut, 
were standing as sentinels in an exposed point of the en¬ 
campment. The Indians approached stealthily upon them, 
and each of them fired. Gaut was shot through the body, 
was carried several days’ march on a litter, but ultimately 
recovered. 

The beautiful town of Rome, in Georgia, is near the place 
where the battle of Etowah was fought. 

After the engagement, the Indians made good their escape 
into the secret passes of the adjoining country. The army, 
after the town was burned, rescued from the places in which 
they were obliged to conceal themselves, Col. Kelly and the 
five horsemen, who had swam their horses at the lower 
crossing. 

Sevier having accomplished thus much of the object of the 
expedition, desired to extend his conquests to Indian towns 
still lower down the country. The guides informed him that 
there was but one accessible path by which the army could 
reach these distant villages, and that it could be passed only 


sevier’s official report. 


587 


under disadvantageous circumstances. Little hope remained 
of meeting the enemy in such numbers as to inflict upon the 
perpetrators of the mischief at Cavet’s, suitable punishment 
for their atrocities. They had been expelled from the fron- 
ti er —the heart of their country had been penetrated—their 
warriors defeated and baffled, and their towns and crops 
burned up and destroyed. Orders for the return march were 
given, and the army soon after reached their homes in safety.* 
Sevier took command again at Ish’s, from which place 
he made to Gov. Blount his official report: 

Ish’s Mill, 25th October, 1793. 

Si ?':—In obedience to an order from Secretary Smith, I marched in 
pursuit of the large body of Indians, who, on the 25th of last month, 
did the mischief in Knox county, near the Grassy Valley. For the safety 
and security of our army, I crossed at one of the upper fords, on the 
Tennessee River, below the mountains. We then bent our course for 
Hiwassee, with expectations of striking the trail, and before we reached 
that river, we discovered four large ones, making directly into the 
mountains. We proceeded across the Hiwassee, and directed our march 
for Estanaula, on the Coosa River, at which place we arrived on the 
14th instant, discovering on our way further trails leading to the afore¬ 
said place. We there made some Cherokee prisoners, who informed 
us that John Watts headed the army lately out on our frontiers ; that 
the same was composed of Indians, more or less, from every town in 
the Cherokee nation; that from the Turkey’s town, Sallyquoah, Coosa- 
waytah, and several other principal ones, almost to a man was out, 
joined by a large number of the Upper Creeks, who had passed that 
place on their return, only a few days since, and had made for a town 
at the mouth of Hightower River. We, after refreshing the troops, 
marched for that place, taking the path that leads to that town, along 
which the Creeks had marched, in five large trails. On the 17th inst., 
in the afternoon, we arrived at the forks of Coosa and Hightower Rivers. 
Colonel Kelly was ordered, with a part of the Knox regiment, to endea¬ 
vour to cross the Hightower. The Creeks, and a number of Cherokees, 
had entrenched themselves to obstruct the passage. Colonel Kelly and 
his party passed down the river, half a mile below the ford, and began 
to cross at a private place, where there was no ford. Himself and a 
few others swam over the river; the Indians discovering this movement, 
immediately left their entrenchments, and ran down the river to oppose 
their passage, expecting, as I suppose, the whole intended crossing at the 
lower place. Capt. Evans, immediately, with his company of mounted 

*Narratives of the late James Rogers and of Benjamin M’Nutt, Esq., of Knox 
county, each of whom was on this expedition, and participated largely in military 
and civil services during the infancy of the country. Squire McNutt still survives, 
and has furnished other details of early times in Tennessee. 


588 


ETOWAII CAMPAIGN CLOSES 


infantry, strained their horses back to the upper ford, and began to cross 
the river. Very few had got to the south bank, before the Indians, who 
had discovered their mistake, returned and received them furiously at 
the rising of the bank. An engagement instantly took place, and be¬ 
came very warm, and, notwithstanding the enemy were at least four to 
one in numbers, besides the advantage of situation, Captain Evans, with 
his heroic company, put them in a short time entirely to flight. They 
left several dead on the ground, and were seen to carry others off both 
on foot and horse. Bark and trails of blood from the wounded, were 
to be seen in every quarter. Their encampment fell into our hands, 
with a number of their guns, many of which were of the Spanish sort, 
with their budgets, blankets and match coats, together with some horses. 
We lost three men in this engagement, which is all that have fell during 
the time of our route, although this last attack was the fourth the enemy 
had made upon us, but in the others, repulsed without loss. After the 
last engagement, we crossed the main Coosa, where they had thrown up 
some works and evacuated; they suffered us to pass unmolested. We 
then proceeded on our way down the main river, near the Turnip Moun¬ 
tain, destroying, in our way, several Creek and Cherokee towns, which 
they had settled together on each side of the river, and from which they 
have all fled, with apparent precipitation, leaving almost every thing be¬ 
hind them. Neither did they, after the last engagement, attempt to 
annoy or interrupt us on our march, in any manner whatever. I have 
great reason to believer their ardour and spirit were well checked. The 
party flogged at Hightower, were those which had been out with Watts. 
There are three of our men slightly wounded, and two or three horses 
killed; but the Indians did not, as I have heard of, get a single horse 
from us the time we were out. We took and destroyed near three hun¬ 
dred beeves, many of which were of the best ancl largest kind. Of 
course, their losing so much provision must distress them very much. 
Many women and children might have been taken ; but, from motives 
of humanity, I did not encourage it to be done, and several taken were 
suffered to make their escape. Your Excellency knows the disposition 
of many that were out on this expedition, and can readily account for 
this conduct. 

The Etowah campaign was the last military service ren¬ 
dered by Sevier, and the only one for which he ever received 
compensation from the Government. For nearly twenty 
years he had been constantly engaged in incessant and .un¬ 
remitted service. He was in thirty-five battles, some of 
them hardly contested and decisive. He was never wounded, 
and in all his campaigns and battles, was successful and 
the victor. He was careful of the lives of hik soldiery, and, 
although he always led them to the victory, he lost, in all 
his engagements with the enemy, but fifty-six men. The 
secret of his invariable success, was the impetuosity and 


THE MILITARY LIFE OF SEVIER. 


589 


vigour of his charge. Himself an accomplished horseman, 
a graceful rider, passionately fond of a spirited charger, 
always well mounted at the head of his dragoons, he was at 
once in the midst of the fight. His rapid movement, always 
unexpected and sudden, disconcerted the enemy, and at the 
first onset decided the victory. He was the first to introduce 
the Indian war-whoop in his battles with the savages, the 
tories, dr the British. More harmless than the leaden missile, 
it was not less efficient, and was always the precursor and 
attendant of victory. The prisoners at King’s Mountain 
said, “ We could stand your fighting, but your cursed hal¬ 
looing confused us ; we thought the mountains had regiments 
instead of companies.” Sevier’s enthusiasm was contagious ; 
he imparted it to his men. He was the idol of the soldiery, 
and his orders were obeyed cheerfully and executed with 
precision. In a military service of twenty years, one in¬ 
stance is not known of insubordination on the part of the 
soldier or of discipline by the commander. 

Sevier’s troops were generally his neighbours, and the 
members of his own family. Often no public provision was 
made for their pay, equipments or subsistence. These were 
furnished by himself, being at once Commander, Commis¬ 
sariat and Paymaster. The soldiery rendezvoused at his 
house, which often became a cantonment—his fields, ripe or 
unripe, were given up to his horsemen ; powder and lead, 
provisions, clothing, even all he had, belonged to his men. 

The Etowah campaign terminated the military services 
of General Sevier. Hereafter, we will have to record his 
not less important agency in the civil affairs of Tennessee. 

The notice of the Paymaster, as published in the Gazette, 



1 1*7*5 S 

l Territory, furnishes the only list that can now be pro¬ 
cured, of the captains who served in 1792 and 1799. They 
are here given : Captains Hugh Beard, Lusk, Brown, Rains, 
Doherty, Briant, Henley, Tate, Christian, Gillespie, Samples, 
Crawford, Cooper, Grier, Milliken, Childers, White, Gregg, 
Allison, King, Marshall, Bunch, Chisum, Richardson, Evans, 
Copeland, Cantrell, Murray, Shannon, Cordery, Nash, Parker, 
Edmonson, Frazier, Wm. Blackmore, Johnston, Hoggat, G. 


590 


FUNERAL PROCESSION ATTACKED. 


D. Blackmore, Walker; Lieutenant G. L. Davidson; Cornet 
Milligan. For services in 1793, Captain Cox, Lieutenants 
Birds, Hubbard and Henderson, Sergeant McClellan. 

While Sevier was absent with so many men, on the Eto¬ 
wah campaign, the Indians came in suddenly and killed, on 
the south of the river, above Dandridge, a lad and a woman. 
They were found, stuck in the throat like hogs, the skin ta¬ 
ken entirely off their heads, and the bodies left naked. A 
party of friends accompanied their remains to a burying- 
ground three miles off. Two of these, Cunningham and Ja¬ 
cob Jenkins, incautiously went on some distance before the 
rest. A body of fifty Indians fired upon them. The former 
was killed, scalped, and bruised with war-clubs. He was 
found, directly after, by the company, carried to the burial 
place, and interred with the other two in the same grave. 
Jenkins received several bullets shot through his clothes, and 
a blow from a war-club ; but his horse being struck with a 
ball, dashed down a precipice, and brought off the rider in 
safety. 

Hearing of this massacre of his friends, W. H. Cunning¬ 
ham went from his home on Boyd’s Creek, for the purpose of 
advising them to remove to the stronger station at Mc- 
Gaughey’s ; and to bring home with him his son Jesse, (then 
a little boy,) who was staying at the Buffalo Lick. He car¬ 
ried his little son before him, the distance of thirty miles; 
leaving the main road, and pursuing by-paths, he escaped the 
attack of the Indians till he got within about half a mile of 
the fort, when he passed through a party of them, thirty in 
number. It was now night, and he escaped unhurt.* The 
Indians prowled around the station, but finding it too well 
defended to justify an assault, they broke open the stable 
doors, stole the horses of the besieged, and withdrew. The 
condition of the country did not allow of pursuit. 

Two weeks after, Mr. Cunningham was going out from the 
fort alone. At the distance of two hundred yards from the 
fort gate, he was fired upon by a party of ten Indians, lying 

*The son, whom he also carried in safety through this imminent exposure, Is 
the Rev. Jesse Cunningham, of Monroe county, Tennessee. 


SPENCER KILLED AT SPENCER’S HILL. 


591 


in ambush fifteen steps from him. He escaped every ball, 
but the Indians having intercepted his return to the gate, 
chased him in the opposite direction. The fire from one of 
their guns proved effectual, and wounded him. He turned 
the corner of a fence, and would have been soon overtaken, 
but that the men in the fort sallied out and made pursuit of 
the Indians ; upon discovering which, the Indians withdrew 
to their retreats in the mountains. 

Information reached Knoxville that, since the expedition 
1794 \ cariaec ^ 011 a g a i nst the Cherokees by General Sevier, 
( and which terminated with the battle of Etowah, the 
Indians had, in a great measure, ceased their hostilities 
against the Cumberland settlements ; and some of the peo¬ 
ple there solicited, through Col. Ford, one of the members 
of the Territorial Legislature, that General Sevier would 
undertake a future campaign in the same direction, as the 
most effectual means of procuring a permanent peace. 

From the same source the information was communicated, 
that “ a campaign was going against the Spanish posses¬ 
sions by French troops, now at the mouth of Cumberland, 
and garrisoned at that place. Gen. George Rogers Clarke 
has the command of this expedition, and they are to embark 
at the mouth of Cumberland.” 

It may be here remarked, that the disposition to engage in 
the projected campaign never became general in the Terri¬ 
tory, and, meeting with little sympathy from the masses, was 
soon after abandoned. 

1794, April 1.—A party of Indians, thirty or forty in num¬ 
ber, ambuscaded a path near Calvin’s Block-house, on 
Crooked Creek, and fired upon Samuel Wear, his two sons 
and William McMurray. They escaped unhurt. 

A more tragical issue attended an attack made the same 
day by a party of forty Indians, near the Crab-Orchard, upon 
a company of travellers. Thomas Sharp Spencer was killed, 
and James Walker was wounded. The rest of the party 
escaped to the Point Block-house. The hill down which the 
whites were descending, and on which Spencer was killed, 
is still known as Spencer’s Hill. 

April 2.—Twenty-five Indians secreted themselves at 


592 


DREADFUL MASSACRE OF MR. CASTEEL. 


night, near the Block-house, at the mouth of Town Creek, 
and, next morning, fired upon and killed William Green. 
Attempting to storm the block-house, the Indians were re¬ 
pulsed, and several of their warriors wounded. 

On the 15th, the Indians stole ten horses from Mr. Gibbs. 
More than fifty horses had been stolen in that neighbour¬ 
hood within a few days. 

Amongst other acts of Indian hostility perpetrated in 
Knox county, was one which occurred on the 22d April, 
1794. William Casteel lived south of French Broad, about 
nine miles above Knoxville, and two miles from the then 
residence of Doctor Cozby. The latter had been an old In¬ 
dian fighter, from the first settlement of the country, and 
was, of course, held in deadly hatred by the Indians, and had 
often been selected as the victim of their vengeance. He 
had his house always well prepared for defence, and never 
allowed himself to be taken by surprise. At evening, of the 
22d, his domestic animals gave the usual tokens of the 
presence of Indians, when, observing from his house, he 
could discern, obscurely, the stealthy march, in Indian file, 
of twenty warriors passing across the end of a short lane, 
and concealing themselves in the fence corners and the 
adjoining woods. The door was at once barricaded, the fire 
extinguished, two guns primed afresh, and with these he 
prepared to defend his castle and his family, consisting of 
his wife and several children, one of whom only could shoot. 
A space of more than one hundred yards had been cleared 
around his building, and there was light enough to see the 
approach of an assailant within that distance. From the 
port-holes, in each angle of the house, a constant watch 
was kept, and orders were given by Cozby, in a loud voice, 
to the members of his family, as if commanding a platoon 
of soldiers. The stratagem succeeded. An hour before 
day the Indians withdrew, and went oft’ in the direction of 
CasteeFs cabin. Early next morning Anthony Ragan came 
to CasteeFs, and found him dead, from a lick received on 
his head from a war club ; he was scalped, and lying near 
the fire, dressed, and with leggins on, having arose early for 
the purpose, as was supposed, of accompanying Reagan to a 


MASSACRE OF A WHOLE FAMILY. 


593 


hunt, which had been agreed on the preceding day. Mrs. 
Casteel was found on the floor, scalped in two places—a 
prool that it required two warriors to conquer her—her night¬ 
cap with several holes cut through it, a butcher knife stuck 
into her side, one arm broken, and a part of the hand of the 
other arm cut off. She seemed to have made resistance with 
an axe, found near her, stained with blood. One of the 
daughters received a stab, which, piercing through the body, 
went into the bed-clothes. She and two brothers were 
scalped. The youngest child, two years old, having the 
cranium entirely denuded of the scalp, was thrown into the 
chimney corner. Elizabeth, the oldest daughter, ten years 
old, now Mrs. Dunlap, still living near the scene of the hor¬ 
rid massacre of her father’s whole family, was found welter¬ 
ing iu her blood, flowing from six wounds inflicted with a 
tomahawk. Besides these, she was also scalped. Reagan 
gave the alarm to the settlement; urgent pursuit was im¬ 
mediately made, but the savages escaped. While prepa¬ 
rations were made for the interment of the massacred fami¬ 
ly, Elizabeth showed signs of life, moaning when an attempt 
was made, by Col. Ramsey, who was present, to close one 
of the gashes upon her head. She was taken to Mr. Shook’s, 
who then owned Major Swan’s mills, where Doctor Cozby 
dressed her wounds. She did not recover for two years. 
The rest of the family, six in number, were buried in one 
grave, under a black-oak tree, still standing. Mr. Casteel 
was a soldier of the Revolution, from Green Brier county, 
Va., and had never received any thing for his services. Of 
the heroic wife and mother, nothing more is known. An 
effort has been made to procure a pension for the surviving 
daughter. Thus far it has been fruitless. 

Governor Blount found it almost impossible to restrain the 
inhabitants south of French Broad, where this massacre 
took place, from an immediate invasion of the Indian terri¬ 
tory. His efforts in this would not have succeeded, but for 
the timely assistance and advice of the civil officers of Knox 
county, south of the river. These met in committee, June 
20, at the house of James Beard : Present—James White, 

Samuel Newell, William Wallace, William Hambleton, 
38 


594 


scott’s boat captured and his crew killed. 


William Lowiy, David Craig and Thomas McCulloch. An 

% 

address to their fellow citizens was agreed upon, printed and 
circulated. It is an ably written document, and had great 
influence in tranquillizing the people and pursuading them to 
acquiesce in the design of the Government, to obtain peace 
by negotiation, rather than by arms. 

May 8.—Post-offices were not, at this date, extended so far 
in the interior as Knoxville. It was expected by Mr. Muh¬ 
lenberg, Postmaster General, that against October, this facil¬ 
ity would be afforded to the people of the Territory. 

We copy or condense from Haywood : 

“In June, Scott’s boat left Knoxville for Natchez, on board of which 
were William Scott, John Pettegrew, William Pettegrew, Mr. Tate, Mr. 
Young, John Harkins, three women, four children, and twenty negroes. 
As this boat passed dowm the Tennessee, it was fired upon by the Lower 
Cherokees of the Running Water, and at the Long Island village, with¬ 
out receiving any injury. On the other hand, the fire was returned, and 
two Indians were wounded. A large party of a hundred and fifty 
Indians then collected, headed by Unacala, the same who was wounded 
at the attack upon Buchanan’s Station, in September, 1792, and they 
pursued the boat to the Muscle Shoals, where they overtook it. They 
killed all the white people who were in it, made prisoners of the ne¬ 
groes, and plundered the boat of its lading. The white people, in 
making resistance, killed three Indians and wounded a fourth. 

“On the 24th of July, a party of Indians killed John Ish at his 
plough, in his field, within one hundred and eighty yards of his own 
block-house, and scalped him. Ish lived eighteen miles below Knox¬ 
ville. He left a wife and eleven children, the eldest not more than 
eleven years of age. Major King and Lieutenant Cunningham, with 
John Boggs and ten other Cherokees, sent by the Hanging Maw in 
pursuit of the offenders, returned a few days afterwards with a Creek 
fellow, whom the Hanging Maw wished to scalp, but was dissuaded 
from his purpose, and took only the war-lock, with which they danced 
the scalp dance all night. But the Cherokees apprehended for this act 
the resentment of the Creek nation. Major King, in the pursuit, camo 
upon the trail of the murderers, leading into the path that was travelled 
from Coyatee to Hiwassee, which he kept to a point within two miles of 
Hiwassee. He there received information that those he was in pursuit 
of, passed with a fresh scalp about the middle of the afternoon, and 
would, it was supposed, tarry all night at Wococee, eight miles ahead. 
The pursuers went to Wococee, and, finding the murderers still ahead, 
they continued the pursuit till they were overtaken by a runner from 
Hiwassee, with information that one of Ish’s murderers v 7 as behind, 
stopped at a little village two miles from Hiwassee. Despairing to over¬ 
take the main body, they turned back and found the Creek, as the run¬ 
ner had reported, in the house of a Cherokee. After some consultation 


m’clelland’s repulse of the creeks. 


595 


whether the Cherokees or white people should kill or take him, the 
Maw’s son, Willioe, with three others, seized and tied him. Having 
tied him, four warriors took him in charge, who were particularly care¬ 
ful that he should not escape until he was delivered, confined in cords, 
to the agent of the United States, Mr. McKee, at the Tellico Block¬ 
house, on the evening of the 28th of July. The Governor issued a 
commission of Oyer and Terminer for the trial of this Indian, pursuant 
to the stipulations contained in the treaty of New-York. A court was 
held by Judge Anderson, and an indictment was found by the grand 
jury against Obongpohego,* of Toocaucaugec, on Oakfuskee. When 
charged, he confessed the fact. But the court permitted him to with¬ 
draw his plea and to plead not guilty; which being done, the trial pro¬ 
ceeded, and the petit jury found him guilty of the murder of John Ish, 
as charged in the bill of indictment. 

“ On the 13th, Lieutenant McClelland, who had with him thirty-seven 
of Captain Evans’s company, was attacked on the Cumberland path, 
near the Crab-Orchard, eighteen miles from South-West Point, by a 
body of Creeks, consisting of upwards of one hundred warriors; he 
made a brave and soldierly defence, twice repelling the Creeks, but was 
finally compelled to retreat, with the loss of four men killed, one 
wounded, four missing, thirty-one horses, thirty-eight saddles and bridles, 
blankets, great-coats and provisions. On the side of the Creeks the 
loss was not ascertained, but from the obstinacy and bravery of the 
defence, and the report of Lieutenant McClelland and others, there was 
reason to believe they lost from twelve to sixteen ; the Creek commander 
was conspicuously bold, and was numbered amongst the slain. The 
white men who were killed, were Paul Cunningham, Daniel Hitchcock, 
William Flennegan, Stephen Renfroe; Abraham Byrd was wounded; 
the four men w r ho were missing from the detachment after the action, 
afterwards reached South-West Point. William Lea, one of that num¬ 
ber, arrived on the 18th, and reported that he had been made prisoner 
by the Indians, and had escaped from them. 

“ On the 20th of December, a party of Indians, about two hours after 
dark, secreted themselves within twenty feet of the door of Thomas 
Cowan, and fired upon his wife and son as they stepped into the yard, 
and pierced the clothes of the latter with eight balls, but he escaped, 
under cover of the night, into the woods, and Mrs. Cowan returned into 
the house unhurt. The firing alarmed the neighbourhood, and Captain 
Baird was at Cowan’s with twenty meti, within an hour and a half, and 
patroled the woods the whole night in search of the Indians, hoping 
they would strike up a fire by which he could discover them; on the 
next day, by order of Governor Blount, he went in pursuit of them.” 

Hanging Maw declared that his nation would no longer 
listen to Spanish emissaries and agents, and that the Upper 
and Lower Towns were now disposed for peace. His over¬ 
tures had scarcely reached the Governor, when a party of 

•* Ancjlice —“ Dance upon nothing.” His name was thus significant of his fate* 
He was hung. 


596 


MURDER OF VALENTINE SEVIER’S SONS. 


Indians—principally Creeks—nearly one thousand strong, 
marched through the country towards the white settlements. 
Governor Blount ordered out Colonel White, with half of the 
military force of Knox county, to oppose them. The Chero¬ 
kee women and children were brought to the north side of 
the Tennessee, and placed under the protection of the block¬ 
houses, and the warriors of the Upper Towns agreed to co¬ 
operate with Colonel White in resisting the advancing Creek 
army. That formidable party, advanced no further than 
Wills Town, and there dispersed in various directions. In¬ 
telligence of the victories of Wayne over the North-Western 
Indians had reached the Chcrokees, who, apprehensive that 
the arms of the conquerors of their northern allies would be 
turned against themselves, sued for peace through Tuca- 
latague or Double Head, a principal chief. Governor Blount 
assented to a conference, to be held at Tellico, and there 
accepted the proposed friendship with the Chcrokees, and 
arranged a general exchange of prisoners and of all the 
property taken during the war. 

We have alread}^ mentioned, as given in Governor Blount’s 
official report to the War Department, the names of some 
who fell victims to Indian massacre. To these are here 
added others, as detailed by Haywood, or furnished from 
other sources. 

1791, June 2.—“The Indians killed John Thompson in his own corn, 
field, within five miles of Nashville; on the 14th of June they killed 
John Gibson and wounded McMoon, in Gibson’s field, within eight 
miles of Nashville; they killed Benjamin Kirkendall in his own house, 
within two miles of Colonel Winchester’s, in Sumner county, and plun¬ 
dered his house of everything the Indians could use. In June, three 
travellers from Natchez to Nashville, were found dead on the trace near 
the mouth of Duck River; there-were eight in company and only two 
come in ; on the 3d of July, Thomas Fletcher and two other men, were 
killed on the north side of Cumberland, near the mouth of Red River— 
their heads were entirely skinned; and in the same month, a man was 
killed within a hundred and fifty yards of Major Wilson’s, on the pub¬ 
lic road, as he was riding up to the house; on the 12th,Thomas White 
was killed on the Cumberland Mountain and on the Cumberland trace. 

“ On Monday, the 19th of January, 1792, the Indians killed Robert 
Sevier and William Sevier, sons of Valentine Sevier, who lived at the 
mouth of Red River, near the present site of Clarkcsville ; they had 
gone to the relief of the distressed families on the Cumberland River, 
who had sent an express for assistance; the officers of Tennessee county 


GENERAL ROBERTSON WOUNDED. 


597 


could give none. A part of the crew was on shore getting provisions 
to be carried in boats to the sufferers; the boats were ahead ot them 
when these young men discovered the enemy, whom they mistook for 
their own party, the Indians having been seen late in the evening at 
a considerable distance from that place. Robert Sevier hailed them, 
who answered they were friends, with which answer being satisfied, he 
sailed on, and the Indians carelessly began to chop with their hatchets, 
till the young men in the boats got very near them. Robert said to 
the man who was with him in the boats, ‘ these are not our friends, 
steer oft.’ r lhe Indians then fired upon them ; the man leaped out of 
the boat, and left them in it about three rods distant from the shore. 
Before the 25th, AVilliam was found and buried, but Robert met a party 
of twelve white men, pursued, but did not overtake the Indians. On 
the 16th of the same month, Valentine, a third son of this unfortunate 
parent, also fell by the hands of the savages; he was in a boat ascend¬ 
ing the river, and was fired upon and kil.ed dead in it; two others 
were wounded, one of them, John Rice, died, and both he and Valen¬ 
tine were buried about sixty miles below the mouth of Red River. 
Until Valentine fell, he and two others kept up so brisk a fire, that they 
intimidated the Indians and saved the crew. Deprived of all his sons 
who had come with him to Cumberland in so short a time, the afflicted 
parent wrote to his brother, General Sevier, to send to him his son John 
to come and see him ; as, said he, in the moving language of suffering 
innocence, I have no other sons but small ones. On the 28th of Janu¬ 
ary, 1792, Oliver Williams and Jason Thompson, at night encamped 
on the road leading from Bledsoe’s Station to the ford on Cumberland 
Ri ver, on the north side of the river, where they were fired upon by In¬ 
dians and both wounded, and their horses and other articles were taken 
from them. About the beginning of March, 1792. the Indians attacked 
the house of Mr. Thompson, within seven miles of Nashville, killed and 
scalped the old man, his wife, his son and a daughter, and made pri¬ 
soners Mrs. Caffrey, her son, a small boy, and Miss Thompson. On 
the 5th of March, 1792, twenty-five Indians attacked Brown’s Station, 
eight miles from Nashville, and killed four boys ; on the Gth they burnt 
Dunham’s Station ; on the 12th they killed McMurray on his own 
plantation, at the mouth of Stone’s River ; on the 5th of April, they 
killed Mrs. Radcliff and three children; on the 8th they killed Benja¬ 
min Williams and party, consisting of eight men, in the heart of the 
Cumberland settlements: on Station-Camp Creek a boy was wounded 
in three places ; at the same place two boys, sons of Robert Desha, 
were killed in the field in the daytime, near their father’s house, and 
also Kirkendall, on the 16th of May, 1792, and a man on the 17th. On 
the 24th of May, 1792, General Robertson and his son Jonathan Rob¬ 
ertson, were at or near Robertson’s Lick, half a mile from his station, 
where they were fired upon by a party of Indians; the General was 
wounded in the arm, and thrown by his horse amongst the Indians; his 
son was wounded through the hip, but seeing the dangerous situation 
in which his father was, he dismounted, though so badly wounded, and 
fired on them as they rushed towards his father; this checked them for 


5 98 


INDIAN HOSTILITIES RENEWED. 


a moment, and gave time to tin? General to get off, and both got safely 
into the station. On the 25th, a boy was wounded near the General’s, 
and died of his wounds on the 6th of June; on Sunday, the 13th of 
May, a man and two girls were tired on by the Indians within four miles 
of Nashville ; the man and one girl escaped, the other was tomahawked 
by the Indians. Ou the 26th of June, 1792, Zigler’s Station, within 
two miles of Bledsoe’s Lick, was attacked by a party of Indians, first in 
the afternoon and again by night; they killed five persons, burnt one in 
the station and wounded four others; three escaped unhurt. 

“On the 31st of August, an attack was made on John Birkley and 
his son, in his peach orchard near Bledsoe’s Lick ; the former was 
wounded, but bravely returned the fire and killed an Indian in the act 
of scalping his son. On the night of the 27th of August, a party of 
fifteen Creeks put fire to Captain Morgan’s house near the same place; 
the fire was extinguished and the party repulsed by the aid of Captain 
Lusk’s company, stationed for the protection of the frontiers. On the 
preceding night, the same party opened the stables of James Douglass, 
and took his horses; the next day Samuel Wilson fell in with them, 
wounded one, put the partf to flight and regained the horses, a gun 
and a bloody blanket. Shortly before the 11th of August, 1792, the 
Indians killed a boy and wounded a man near Bledsoe’s Lick. 

“ On Monday, the 8th of October, William Stuart was killed about 
six miles from Nashville, on the north side of Cumberland. On the 
night of the same day, the Indian’s burnt Stump’s distillery, on White’s 
Creek, on the north side of Cumberland; On the 9th of October, a 
party of Indians went to Sycamore Creek, eighteen miles from Nash¬ 
ville, and burnt the house of James Frazier, Mr. Riley and of Major 
Coffield, a large quantity of corn, and shot down a number of hogs. 
They then proceeded to Bushy Creek of Red River, where they burnt 
the house of Obadiah Roberts, and took off a number of horses: they 
were followed by a party of whites, who killed one of the Indians and 
regained the horses. 

“On the 7th of December, 1792, a party of cavalry, in service for the 
protection of the District of Mero, about eight miles from Nashville, 
was fired upon by about twenty Indians, who put them to flight, killed 
John Hankins, who was scalped and his body much mangled. The 
Indians stole horses in this district without intermission, through all the 
month of December, 1792. 

“ On the 29th of December, John Haggard was killed and scalped, 
about six miles from Nashville ; twelve balls were shot into him.' His 
wife was killed by the Indians in the summer, and he left five small 
children in poverty and wretchedness.” 

Through James A. Robertson and Anthony Foster, Go¬ 
vernor Blount procured the attendance, at Nashville, 
of the principal chiefs and warriors of the Choctaw 
and Chickasaw tribes. The conference with them began on 
the 7th, and continued to the 10th of August. By Governor 
Blount and General Pickens, valuable goods were presented 



CONFERENCE AT NASHVILLE WITH INDIANS. 


599 


to the Indians, as evidences of the friendship of the United 
States. To each of the chie s, a rifle was also given, and the 
thanks of the Government were tendered to such of them as 
had assisted Wayne’s operations against the northern In¬ 
dians. It was also promised, that a trading post should be 
established, for the benefit of the Indians, at the mouth of 
Bear Creek. 

A few Cherokees were present during the conference at 
Nashville, and, it was afterwards believed, were secretly try- 
ing to discover the strength and situation of the country, 
with a view to the expedition they were then plotting against 
Cumberland. 

“ General Robertson immediately raised the militia, leaving a few to • 
keep up the different stations ; he collected five hundred men and placed 
them under the command of Col. Elijah Robertson, Col. Mansco and Col. 
Winchester, and Captain John Rains, two miles from Nashville. A 
troop of horse, commanded by Colonel Hays, was ordered to discover, if 
possible, at what point the Indians intended to make the meditated 
attack. 

“Abraham Castleman, one of the militia soldiers, had withdrawn him¬ 
self from the army for some days, and at length returned and stated, 
that he had been as far as the Black Fox’s camp, where he had seen 
the signs of a numerous army of Indians, and that they might shortly 
be expected in the neighbourhood of Nashville. The General sent off 
Captain Rains to ascertain the reality of the facts detailed by Castle¬ 
man ; Rains took with him a young man, Abraham Kennedy, and 
went to the place where Murfrcesborough now stands, and halted in the 
woods, and retnainingon the ground all night, he next day made a cir¬ 
cuit around the spring where the Black Fox’s camp was. The Black 
Fox was an Indian chief, who formerly hunted and encamped at the 
spring not far from the spot where now is the site of Murfreesborough. 
In this circuit, he examined all the paths which led to the camp from 
the direction of the Cherokee country ; finding no traces of Indians, he 
ventured to the spring; he then returned home by way of Buchanan’s 
Station, and informed the people that the traces of an Indian army were 
nowhere to be seen. Soon after the return of Captain Rains, the troops 
were marched back to Nashville. 

“Two other men, however, were sent off to reconnoitre the country 
through which the Indians were necessarily to pass in coming to Nash¬ 
ville. These were Jonathan Gee and Seward Clayton, who w r ent on 
the Indian trace leading through the place where Murfreesborough 
now stands, to Nashville, eight or ten miles from Buchanan’s Station; 
as they travelled along the path talking loudly, they saw meeting them 
the advance of the Indian army, who called to them in English to know 
who they were, to which question, without disguise, they answered. Up¬ 
on being asked in return, who they were, they said they were spies from 


600 


DETAILS OF THE BRAVE DEFENCE AT BUCHANAN’S, 


General Robertson’s Station, and were returning home; both parties 
advanced till they came within a few steps of each olher, when the In¬ 
dians fired and killed Gee dead in the road. They broke the arm of the 
other, who ran into the woods, but being pursued by a great number 
of them, they overtook and killed him also. Thence they marched 
rank and file, in three lines abreast, with quick step till they arrived at 
Buchanan’s Station, where the people were wholly unnpprised of their 
coming, and did not expect it. This was on Sunday next after the dis¬ 
charge of the troops, being the 30th of September.” 

In addition to the account, as given in Governor Blount’s 
letter to the Secretary of War, of the attack on Buchanan’s 
Station, we extract further details of that invasion, and of 
the remarkable and successful defence by the brave men 
within the fort. 

“ McRory rose and looked towards the place whence they ran, and 
saw sixty Indians not more than a few feet from the gate of the fort; he 
instantly fired through the port-hole, and killed the chief leader of the In¬ 
dians, who on receiving the wound, immediately expired. He was a Shaw¬ 
nee, and had quarrelled with Watts, who insisted upon deferring the attack 
uutil day, and until after the garrison had dispersed to their various avoca¬ 
tions. The whole garrison, consisting of nineteen men, flew to arms, and 
fired upon the Indians through the port-holes ; the Indians, in turn, fired 
upon the fort. Captain Rains was sent for; he and five other men went off 
in full gallop to Buchanan’s Station, and arrived just in time to see the 
Indians leaving the plantation at the fort; they had lost some of their 
men ; some were found on the ground near the outside wall of the fort; 
others were carried off and buried in different places, aiyd were after¬ 
wards found by the white people. Of the wounded, were John Watts, 
with a ball through one thigh, which lodged in the other, supposed to 
be dangerous ; the White Man Killer, the Dragging Canoe’s brother, 
the Owl’s son, a young man of the Lookout Mountain, a Creek war¬ 
rior, who died, and a young warrior of the Running Water, who died.. 

“ There were also sundry young Cherokee warriors with Watts, besides 
those who lived in the five Lower Towns, particularly John Walker and 
George Fields, two young half-breeds who had been raised amongst the 
white people, and in whom, every one who knew them, had the utmost 
confidence. The former was quite a stripling, and, apparently, the most 
good-natured youth the Governor ever saw ; for so he thought him. 
They acted as the advanced spies of Watts’s party, and decoyed and 
killed Gee and Clayton. The Cherokees said that many of the Creeks 
kept at such a distance from the station, that they could hardly shoot a 
bullet to it. With Watts, there were sixteen Cherokees from Iliwas- 
see; one from Keuka; five from Connasauga, and one from String-ton’s.. 

“When the Indians retired, General Robertson hastily collected what 
troops he could, and pursued them to Hart’s big spring, near Stewart’s 
Creek. It was discovered that they marched out as well as in, in three 
columns. The general’s force, not being more than a hundred and 


AND HEROIC REPULSE AT GREENFIELD. 


001 


eighty men, and that of the enemy being greatly superior, and they 
having got far ahead, he deemed it most advisable to return home, 
which he did.” 

Indian aggressions were repeated almost daily, and evi- 
1793 \ ^ encet ^ ^at a numerous body of Indians was in the 
( neighbourhood, as a small party would not have been 
so daring as to continue their repeated attacks, and still 
remain near the scenes of their atrocious cruelties, ready to 
renew and extend them. An opportunity was soon found by 
the Indians to attack the station near Greenfield. This was 
a position of some strength, and guarded by a few men. A 
number of negroes had left the station early in the morning 
of April 27, to work in the adjoining fields. As was the 
general custom, a sentinel, John Jarvis, accompanied them. 
About two hundred and sixty Indians had, the previous night, 
formed an ambuscade, not far from the field, and when the 
horses were attached to the ploughs by the negroes, and 
their attention was directed to their work, they were sud¬ 
denly fired upon by the Indians, who formed a line between 
them and the fort across a field, so as to cut off their retreat, 
and intercept them, should they attempt it in the direction of 
the station. As soon as the firing-and the war whoop reach¬ 
ed the men in the fort, four of them—William Hall, William 
Neely, William Wilson and another—snatched up their guns 
and ran to the gate of the station, from which point they 
could see over the entire field, where the enemy was pur¬ 
suing the sentinel and the negroes. It was evident that 
without a bold and immediate rescue, their comrades would 
all be killed. Hall and the other soldiers dashed impetuous¬ 
ly forward, and met the advancing Indian column at a cross 
fence in the field, received their fire, took the fence from 
them, killing three or four of the warriors, and keeping the 
whole of them in check, until all but one of the unarmed 
negroes reached the fort. This one was shot on his retreat, 
and after he had got fifty yards within the fence, from which 
the whites were firing. Poor Jarvis was unfortunately killed. 
It is remarkable, that though nearly a hundred guns were 
fired at the gallant men who were bravely repulsing the 
Indians, distant not more than thirty yards, not one of them 


602 


GENERAL HALL’s GALLANTRY. 


was seriously hurt. Mr. Hall was without his hat—a ball 
passed through his hair, cutting it off close to the skin, and 
abrading it about three or four inches long, but doing slight 
damage. The little party gained the fort, under a heavy 
fire from the Indians. This they kept up for a considerable 
time, but at such a distance that the guns from the station 
could not reach the enemy. During their firing, the Indians 
caught all the horses and took them off, carrying upon them 
a number of their dead and wounded, raising the war whoop 
as they marched off. 

This repulse, at Greenfield, of two hundred and sixty war¬ 
riors, well armed and flushed with late successes, made by four 
men, exposed to the constant fire of the Indians during the 
whole attack, is almost without a parallel. One of the brave 
men who participated in it, General William Hall, of Sum¬ 
ner county, still survives, venerated and esteemed by his 
countrymen for his gallantry, his patriotism and private 
worth. He has since occupied the highest stations in the 
civil and military service of his state, and presents a proud 
specimen of the heroic age and of the early times of Ten¬ 
nessee. The three comrades of Hall exhibited also signal 
bravery, which, in the case of Neely and Hall, was stimu¬ 
lated by the spirit of revenge each of them felt for the loss, 
by the savages, of a father and two brothers, on previous 
occasions. Such intrepidity awed the assailants from fur¬ 
ther attempts upon the station, and they withdrew from that 
place. But, upon the next day, Francis Ransom was killed 
on the Kentucky Trace, near the Dripping Spring. 

In the spring of this year, more than six hundred Creek 
warriors crossed the Tennessee, at the Lower Chero¬ 
kee Towns, on a war excursion against the Cumber¬ 
land settlements. Small detachments of this body scattered 
themselves in every direction, and perpetrated mischief where- 
ever it could be effected with safety, or wherever the stations 
were defenceless. The people were incensed that the Gov¬ 
ernment left them thus without protection, and was so tardy 
in making provision for their defence. Their complaints, on 
account of this neglect, induced Governor Blount to do some¬ 
thing for their relief. On the 29th of April, he sent one 


1793 


major reard’s route. 603 

hundred and twenty men from South-West Point, under the 
command of Major Hugh Beard, to assist the people of Mero 
District against the Creek invasion. In going to and return¬ 
ing from Nashville, on this expedition, that officer passed 
by the head of the southern confluents of the Cumberland, 
and altogether south of the settlements formed on that 
stream. In that route, he would pass through the midst of 
the main Creek camps, from which their small parties so 
repeatedly issued in their murderous excursions against the 
frontiers. He hoped thus to intercept or to intimidate them. 
He found many of their camps abandoned, and was able to 
meet only three small parties; of these, he killed only a few 
and wounded several. His troops escaped unhurt, except in 
an attack on Smith’s River, where Mr. Alexander received a 
slight flesh wound. Beard returned to Knoxville in June. 
The enemy had escaped him. The main body of them 
having eluded his search, had re-crossed the Tennessee, on 
their return from Cumberland and Kentucky, with numerous 
scalps and horses, the trophies of their successful invasion. 
One good result, it was believed, would follow Beard’s cam¬ 
paign. The new practice of searching for the Indians in 
the thickets and at their camping places, would, when it 
became known to them, inspire no small apprehension of 
danger in crossing the Tennessee, or making an invasion so 
distant from their homes. 

Notwithstanding this expedition of Major Beard, and the 
vigilance of the people on Cumberland, the Indians suc¬ 
ceeded occasionally in their attacks. At Johnson’s Station, 
near Nashville, a party of them, on the 9th of May, fired 
upon and wounded three boys, one of whom they scalped. 
A fourth they caught by the jacket, but he stripped it off, 
and escaped unhurt. 

Early in May, Nathaniel Teal, the carrier of the mail, had 
arrived in Nashville from Natchez. After delivering the 
mail, he went out in the evening and spent the night with 
General Robertson, five miles from town. Next morning* 
within a mile of the General’s house, the Indians fired upon 
and killed him. Two companies of horsemen were instantly 
paraded—one, commanded by old Captain John Rains ; the 


604 


CAPTAINS GORDON AND RAINS 


other, by Captain John Gordon, the same who afterwards, in 
1813, commanded the spy company in the Creek war. To 
the latter, Joseph Brown attached himself. He was still 
suffering from the wound he had received in the ambuscade 
on Laurel River, in March, but he had made the heroic re¬ 
solve, to obtain redress for the injuries inflicted on his family, 
and was among the first to volunteer on this occasion. The 
force of the two companies united, was one hundred. They 
were instructed by General Robertson, to scour the woods, 
and paths and crossing places, of creeks and rivers, and to 
discover the trails of the enemy coming against Cumberland. 
They set out on the 12th of May. Teal was killed by a 
party of Indians who had made a hunt on Cathey’s Creek, 
about twenty miles west of where Columbia now stands. 
Needing horses to carry the results of their hunt home, they 
had come into the settlements and stole a number, and killed 
Teal. The horsemen soon found their trail, and on the fifth 
day overtook them, on the second creek that runs into Ten¬ 
nessee, below the mouth ofElk. The Indians had stopped to 
noon, and twenty men were sent forward to fire upon them. 
The hills were open woods, but the creek bottom was a 
close cane-brake. Rains’ men advanced on the right of the 
Indians, while Gordon’s went to their left. When the ad¬ 
vance of twenty fired, the two companies dashed forward 
with all speed. Gordon’s company came to a high bluff 
of the creek, which horses could not descend, when the Cap¬ 
tain and Joseph Brown dismounted, and took down the pre¬ 
cipice, and each of them killed an Indian. The horsemen 
had to ride around the bluff, and the most of the Indians es¬ 
caped into the cane-brake before they were seen. Six of 
them were killed and a boy captured. The companies then 
returned home. 

But the Indians continued to prowl around and infest the 
settlements, and, as early as the 20th of May, killed John 
Hacker, on Drake’s Creek, and on the 4th of June, Adam 
Fleener, Richard Robertson and William Bartlett, were also 
killed, and Abraham Young and John Mayfield were wound¬ 
ed. On the 20th, James Steele and his daughter were killed 
and his son wounded. July 1st, the Indians attacked Hay’s 


OVERTAKE AND DEFEAT THE INDIANS. 


605 


Station and killed Jacob and Joseph Castleman, and wound¬ 
ed Hans Castleman. On the 18th, William Campbell was 
wounded, near Nashville. On the 15th, Mr. Joslin. was 
wounded at his own house, and on the 19th, Mr. Smith was 
killed at Johnson’s Lick. 

Under these repeated sufferings, it is not strange that the 
people cried aloud for revenge, and demanded permission to 
retaliate, upon the savages, the injuries and cruel treatment 
they had received from them. But the cautious policy of 
Government still inculcated lessons of resignation and for¬ 
bearance. The state of the negotiation with Spain was 
plead as an excuse lor repressing, for the time being, the 
pent-up indignation of the Western people under the wan¬ 
ton provocations and murders they daily endured. But law- 
abiding as they were, and loyal to the authority of Congress 
as they afterwards proved themselves to be, the spirit to 
avenge their wrongs and redress themselves could no longer 
be suppressed. 

“ About the first of August, 1793, Abraham Castleman raised a 
company of volunteers to assist him in retaliating upon the Indians a 
great number of injuries which he had received from them, particularly 
those of killing several of his near relations. On arriving near the 
Tennessee, ten of his company turned back, because General Robertson’s 
orders prohibited all scouting parties from crossing that river. But 
Castleman, whom the Indians called the Fool Warrior, with Zachariah 
Maclin, John Camp, Eli Hammond, Ezekiel Caruthers and Frederick 
Stull, all dressed like Indians, and painted in the same manner, so as 
not to be distinguished, crossed the river, as is generally believed, below 
Nickajack, and took the trace towards the Indian nation, which led, as 
they supposed, to Will’s Town. After travelling about ten miles on the 
south side of the river, they came in view of a camp of forty or fifty 
Creeks, who were on their way to kill and plunder the whites in the 
Cumberland settlements. They were eating two and two, and betrayed 
no alarm at the approach of their supposed friends, but continued eat¬ 
ing until the small squad of white men came within a few paces of 
them, and suddenly raised their guns and fired on them ; Castleman 
killed two Indians, and each of the others one. The shock being so 
sudden and unexpected, dismayed and confounded the Indians, and 
before they could recover from it and resume the possession of them¬ 
selves, the whites had retreated so far as to render pursuit unavailing; 
this happened on the 15th of August, 179.3. On the 21st they all got 
back safe to Nashville. 

“ About the 5th of August, Captains Rains and Gordon pursued a 
party of Indians who had killed one Samuel Miller, near Joslm’s Sta- 


606 


ROBERTSON CONCEIVES THE DESIGN OF 


tion ; after crossing Duck River their signs were very fresh ; on pursu¬ 
ing them seven miles further, they were overtaken ; the pursuers killed 
some of them on the ground, and took prisoner a boy of twelve years 
of age. One of them called out that he was a Chickasaw, and by that 
finesse made his escape. On examining the prisoner, they proved to 
be all of them Creeks from the Upper Uphalie towns. 

“Some short time before the 9th of November, 1793, some horses 
having been stolen, and Indians seen near Croft’s mill, in Sumner coun¬ 
ty, Colonel James Winchester ordered out Lieutenant Snoddy with 
thirty men, to scour the woods about the Cany Fork, and, if possible, 
to discover the main encampment. On the 4th of November he met 
two Indians, who fled, and he pursued them to a large camp near tha 
Rock Island ford of the Cany Fork, where he took much spoils. Eve¬ 
ning coming on, he withdrew from the camp, about a mile, to an emi¬ 
nence, where he halted his men, and they lay on their arms all night. 
About the dawn of day they appeared advancing with trailed arms, 
and at the distance of about thirty yards a firing commenced and was 
kept up from three to four rounds, when the Indians retreated, leaving 
one fellow on the ground, and were seen to bear off several wounded. 
Lieutenant Snoddy had two men killed and three wounded. He de¬ 
served and received much commendation for his gallantry. 

“In this year, 1793, the Indians fired on Thomas Sharpe Spencer, 
near where Major David Wilson since lived, in Sumner county ; Mrs. A. 
Bledsoe, in company, was thrown from her horse, but Spencer bravely 
rescued her from the hands of the Indians, and conducted her to a place 
of safety. About this time several persons were killed in the county of 
Sumner, whose names arc not recollected. In this year James McCune 
was killed, by the Indians, at Hays’s Station, on Stone’s River; 
one of the Castleman’s was also killed and another wounded. About 
the 1st of December, 1793, James Randal Robertson, son of General 
Robertson, and John Grimes, were killed by the Cherokees of the Low¬ 
er towns, on the waters of the Cany Fork, where they had gone to trap 
for beavers. 

“At this time, many of our people were in slavery with the Creek 
Indians, and were treated by them, in all respects, as slaves. In the 
Cayelegies, Mrs. Williams and child, Alice Thompson, of Nashville, 
Mrs. Caffrey and child, of Nashville. In the Hog villages, Mr. Brown, 
of the District of Mere. In the Ciewatly town, Miss Scarlet. In the 
White Grounds, Miss Wilson, of the District of Mero, and a boy and 
girl. In the Colummies, a boy five years of age. At the Big Tallas- 
see, a boy, eight or ten years of age, and a girl, seven or eight years of 
age. In the Pocontala-hassee, a boy, twelve or thirteen years of age. 
In the Oakfuskee, a lad fifteen years of age. In the Red Ground, a 
man called John. In Casauders, a boy whose age and name were not 
known. 

“As early as the 13th of November, 1793, General Robertson had 
conceived, and secretly harboured, the design of destroying the five 
Lower towns of the Cherokees ; he expressed a decided disapprobation 
of all negotiation with them, as it would but lull the people of the 
Territory into security, and make them the surer victims of Cherokee 


INVADINO THE LOWER TOWNS. 


607 


perfidy. He, by way of introducing the subject to notice, asked, of 
General Sevier, in a familiar way, when the Lower towns would get their 
deserts ? It was hinted by the Governor, said he, that it will be in the 
spring; I suspect before that time. But it may be immaterial to us, 
considering our exposed situation and the little protection we have. lie 
pressed General Sevier to carry an expedition of fifteen hundred men 
into the Cherokee country before the ensuing spring. We si all see that 
the former idea, with whomsoever it may have originated, came to ma¬ 
turity in the following year; though at this time, no one, for fear of the 
displeasure of Government, would either be the author, advocate, pro¬ 
moter or even connive at the design. 

“On the 20th of February, 1794, numerous small divisions of In¬ 
dians appeared in all parts of the frontiers of Mero District, marking 
every path and plantation with the fatal signs of their visitation. They 
stole nearly all the horses that belonged to the district, and butchered a 
number of the citizens. In many instances they left the divided limbs 
of the slain scattered over the ground. Jonathan Robertson, from 
whom upon all occasions the Indians had received as good as they sent, 
was, about this time, with three lads of the name of Cowan, fired upon 
by five Indians ; one of the lads was slightly wounded, arid a ball passed 
through Robertson’s hat; he and the lads returned the fire and drove 
off the Indians, having wounded two of them mortally, as was supposed. 
On the death of Helen, Captain Murray followed the Indians, and at 
the distance of one hundred and twenty miles came up with them on 
the banks of the Tennessee, and destroyed the whole party to the num¬ 
ber of eleven; two women of the party were captured and treated with 
humanity. 

“On the 20th of March, 1794, James Bryan was fired upon by the 
Indians from an ambuscade near a path, within four miles of Nashville ; 
and, on the same day, Charles Bratton was killed and scalped near the 
house of Major White, in Sumner county. 

“ On the 21st of April, 1794, Anthony Bledsoe, son of Colonel An¬ 
thony Bledsoe, and Anthony Bledsoe, son of Colonel Isaac Bledsoe, 
were killed and scalped by Indians near a stone quarry, near the house 
of Searcy Smith, in Sumner county ; at the same time, two horses and a 
negro fellow were taken from Mr. Smith’s wagon. 

“On the 29th of May, 1794, in the absence of General Robertson, 
Colonel Winchester was ordered to keep up the allowed number of 
troops on the frontiers. On the 11th of June, they killed Mrs. Gear 
within four miles of Nashville. Captain Gordon followed the Indians 
on their retreat upwards of ninety miles, killed one of them and lost 
one of his party, Robert McRory. He overtook them at the foot of 
Cumberland Mountain, near the place where Caldwell’s bridge now is. 
Captain Gordon was a brave and active officer, distinguished through 
life for a never failing presence of mind, as well as for the purest integ¬ 
rity and independence of principle; he had much energy both of mind 
and body, and was in all, or nearly all the expeditions from Tennessee, 
which were carried on against the Indians or other enemies of the coun¬ 
try, and in all of them was conspicuous for these qualities. Ho now 


608 


ROUTE TO NICKAJACK DISCOVERED. 


sleeps with the men of other times, but his repose is guarded by tho 
affectionate recollections of all who knew him. 

“On the 6th of July, 1794, Isaac Mayfield was killed by Indians 
within five miles of Nashville. lie was standing sentinel for his son-in- 
law while he hoed his corn, and got the first fire at the Indians; but 
there being from twelve to fifteen of them, and very near to him, he 
could not escape. Eight balls penetrated his body; he was scalped, a 
new English bayonet was thrust through his face, and two bloody toma¬ 
hawks left near his mangled body. He was the sixth person of his 
name who had been killed or captured by the Creeks and Cherokees. 
Major George Winchester was killed and scalped by the Indians, near 
Major Wilson’s, in the District of Mero, on the public road leading from 
his own house to Sumner Court House; he was a Justice of the Peace, 
and was on his way to Court; he was a valuable citizen, and a good 
civil and military officer.” 

Joseph Brown, daring the summer of this year, accompa- 
1791 S n ied a detachment that went on a scout to the head 
l of Elk. While there, Col. Roberts expressed a wish 
to cross the mountain, to ascertain whether a road could be 
found by which to reach the Tennessee at Nickajack. Brown 
believed it possible ; and he, Joshua Thomas, and Big Elisha 
Green, volunteered to go with Roberts on the hazardous en¬ 
terprise. They found no difficulty in crossing the mountain, 
and went on down Battle Creek to the river bottom, and up 
by Lowry’s Island, and nearly opposite to Nickajack, and re¬ 
turned ; after walking nearly all night, they were ascending 
the mountain by sunrise next morning, and crossed it that 
evening on their homeward march.* 

This discovery of a practicable route to Nickajack for 
horsemen, had its influence, a short time afterwards, when 
the romantic expedition to that place was undertaken. 

By the renewed attacks from the banditti Indians, in the 
five Lower Towns on the Tennessee, upon both extremes 
of the Territory, the minds of the people became ulcerated 
in the highest degree against the Government. They com¬ 
plained to Governor Blount, who, although sympathizing in 
their sufferings, felt himself restricted by the orders of the 
Secretary of War, from authorizing an invasion of the In¬ 
dian villages from which the mischief proceeded. One of 
these orders, considered as prohibitory of any offensive mea- 


* Brown’s Letters. 


VOLUNTEERS RENDEZVOUS NEAR NASHVILLE. 


609 


sures, was in these words:—“With respect to destroying the 
Lower Towns, however vigorous such a measure might be, 
or whatever good consequences might result from it, I am 
instructed specially, by the President, to say that he does not 
consider himself authorized to direct any such measure, more 
especially as the whole subject was before the last session of 
Congress, who did not think proper to authorize or direct 
offensive operations.” This order, dated the 29th of July, 
1794, reached the Governor, and its contents were commu¬ 
nicated to the people in the midst of the frequent attacks 
made upon their lives and property in August. Patience, 
under such provocations, had ceased to be a virtue, and long¬ 
er forbearance was considered only as a license for re¬ 
newed outrage and cruelty. The people determined to pro¬ 
tect themselves, and to adopt the only measures which woffid 
render their protection permanent and effectual. They re¬ 
solved to invade the towns, and retaliate upon their savage 
inhabitants the injuries they had so long suffered from them. 

Some concert was necessary to bring to the proposed expe¬ 
dition a sufficient force to make it at once short and success¬ 
ful. An appeal was, therefore, made to the martial spirit of 
Kentucky, to aid the people of the Territory in punishing an 
enemy, from whom, they too, had been common sufferers. 
Colonel Whitley, of that state, was prevailed upon, through 
Sampson Williams, to enter into the scheme. He agreed to 
bring to the Cumberland settlements, against a day designa¬ 
ted, such troops as he could raise. Colonel Ford levied 
troops in that part of the country between Nashville and 
Clarkesville. These constituted a - company, which was 
commanded by Captain Miles, and marched to the ap¬ 
pointed rendezvous at the block-house, two miles east of 
Buchanan’s. Colonel John Montgomery brought a compa¬ 
ny from Clarkesville to the place of meeting, and General 
Robertson, who had long before advised the expedition, raised 
volunteers for it from Nashville and its neighbourhood. 

In the meantime. Major Ore, of Hamilton District, had 
been detached, by Governor Blount, with a command of men 
for the protection of the frontiers of Mero District, and op¬ 
portunely came with them to Nashville, at the moment the 


610 


GENERAL ROBERTSON’S ORDER TO MAJOR ORE. 


other troops were concentrating there. Learning the object 
of the meditated expedition, he entered heartily into the pro¬ 
ject, and marched his command to the rendezvous. His 
troops, alone, had been levied by public authority, and to 
give pretext for the expedition, and a colour of a claim for 
pay of the men, and the outfit and equipments furnished from 
the public stores of the General Government, Major Ore as¬ 
sumed the command, and it was generally called “ Ore’s Ex¬ 
pedition.” Colonel Whitley, soon after, arrived at the ren¬ 
dezvous, when it was agreed that he should have the chief 
command of the whole. Colonel Montgomery was elected 
commander of the troops raised in the Territory. The order 
for the march was, however, given to Major Ore, as com¬ 
mander of the expedition, to whom General Robertson gave 
the following : 

Nashville, September 6th, 1794. 

Major Ore :—The object of your command is, to defend the District 
of Mero against the Creeks and Cherokees of the Lower Towns, which 
I have received information, is about to invade it, as also to punish such 
Indians as have committed recent depredations. 

For these objects, you will march, with the men under your command, 
from Brown’s Block-house, on the eighth instant, and proceed along Tay¬ 
lor’s Race, towards the Tennessee ; and if you do not meet this party be¬ 
fore you arrive at the Tennessee, you will pass it, and destroy the Lower 
Cherokee Towns, which must serve as a check to the expected invaders ; 
taking care to spare women and children, and to treat all prisoners who 
may fall into your hands, wfith humanity, and thereby teach those sava¬ 
ges to spare the citizens of the United States, under similar circum¬ 
stances. 

Should you, in your march, discover the trails of Indians return¬ 
ing from the commission of recent depredations on the frontiers, 
which can generally be distinguished by the horses stolen being 
shod, you are to give pursuit to such parties, even to the towns from 
^whence they come, and punish them for their aggressions in an exemplary 
manner, to the terror of others from the commission of similar offences, 
provided this can be consistent with the main object of your command, 
as above expressed, the defence of the District of Mero against the ex¬ 
pected party of Creeks and Cherokees. 

I have the utmost confidence in your patriotism and bravery, and with 
my warmest wishes for your success, lam, sir, your obedient servant, 

James Robertson, B. G. 

On the next day, Sunday, the 7th, the army marched to the 
Black Fox’s camp, and there remained that night; they then 
crossed the Barren Fork of Duck River, near the Stone Fort 
where Irwin’s Store stood in 1823; thence to Fennison’s 


ARMY CROSSES THE TENNESSEE. 


611 


Spring; thence, crossing Elk, at Caldwell’s Bridge and 
Cumberland Mountain, they reached the Tennessee, about 
three miles below the mouth of Sequachee. It was night 
when the troops arrived at the river, and most of them re¬ 
mained upon its bank till daylight ; though, in their eager¬ 
ness lor retaliation, a few went across before it was light. 
The river there is nearly three-quarters of a mile wide. The 
horses were left, with a part of the men, on the north side. 
Some troops formed rafts of dry cane and other light mate¬ 
rial, at hand, and went over dry, while others crossed over 
without any such assistance. Of these, were Joseph Brown 
and William Trousdale, since Governor of Tennessee, and 
a United States General in the Mexican War. The former 
was then a grown man, and had fulfilled, to the letter, the 
prediction of the old Indian woman, who had, five years be¬ 
fore, warned the confederates, “that if he was not killed 
then, he would soon be grown, and would get away and 
pilot an army there, and have them all cut off.” He had 
been the pilot, and with Fendlestone, did conduct the troops 
along the route, unknown to any of them, and though disa¬ 
bled, from a wound through his shoulder, which was still dis¬ 
charging pieces of exfoliated bone, he, with one hand, swam 
across the river, and was among the first to reach its south¬ 
ern bank. 

As soon as the troops had crossed, and were collected to¬ 
gether, they marched up the mountain, between the point of 
which and the river, stood the town of Nickajack. A mile 
higher up the river, after passing through a very narrow 
strait formed by the river on one side, and the mountain 
jutting into and projecting over it on the other, they came 
to a spacious plain of low lands, on which stood another town 
called Running Water. Tne}^ penetrated into the heart of 
Nickajack before they were discovered, and first alarmed the 
Indians by the report of their guns. 

Nickajack was a small town, inhabited by two or three 
hundred men and their families. The army killed in their 
town a considerable number of warriors. Some of the In¬ 
dians endeavoured to make their escape in canoes, to the 
other side of the river, but were fired upon, and men, women 
and children perished in the deathful havoc. Some were 


612 


REINFORCEMENT FROM RUNNING WATER. 


killed in the canoes, some jumped into the water and at¬ 
tempted to swim off ; but before they could get to a secure 
distance, were killed by the firing of the troops, who fol¬ 
lowed after them so closely, as to be at the river nearly as 
soon as the Indians themselves. Eighteen were taken 
’.prisoners—two boys, fifteen girls and one woman. A great 
dumber of the enemy were killed, amongst whom were 
fifty-five warriors. Both towns were reduced to ashes. 

When the Indians in the other town, called Running Wa¬ 
ter, heard the firing below, they repaired instantly to the 
place of action, and met their terrified brethren retreating to 
their town. From the place of meeting they began to return, 
but made a stand at the narrow pass before described, 
placing themselves behind the rocks, and upon the sides of 
the mountain ; here they kept up a running fire, when the 
Cumberland troops came up. 

“ The troops were landed a little before day. At daylight 
they fell into ranks, and were counted by Captain John Gor¬ 
don, and the exact number who had crossed over was ascer¬ 
tained to be two hundred and sixty-five.” At the back of 
Nickajack field, the men were formed into line of battle 
among the cane. Col., Whitley was on the right, and struck 
above the mouth of the creek that rose in the field. Col. 
Montgomery was on the right of the troops from the Ter¬ 
ritory. Orders were given for the two wings to march, so as to 
strike the river above and below the towns. On the march, two 
houses were found, standing out in the field, and about two 
hundred and fifty yards from the town. Expecting that from 
these houses their approach would be discovered by the In¬ 
dians, the troops were heye directed to push with all speed 
to the town. The corn was growing close up to and around 
the houses. Near the house on the left the firing com¬ 
menced, and was returned by the Indians, one of whom was 
here killed. From one of the houses already mentioned, a 
plain path was seen, leading to the town. William Pillow 
got into it, and ran rapidly along it till he reached the com¬ 
mons. Perceiving that he had got in advance of such of the 
troops as had come through the corn field, Pillow halted till 
others had come up. The march or run was then continued 


THE HEROINE OF NICKAJACK. 


613 


by the doors of the houses, which were all open. The In¬ 
dians, at the report of the first gun, had run off to the bank 
of the river. The troops pursued the leading way to the 
landing. Here they saw five or six large canoes, stored with 
goods and Indians, and twenty-five or thirty warriors stand¬ 
ing on the shore, near the edge of the water. At these Pil¬ 
low fired, and soon after him a whole platoon sent a volley 
of rifle balls, from the effect of which scarce a single In¬ 
dian escaped alive. A few by diving, and others by cover¬ 
ing themselves over in the canoes with goods, escaped and 
got out of reach of the rifles. 

About the same time the havoc took place at the landing 
below, Col. Whitlev attacked the Indians above the mouth 
of the Creek. They were not more than a gun-shot apart. 

Fifteen men had been directed to stop near the two houses, 
in the corn field, and way-lay them until the firing had taken 
place in the town. When the report of the rifles was heard, 
this detachment attacked the houses. A squaw had re¬ 
mained outside to listen. A fellow came to the door and 
was shot down. Those within drew him inside and closed 
the door, leaving the squaw on the outside. She attempted 
to escape by flight, but after a hard chase, she was taken 
prisoner. The warriors within, made holes through the 
wall, and made a desperate defence. The squaw taken 
prisoner was carried up to the town, and placed among the 
other prisoners in canoes. As they were taking them down 
the river, to the crossing place, the squaw loosed her clothes, 
sprang head foremost into the river, disengaging herself 
artfully from her clothes and leaving them floating upon the 
water. She swam with great agility, and was rapidly ma¬ 
king her escape. Some hallooed shoot her—shoot her. But 
others, admiring her energy, her activity, and her boldness, 
replied, “ she is too smart to kill,” and allowed the heroine to 
to escape. 

After the troops got on the mountain, on the other side of 
the town, Joseph Brown was sent back with twenty men to 
head and intercept the Indians, at the mouth of the creek 
below the town, when the main body of the assailants should 
have driven the enemy to that point. This he effected sue- 


614 


SURPRISE OF THE INDIANS WHEN INVADED. 


cessfully, though his return was resisted the whole way down, 
about a quarter of a mile, by the constant fire of the In¬ 
dians. Brown and his men guarded the mouth of the creek, 
while the troops above were killing and capturing those be¬ 
tween the two parties. When Brown met the main body, he 
inquired if they had taken any prisoners, and was immedi¬ 
ately conducted to a house in which a number of them had 
been fastened up. When he came to its door he was at 
once recognized by the captives, who appeared to be horror 
stricken—remembering, no doubt, that they had murdered 
his people in the same town, five years before. At length, 
one of them ventured te speak to him, reminding Brown 
that his life had been spared by them, and importuning him 
now to plead in their behalf. He quieted her apprehension, 
by remarking that these were white people, who did not kill 
women and children. Her answer was, “O see skinney Co- 
tanconey!” “Oh, that is good news for the wretched !” 

These land pirates had supposed their towns to be inac¬ 
cessible, and were reposing at their ease, in conscious secu¬ 
rity, up to the moment when, under the guidance of Brown, 
the riflemen burst in upon them and dispelled the illusion. 
“ Where did you come from V’ said one of the astonished pri¬ 
soners to Brown ; “ did you come from the clouds ? or did you 
sprout out of the ground V 9 “ We have not come from the 
clouds/’ answered Brown, “ but we can go any where we 
please. We did not wish to kill the Indians, but you have 
forced that sad necessity upon us.” 

The number of the killed was greater than that given by 
Haywood, from which this account is principally copied. 
Many of the Indians who escaped to the river, would dive 
and swim under the water, but when they would rise again 
above it, the unerring aim of the rifles from the shore would 
reach their head, neck and shoulders, and thus they were 
destroyed, though they were not taken into the estimate of 
the slain at the battle. Brown conversed with a chief af¬ 
terwards at Tellico Block-house, who informed him, their 
loss on that occasion was seventy. 

Andrew Jackson, then a private, was one of Ore’s men, 
who then shewed his love of country and his fitness for com- 


t 

col. whitley’s new mode of warfare. 615 

mand. His judgment in planning the attack on Nickajack, 
and his good conduct generally on the campaign, impressed 
those who witnessed it favourably.* 

Col. Whitley adopted a new mode of warfare. “ He 
mounted a swivel upon his own riding horse, so that he could 
wheel and fire in what direction he pleased. The balls pro¬ 
vided were wrought iron.f Some of the men crossed the 
river on rafts, made of dry cane, which had been found and 
gathered by torch light. William and Gideon Pillow, being 
excellent swimmers, were selected to carry the raft of their 
mess across the river. The former held a rope attached to 

the raft in his teeth, and swam and pulled his cralt, and its 

% 

cargo of guns, shot-bags and clothes, after him, while Gideon 
and another comrade swam behind and pushed it.” 

Jasper Pillow, the ancestor of the family, emigrated from 
England and settled in the colony of Virginia, about 1740. 
He had three sons, John, Jasper and William, all of whom 
were soldiers in the Revolutionary war, and continued in the 
service to its glorious termination, at Yorktown. 

John Pillow emigrated to Cumberland in 1784. His wife 
was Miss Johnston, whose five brothers were soldiers of 
1776. John Pillow settled near Nashville, where, with his 
two sons, William and Gideon, he encountered all the hard¬ 
ships, and perils, and privations of frontier life, and of con¬ 
stant conflict with the various Indian tribes, which, to the 
close of his life, infested and devastated the country. 

Gideon Pillow, the father of Gen. Gideon J. Pillow, late of 
the United States Army, in Mexico, was an active soldier in 
the expedition against Nickajack, and swam the Tennessee 
River in the celebrated capture of that Indian fortress. 

In the further Annals of Tennessee, Col. William Pillow 
will be frequently mentioned as a gallant officer under Gen. 
Jackson, at Taladega, and as a quiet, unobtrusive citizen, as 
amiable in private life as he was vigilant in camp and cou¬ 
rageous in battle. 

Nickajack and Running Water Towns, were the principal 
crossing places for the Creeks in their war excursions over 


* Willie Blount’s Papers. 


t Marshall’s Kentucky. 


616 


MAJOR ORE’S OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE 


the Tennessee, and in which they, with the warriors of Look¬ 
out Mountain and Will’s Town, had heartily co-operated for 
years past; boasting of their perfect security, not less from 
their situation, protected as it was by mountains on three 
sides and the river on the north, than from the number and 
desperate character of their warriors. 

This battle was fought on the thirteenth of September. 
On the evening of the same day, the victorious troops re¬ 
crossed the Tennessee, and joined such of their comrades as 
had remained with the horses on the northern bank. Next 
morning they took up the line of march homeward, and 
camped that night on the mountain, the next night at the 
crossing of Elk, near the place where Caldwell’s Bridge now 
is. The next day they came by Fennison’s Spring, and to a 
place since known as Purdie’s Garrison. The next day to 
Hart’s Spring, on the north side of Steele’s Creek, and the 
next day to Nashville, where the volunteers were dis¬ 
banded. Major Ore returned immediately to Knoxville, and 
made to the Governor the following report: 

Knoxville, September 24th, 1794. 

Sir :—On the seventh instant, by order of General Robertson, of Meio 
District, I marched from Nashville, with five hundred and fifty mounted 
infantry under my command, and pursued the trace of the Indians who 
had committed the latest murders in the District of Hero, and of the 
party that captured Peter Turney’s negro woman, to the Tennessee. I 
crossed it on the night of the twelfth, about four miles below Nickajack, 
and, in the morning of the thirteenth, destroyed Nickajackand the Run¬ 
ning Water, towns of the Cherokees. The first being entirely sur¬ 
rounded, and attacked by surprise, the slaughter was great, but cannot 
be accurately reported, as many were killed in the Tennessee. Nine¬ 
teen women and children were made prisoners at this town. The Run¬ 
ning Water town being only four miles above Nickajack, the new r s of 
the attack upon the latter reached the former before the troops under 
my command, and resistance was made to save it at a place called the 
Narrows; but, after the exchange of a few rounds, the Indians posted 
at that place gave way, and the town was burnt without further oppo¬ 
sition, with all the effects found therein, and the troops under my com¬ 
mand recrossed the Tennessee the same day. From the best judg¬ 
ment that could be formed, the number of Indians killed at the two 
towns must have been upwards of fifty, and the loss sustained by the 
troops under my command, was one lieutenant and two privates 
wounded. 

The Running Water was counted the largest, and among the most 


NICKAJACK EXPEDITION. 


617 


hostile towns of the Cherokees. Nickajack was not less hostile, but in¬ 
ferior in point of numbers. At Nickajack were found two fresh scalps, 
which had lately been taken at Cumberland, and several that were old 
were hanging in the houses of the warriors, as trophies of war ; a quan¬ 
tity of ammunition, powder and lead, lately arrived there from the Span¬ 
ish Government, and a commission for the Breath, the head man of 
the town, who was killed, and sundry horses, and other articles of pro¬ 
perty, were found, both at Nickajack and the Running Water, which 
were known by one or other of the militia to have belonged to dif¬ 
ferent people, killed by Indians, in the course of the last twelve months. 

The prisoners taken, among whom was the wife and child of Richard 
Finnelson, my pilot, informed me, that, on the fourth instant, sixty 
Creeks and Lower Cherokees passed the Tennessee, for war against the 
frontiers. They also informed, that two nights before the destruction 
of Running Water, a scalp dance had been held in it, over the scalps 
lately taken from Cumberland, at which were present, John Watts, the 
Bloody Fellow, and the other chiefs of the Lower Towns, and at which they 
determined to continue the war, in conjunction with the Creeks, with 
more activity than heretofore, against the frontiers of the United States, 
and to erect block-houses at each of the Lower Towns, for their defence, 
as advised by the Spanish Government. 

The prisoners also informed, that a scalp dance was to be held in two 
nights, at Red-headed Will’s town, a new town, about thirty miles lower 
down the Tennessee. 

The troops under my command, generally, behaved well. 

I have the honour to be, your Excellency’s most obedient humble 
servant, James Ore. 

Governor Blount. 

The invasion and destruction of the Lower Towns, was 
not only not authorized by the Federal authorities, but, as has 
been seen, was prohibited by the instructions of the Secre¬ 
tary of War to Gov. Blount. The latter felt it, therefore, 
his duty to enquire of General Robertson, the reasons for 
which he had issued the order under which Major Ore acted. 
General Robertson, soon after, explained to Gov. Blount the 
reasons which had induced him to order Ore to pursue the 
Indians. He writes under date— 

Nashville, October 8th, 1794. 

Sir :—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s letter 
of the second instant. Enclosed you have a copy of my order to Major 
Ore, of the sixth of September; my reasons for giving it, were, that I 
had receieved two expresses from the Chickasaws, one by Thomas Brown, 
a man of as much veracity as any in the nation, the other by a common 
runner, giving information, that a large body of Creeks, with the Che¬ 
rokees of the Lower Towns, were embodying, with a determination to 
invade the District of Mero; and not doubting my information, I con- 


618 


ROBERTSON VINDICATES THE INVASION. 


ceived, if Major Ore did not meet this invading army of Creeks and 
Ckerokees, as I expected, that it could not be considered otherwise than 
defensive to strike the first blow on the Lower Towns, and thereby check 
them in their advance ; nor could I suppose that the pursuing of parties 
of Indians, who had recently committed murders and thefts, to the 
towns from whence they came, and there striking them, could be con¬ 
sidered as an offensive measure, unauthorized by the usage of nations in • 
such cases. It cannot be necessary to add as a justification, the long re¬ 
peated, and, I might say, almost daily sufferings of the people of the 
District of Mero, by the hands of the Creeks and Cherokees of the Lower 
Towns. The destruction of the towns by Major Ore, was on the thir¬ 
teenth of September. On the twelfth, in Tennessee county, Miss Roberts 
was killed on Red River, forty miles below Nashville; and on the four¬ 
teenth, Thomas Reasons and wife were killed, and their house plun¬ 
dered, near the same place, by the Indians. On the sixteenth, in Da¬ 
vidson county, twelve miles above Nashville, another party killed 

-Chambers, wounded John Bosley and Joseph Davis, burned John 

Donnelson’s Station, and carried off sundry horses; and in Sumner 
county, on the same day, a third party of Indians killed a woman on 
Red River, near Major Sharp’s, about forty miles northeast of Nashville, 
and carried of! several horses. This proves that three separate and dis¬ 
tinct parties of Indians were out for war against the District of Mero, 
before the march of Major Ore from Nashville. 

If I have erred, I shall ever regret it; to be a good citizen,obedient to 
the law, is my greatest pride; and to execute the duties of the commission 
with which the President has been pleased to honour me, in such a 
manner as to meet his approbation, and that of my superiors in rank, has 
ever been my most fervent wish. Previous to the march of Major Ore 
from Nashville, Col. Whitley, with about one hundred men, arrived 
there, from Kentucky, saying they had followed a party of Indians who 
had committed depredations on the southern frontier of that country; 
that, in the pursuit, they had had a man killed by the Indians, and seve¬ 
ral horses taken, and that they were determined to pursue to the Low T er 
Town. They were attached to Major Ore’s command, which augmented 
the number to upwards of five hundred and fifty men. Enclosed is a 
copy of a letter to John Watts; and, from my experience in Indian 
affairs, I have my hopes, that, from the scourging Major Ore has given 
the Lower Cherokees, we shall receive less injury from them than here¬ 
tofore. 

Conscious that he had pursued the best policy, in invading 
the hostile villages on the Tennessee, General Robertson, 
soon after their destruction, wrote to John Watts, Chief of 
the Cherokees, and intimated pretty plainly that another 
expedition might soon become necessary, if prisoners among 
the Cherokees were not surrendered and assurances of peace 
given. 

Intelligence reached Knoxville of the intention of another 



\. 


ORIGINAL LETTER OF VALENTINE SEVIER. 619 

volunteer expedition going through and from the Territory, 
against the Indians on its southern border. Governor Blount 
communicated that information to the Secretary of War, and 
also an account of the measures he deemed it necessary to 
adopt on that subject. 

“On the 24th of October, 1794, a party of Indians fired upon John 
Leiper and another man, near the house of the former, on the east fork 
of Red River, in Tennessee county. On the 5th of November, 1794, a 
party of fifty Indians, on the waters of Red River, in Tennessee county, fell 
upon the families of Colonel Isaac Titsworth and of his brother, John 
Titsworth, and killed and scalped seven white persons, wounded a negro 
woman, and took prisoners a white man, three children and a negro 
fellow, and also a daughter of Colonel Titsworth. Pursuit was given 
by the neighbouring militia, and the Indians, discovering theirapproach, 
tomahawked the three children and scalped them, taking off the whole 
skins of their heads. The white man and the negro fellow they either 
killed or carried off, together with the daughter. These murders were 
imputed to the Creeks.”* 

Colonel Valentine Sevier had removed west of Cumber¬ 
land Mountain, and built a station near Clarkesville. This 
the Indians attacked. An account of the assault is copied 
from his letter to his brother, General Sevier, dated— 

Clarkesville, Dec. 18, 1794. 

Dear Brother :—The news from this place is desperate with me. On 
Tuesday, 11th of November last, about twelve o’clock, my station was 
attacked by about forty Indians. On so sudden a surprise, they were in 
almost every house before they were discovered. All the men belong¬ 
ing to the station were out, only Mr. Snider and myself. Mr. Snider, 
Betsy his wife, his son John and my son Joseph, were killed in Snider’s 
house. I saved Snider, so the Indians did not get his scalp, but shot 
and tomahawked him in a barbarous manner. They also killed Ann 
King and her son James, and scalped my daughter Rebecca. I hope 
she will still recover. The Indians have killed whole families about 
here this fall. You may hear the cries of some persons for their friends 
daily. 

“ The engagement, commenced by the Indians at my house, conti¬ 
nued about an hour, as the neighbours say. Such a scene no man ever 
witnessed before. Nothing but screams and roaring of guns, and no 
man to assist me for some time. The Indians have robbed all the goods 
out of every house, and have destroyed all my stock. You will write 
our ancient father this horrid news; also my son Johnny. My health 
is much impaired. The remains of my family are iri good health. I 
am so distressed in my mind, that I can scarcely write. Your affection¬ 
ate brother, till death. 

Valentine Sevier. 


# 


* Haywood. 


620 RESULTS OF THE ETOWAH AND NICKAJACK CAMPAIGNS. 

“ On the 27th of November, 1794, a party of Indians killed and 
scalped Colonel John Montgomery, and wounded Julius Saunders with 
four balls, and Charles Beatty through the arm, on the north-western 
frontier of Tennessee county. And on the 29th, another party of In¬ 
dians, on the northern frontiers of Sumner county, killed and scalped 
John Lawrence, William Hains, and Michael Hampton, and wounded a 
fourth, whose name was not reported. On the 20th of December, were 
killed and scalped by Indians, on Harpeth River, Hugh Tenin, of Sum¬ 
ner county, then late colonel of Orange county in North-Carolina, and 
John Brown and William Grimes. 

“On the 5th of January, 1795, Elijah Walker, one of the mounted 
infantry on duty for the defence of Mero District, acting as a spy on the 
frontiers, was killed by Indians, twelve miles south of Nashville. On 
the 5th of March, a party of Indians, supposed to be Creeks, at Joslin’s 
Station, seven miles from Nashville, fired upon Thomas Fletcher, Eze¬ 
kiel Balding, and his brother, a lad, who were at work in their field ; 
wounded the tw 7 o first with balls through their bodies, knocked down 
the third with a war club, broke his skull bone, and skinned the whole 
of his head. On the 14th, a man was killed by the Indians, within five 
miles of Nashville. On the 5th of June, old Mr. Peyton was killed, 
and a negro, belonging to Mr. Parker, wounded dangerously in a field 
of Mrs. Bledsoe, near Bledsoe’s Lick, by Indians.”* 

The exceedingly long catalogue of Indian outrages and 
aggressions upon the frontier of Mero and Hamilton Dis¬ 
tricts, and the account of the spirited manner in which the 
inhabitants so successfully repelled them, could have been 
indefinitely extended. A volume could be filled with these 
already detailed, and those which have been necessarily 
omitted. For fourteen years, constant warfare existed on 
Cumberland, without even a temporary abatement. On the 
other side of the mountain, the condition of the inhabitants 
was little better, for the same period. In each section of 
the country there were unremitted offences on the part of 
the Indians, and persevering vigilance, enterprise and intre¬ 
pidity by the frontier people. No part of the West—no 
part of the world—suffered more, or resisted more bravely 
or more successfully, than the frontiers of Tennessee. 

The Etowah campaign, penetrating, as it did, to the most 
southern towns of the Cherokees, and the splendid victory 
of the Cumberland troops at Nickajack and Running Water 
Town, broke the spirit of the Indians and disposed them to 
peace. % 


* Haywood. 


TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE MEETS. 


621 


Little mischief was afterwards done till the approaching 
war with England, in 1812, again stimulated into life their 
passion for war, and revived their almost extinguished hope 
of even yet resisting the wave of civilization which threat¬ 
ened their expulsion from the land of their fathers or the 
extinction of their tribes. 

While these events were taking place, the number of in- 
( habitants in the Territory had so far augmented as 
( to entitle them to a Territorial Assembly and Legis¬ 
lative Council, as provided for in the Ordinance of 1787. 
Satisfactory evidence had been presented to Governor 
Blount, that more than five thousand free males resided in 
his Territory, and he, therefore, authorized an election to be 
held for representatives of the people on the third Friday 
and Saturday of December, 1793. 

“ Two from each of the counties of Washington, Hawkins, Jefferson 
and Knox; and one from each of the counties of Sullivan, Greene, Ten¬ 
nessee, Davidson and Sumner ; the elections to be conducted under the 
regulations prescribed by the election laws of North-Carolina; and the 
returning officers were directed to certify the names of the elected to 
the Secretary’s office, at Knoxville, as soon as mighfbe. On the 22d 
and 23d of December, elections were held accordingly in all the coun¬ 
ties of the Territory, and the people elected Alexander Kelly and John 
Baird, for the county of Knox; George Doherty and Samuel Weir, for 
Jefferson; Joseph Hardin, for Greene; Leeroy Taylor and John Tipton 
for Washington; George Rutledge, for Sullivan, and William Cocke 
and Joseph McMinn, for Hawkins ; James White, for Davidson ; David 
Wilson for Sumner, and James Ford for Tennessee. 

“ No sooner were the elections over, than, by a proclamation, issued on 
the 1st of January, 1794, the Governor appointed the Assembly to meet 
at Knoxville, on the 4th Monday of Feb. 1794. The Assembly, on the 
day appointed, convened at Knoxville, and appointed David Wilson, Esq., 
their Speaker, and Hopkins Lacy, Esq., their Clerk. And it is to be con¬ 
sidered as an auspicious omen of the future prosperity of their young 
empire, that they laid its foundations in piety to God. On the next day 
the members, preceded by the Governor and the Speaker, went in pro¬ 
cession to the place of worship, where the Reverend Mr. Garrick, after 
offering up an appropriate prayer, preached to them from these words in 
the epistle of Paul to Titus : ‘In hope of eternal life, which God that 
cannot lie, promised before the world began : but hath in due time mani¬ 
fested his word through preaching; which is committed unto me accord¬ 
ing to the commandment of God our Saviour.’ 

“ They elected ten persons, out of whom five were to be chosen by 
Congress, as the Legislative Council; they appointed a committee to 
draft an address to the Governor, which was drawn accordingly and 
approved of, in which they strongly recommend some offensive mea- 


622 


MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS. 


sures, could they be resorted to, otherwise that defensive ones might at 
least be adopted, and block-houses erected on the frontiers at all proper 
places, many of which they named ; and they stated that, until the 
frontier people should be better protected, it would be impossible for 
them to raise their crops, and that they would be forced to evacuate their 
plantations, and to leave others in the same desolate circumstances. 
They recommended a guard for the protection of the Cumberland 
members on their return, adverting to the recent fact of an express 
having been severely wounded in the wilderness, as he came from Nash¬ 
ville to Knoxville. 

“ The committee also, who were appointed for the purpose, Mr. White, 
Mr. Cocke, Mr. Kelly, Mr. Weir and Mr. Taylor, drew an address to 
Congress, which w 7 as approved of by the House, and was signed by the 
Speaker. In it they demand a declaration of war against the Creeks 
and Cherokees; and stated that, since the treaty of Holston, they had 
killed, in a most barbarous and inhuman manner, upwards of two hun¬ 
dred citizens of the United States, residents in this Territory, without 
regard to age or sex, and carried others into captivity and slavery; had 
robbed the citizens of their slaves, stolen, at least, two thousand horses, 
which, at a moderate calculation, were worth one hundred thousand 
dollars. 

“ Besides the just causes of w r ar daily given by these two faithless 
nations, we conceive it essential to call to your recollection their two 
powerful invasions of this country; the first in September, 1792, con¬ 
sisting of one thousand Creeks and Cherokees, who, on the 30th of that 
month, attacked Buchanan’s Station, within five miles of Nashville, and 
were repulsed. The second, in September, 1793, consisting of nine 
hundred, who, on the 25th of that month, attacked Cavet’s Station, 
within eight miles of Knoxville, and, in a manner too shocking to re¬ 
late, murdered Cavet and his family, thirteen in number. 

“ Scarcely, they said, is there a man of this body, but can recount a 
dear wife or child, an aged parent or near relation, massacred by the 
hands of these blood-thirsty nations, in their houses or fields; nor are 
our neighbours and friends less miserable. They, too, can enumerate 
the suffering of equal calamities. Such have been, they say, the suf¬ 
ferings of your fellow citizens resident in this Territory, more than ought 
to be imposed on men, who, by their joint exertions with the citizens of 
the United States at large, have acquired freedom and independence. 

“ They rejoiced in the vigorous measures which Congress were about 
to take against the rapacious and enslaving Algerines, and concluded 
with reminding Congress that the citizens who live in poverty on the 
extreme frontiers, were as much entitled to be protected in their lives, 
their families and little property, as those who were in luxury, ease and 
affluence in the great and opulent Atlantic cities. The Governor then 
prorogued the Assembly to the fourth Monday in August.”* 

This memorial from the representatives of the people 
was referred to a. committee of the United States Congress, 
which, through their chairman, Air. Carnes, reported : “ That 


* Haywood. 


LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. 


623 


from the representations made to them, the condition of the 
Territory called for the most energetic measures, and they 
recommended that the President should be authorized to call 
out an adequate military force to carry on offensive opera¬ 
tions against any hostile tribe, and to establish such posts 
and defences as would be necessary for the permanent secu¬ 
rity of the frontier settlers.” 

Hitherto, the Governor and Judges had exercised not only 
( executive and judicial, but legislative powers. The 
i Ordinance, by the United States in Congress assem¬ 
bled, for the government of the Territory south of the Ohio, 
provided that the Governor and Judges, or a majority of 
them, shall adopt and pilblish in the District, such laws of 
the original states, criminal and civil, as may be necessary 
and best suited to the circumstances of the district, “ and 
report them to Congress from time to time, which laws shall 
be in force in the district until the organization of the Gene¬ 
ral Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Congress : 
but afterwards, the Legislature shall have authority to alter 
them as they shall think fit.” The Ordinance further de¬ 
clared that the Legislature should consist of the Governor, 
Legislative Council, and a House of Representatives, and 
specified how the latter bodies should be selected. This 
having been done, on Monday, the twenty-fifth day of Au¬ 
gust, 1794, the General Assembly of the Territory of the 
United States of America, south of the Ohio, met at Knox¬ 
ville. 

Legislative Council.— The members nominated by the Represen¬ 
tatives of the people, and commissioned by the President of the United 
States as Legislative Councillors for said Territory, appeared, produced 
their credentials, and took their seats, to-wit: 

The Honourable Griffith Rutherford, 

“ “ John Sevier, 

“ “ James Winchester, 

“ “ Stockley Donelson, 

“ “ Pannenas Taylor. 

Adjourned till to-morrow, 10 o’clock. 

Honourable Griffith Rutherford was unanimously elected President, 
and conducted to the Chair. 

George Roulstone was, by ballot, elected Clerk, and qualified accord- 
ingly. 

Christopher Shoat was chosen Door-keeper. 

A message from the House of Representatives : 


624 


PARLIAMENTARY RULES. 


Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Council :—This House is now 
formed and ready to proceed on the public business, and wish to know 
if you are met and prepared to receive communications from the House 
of Representatives. 

On motion of Mr. Winchester, Mr. Sevier was appointed to confer 
with such member or members of the House of Representatives as they 
may join, and report what rules are necessary to be observed in doing 
business, between the Council and House of Representatives. 

House of Representatives. —Monday, the twenty-fifth day of Au¬ 
gust, 1794, being the day appointed for the meeting of the Representa¬ 
tives of the people of this Territory, the following members appeared 
and took their seats, viz: David Wilson, James White, James Ford, 
William Cocke, Joseph McMinn, George Rutledge, Joseph Hardin, 
George Doherty, Samuel Wear, Alexander Kelly and John Baird. 

The session commenced by a suitable and well-adapted jurayer, by the 
Rev. Mr. Carrick. 

On motion of Mr. Hardin, seconded by Mr. Doherty, 

Ordered , That the following message be sent to his Excellency, Wil¬ 
liam Blount, Esq.: 

Sir :—The House of Representatives are now met agreeably to your 
prorogation, and ready to proceed to business. 

Ordered , That Messrs. Hardin and Wear wait on his Excellency with 
the above message. 

At its next meeting, on the following day, the House 
adopted “ rules of decorum,” to he observed by its members. 
The curious in such matters may wish to know what these 
rules were, in the infancy of legislation in the country, and 
for their gratification, some of them are here given: 

1st. When the Speaker is in the Chair, every member may sit in his 
place with his head covered. 

2d. That every member shall come into the house uncovered, and 
shall continue so at all times, but when he sits in his place. 

3d. No member, in coming into the house, or removing from his 
place, shall pass between the Speaker and a member speaking, nor shall 
any member go across the house, or from one part thereof, to the other, 
whilst another is speaking. 

4th. When any member stands to speak, he shall stand in his place 
uncovered, and address himself to the Speaker; but shall not proceed to 
speak until permitted so to do by the Speaker, which permission shall 
be signified by naming the member. 

5th. When any member is speaking, no other shall stand or inter¬ 
rupt him ; but when he is done speaking, and taken his seat, any other 
member may rise, observing the rides. 

6th. When the Speaker desires to address himself to the house, he 
shall rise, and be heard without interruption, and the member then speak¬ 
ing, shall take his seat. 

7th. When any motion shall be before the house, and not perfectly 
understood, the Speaker may explain, but shall not attempt to sway the 
house by arguments or debate. 


BILLS SUBMITTED TO LEGISLATURE. 


625 


8th. He that digresseth from the subject, to hill on the person of any 
member, shall be suppressed by the Speaker. 

10th. Exceptions taken to offensive words, to be taken the same day 
they shall be spoken, and before the member who spoke them shall go 
out of the house. 

16th. If there shall be an equality of votes for, and against any ques¬ 
tion, the Speaker shall declare whether he be a yea or nay; but shall, 
in no other case, give his vote. 

18th. Upon adjournment, no member shall presume to move, until 
the Speaker arises and goes before.” 

The House of Representatives having thus adopted rules 

^ ^ for the government of its own members, proceeded, at 
i once, on motion of Mr. Cocke, to appoint a committee 
“ to consider and report as soon as possible, what bills of a pub¬ 
lic and general nature are necessary to be passed into laws, the 
present Assembly.” Mr. White, Mr. Cocke, Mr. Hardin, Mr. 
Wear and Mr. Doherty, were the committee. Mr. Sevier had 
been appointed on the part of Council, “to act with such 
member or members of the House, as a committee, to report 
the rules necessary to be observed in doing business” be¬ 
tween that body and the House. Mr. White and Mr. Rut¬ 
ledge were appointed to confer with him. This joint com¬ 
mittee afterwards made the following report: 

“ That it is proper for this House to send any message by a 
member of this House, to the Council or the Clerk, to be deli¬ 
vered to the President of the Council or the Chairman. That 
when a bill is to be sent to the Council, it shall be taken by 
two of the Representatives, to be delivered in the same man¬ 
ner. That no bill shall be debated or rejected on its first 
reading. That no bill being once rejected, shall be again ta¬ 
ken up the same session.” 

Rules regulating the intercourse of the two Houses being 
thus provided, Mr. Sevier and Mr. Winchester were ap¬ 
pointed on the part of the Council, to join the House Com¬ 
mittee, to prepare business for the Assembly. It was at once 
in medias res, and on the 28 th, through its Chairman, Mr 
Hardin reported, “ An act to regulate the militia of this Ter¬ 
ritory ; an act to establish the judicial courts, and to regu¬ 
late the proceedings thereof; an act making provision for 
the poor ; an act to enable executors and administrators to 
make rights for lands due upon bonds of persons deceased; 

40 


f>26 MEMBERS PROM KNOX COUNTY ABSENT, 

an act declaring what property is to be taxable, and the 
mode of collecting the tax thereon ; an act to levy a tax for 
the support of Government for the year 1794 ; and an act to 
provide for the relief of such of the militia as have been 
wounded by the Indians in the late invasions.” 

This brief catalogue of enactments necessary for the peo¬ 
ple of the Territory, presented to the consideration of its 
Legislature, and, perhaps, in the exact order and degree of 
the importance of each, the several subjects that were 
deemed of primary moment, and demanded prompt and im¬ 
mediate action. 

The instincts, the sagacity and discernment of the consti¬ 
tuents, had not been at fault in the selection of their public 
servants. Perhaps no other deliberative body, was ever more 
distinguished for identity and familiarity with the interests, 
the wishes and the wants of those for whom they acted, and 
none could have surpassed them in honesty, promptness and 
zeal. 

Committees were at once raised in each House, to whom 
was referred one of the subjects already enumerated. They 
seem to have been constituted with a wise and patriotic 
reference to the qualifications, experience and past pursuits 
of the members. On the bill to regulate the militia of the 
Territory, the House appointed, on the fourth day of the ses¬ 
sion, Wear, Taylor and Doherty, each of whom had been 
actively engaged as officers in the service of the country, 
and with them the Council associated Colonel Winchester. 
On the Committee on the Judiciary, Mr. White and Mr. 
Cocke. To make provision for the poor, Mr. Hardin and Mr. 
Tipton To levy a tax for 1794, Mr. Rutledge and Mr. Mc- 
Minn. To declare what property is taxable, Mr. Hardin and 
Mr. Ford ; and to provide relief for wounded militia, Mr. 
Doherty and Mr. Wear. 

In justice to the members of Knox county, whose names 
do not appear upon any of these committees, it ought to be 
mentioned that, on Wednesday, the third day of the session, * 
“ on motion of Mr. Kelly, seconded by Mr. Hardin, ordered., 
that Mr. Kelly and Mr. Beard have leave of absence, to go on 
a scout against the Indians.” These gentlemen held commis¬ 
sions in the militia of Knox county, and, on account of their 


ON A SCOUT AGAINST THE INDIANS. 


627 


gallantry and public spirit, had been honoured with seats in 
the House of Representatives. A threatened incursion of 
hostile Cherokees, made it necessary for them- to la}' down 
their legislative and resume their military functions. And, 
upon the motion of one of them, Mr. Kelly, his colleague 
and himself had leave of absence. In a week from that 
time, “ Mr. Kelly returned and took his seat.” Mr. Beard 
had returned the day before. 

To General Sevier, of the Council, is due the paternity of 
a bill, “ for the relief of such persons as have been disabled 
by wounds, or rendered incapable of procuring, for them¬ 
selves and families, subsistence, in the militia of this Terri¬ 
tory ; and providing for the widows and orphans of such as 
have died.” He had been, as we have already narrated, 
actively employed in the military service, and knew well the 
sacrifice of treasure and of blood which the martial spirit of 
his countrymen h,ad occasioned, and the havoc which, by the 
gallantry of his fellow-soldiers, had been made upon the com¬ 
fort, and property, and lives, of those he represented. 

To an enlightened Representative from Davidson county, 
is due the immortal honour of having made the first legisla¬ 
tive effort, in the Territorial Assembly, in behalf of Learning. 
On the 20th of August, “ Mr. White moved for leave, and 
presented a bill to establish a University in Greene county ; 
read for the first time, passed, and sent to the Council.” 
Four days after, the bill became a law, creating a Literary 
Institution, though under a less imposing name, Greenevilie 
College. The preamble to the act of incorporation follows ; 

“ Whereas, in all well-regulated governments, it is the incumbent 
duty of the Legislature to consult the happiness of the rising genera¬ 
tion, and endeavour to fit them for an honourable discharge of the social 
duties of life, by paying the strictest attention to their education, Be it 
enacted by the Governor,” &c. 

The act appoints the Rev. Hezekiah Balch, President of 
the College, and locates it upon his farm. The Trustees 
are—“ Hezekiah Balch, Samuel Doak, James Balch, Samuel 
Carrick, Robert Henderson, Gideon Blackburn, Archibald 
Roane, Joseph Hamilton, William Cocke, Daniel Kennedy, 
Landon Carter, Joseph Hardin, Sen., John Rhea and John 
Sevier.” The law invests these Trustees with the usual 


628 DOCTOR WHITE ELECTED THE TERRITORIAL DELEGATE. 

powers of such corporations, and authorizes them to make 
such Jaws for its government, as “to them may appear 
necessary for the promotion of learning and virtue ; pro¬ 
vided the same be not contrary to the unalienable rights of 
human nature, or the laws of the Territory.” 

On the same day, Mr. Doherty presented a petition from 
the inhabitants south of French Broad River, setting forth 
their right of occupancy to their lands, and praying that 
their case may be laid before Congress.” This subject after¬ 
wards became a fruitful source of complaint and tedious 
legislation, the details of which will be elsewhere given. 

On Saturday, the 30th, the House adjourned to Monday, 
seven o’clock. A working Legislature, truly ! 

In the Ordinance for the government of the Territory, it 
was provided “ That as soon as a Legislature shall be 
formed in the District, the Council and House, assembled in 
one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a 
Delegate to Congress.” The details of that transaction are 
here extracted from the Journals. 

Resolved , That the balloting for the Delegate to Congress take place 
to morrow, at ten o’clock, and that the following message be sent to the 
Council: 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Council :—We propose to bal¬ 
lot to-morrow, at ten o’clock, at the Court House, for a Delegate to 
Congress, and on our part appoint Messrs. Taylor and Doherty to su¬ 
perintend the balloting. The Council concurring, Mr. Taylor was ap¬ 
pointed to conduct the balloting on their part. On the 3d, Mr. James 
White, of Davidson county, was elected by a majority of both Houses, 
Delegate to Congress. 

On the petition of the inhabitants south of French Broad, your Com¬ 
mittee report that the said inhabitants ought to have all the assistance 
in the power of this House to give towards securing them in their im¬ 
provements. That as the disposal of the soil rests in Congress, it will 
be proper for this Assembly to draw up a memorial to that body, stating 
the facts as may induce them to secure the said inhabitants in a right 
of pre emption, and pray that an Act of Congress may be passed for 
that purpose. 

Both Houses adjourned to-day, to meet to-morrow at 7 o’clock. 

Sept 4.—Mr. Cocke moved for leave, and presented a Bill for the 
establishment of-College in the vicinity of Knoxville. 

The blank was afterwards filled with Blount, and on the 
tenth of September, the bill establishing Blount College be¬ 
came a law. Next to Mr. White, the friends of learning are 
indebted to one of the representatives from Hawkins, Mr 



MEMBERS FINED ONE SHILLING FOR ABSENCE. 


629 


Cocke, for his early care and prudent foresight in laying 
broad and deep a foundation for the intellectual improve¬ 
ment of the young men of the Territory. Blount College 
has since become the University of East Tennessee, and the 
laudable curiosity to see the incipient efforts of the first pa¬ 
trons of literature and science in the West, shall be gratified 
with some extracts from 

An Act for the establishment of Blount College , in the vicinity of 
Knoxville: 

Whereas , the Legislature of this Territory are disposed to promote 
the happiness of the people at large, and especially of the rising genera¬ 
tion, by instituting seminaries of education, where youth may be habi¬ 
tuated to an amiable, moral and virtuous conduct, and accurately in¬ 
structed in the various branches of useful science, and in the principles 
of the ancient and modern languages. 

Section 1. Be it enacted by the Governor, Legislative Council and 
House of Representatives of the Territory of the United States of Ame¬ 
rica, south of the River Ohio, That the Reverend Samuel Carrick, Presi¬ 
dent, and his Excellency William Blount, the Honourable Daniel Smith, 
Secretary of the Territory, the Honourable David Campbell, the Hon¬ 
ourable Joseph Anderson, General John Sevier, Col. James White, Col. 
Alexander Kelly, Col. William Cocke, Willie Blount, Joseph Hamil¬ 
ton, Archibald Roane, Francis A. Ramsey, Charles McClung, George 
Roulstone, George McNutt, John Adair and Robert Houston, Esquires 
shall be, and they are hereby declared to be a body politic and corporate,, 
by the name of the President and Trustees of Blount College, in the 
vicinity of Knoxville. 

On account, probabty, of some unknown infraction of par¬ 
liamentary law, the House, on the 8th, 

Resolved , That whenever this House shall render a list of absent 
members to the door-keeper, to warn them to attend, that each member 
so mentioned and warned, shall pay one shilling to the door-keeper for 
his trouble. 

This fine would appear inadequate for either of the pur¬ 
poses intended by it, if we fail to consider the difference 
between the per diem of members and door-keeper in the 
Assembly of 1794, and their pay in 1850. 

As further evidence of the diligence and application of 
members to their legislative duties, it may be mentioned that 
on the 5th, 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th, the ITouse adjourned to 
meet the succeeding days at 7 o’clock, A. M., and the Coun¬ 
cil regularly at 9 o’clock. 

On the 5th, the House concurred with the Council in their 


630 


PRIMITIVE TIMES IN KNOXVILLE. 


proposition in the two Houses meeting, and to take into 
their consideration whether the laws of North-Carolina are 
now in force and use in this Territory/'’ and proposed that 
the conference be at the Court House at four o’clock.” Ano¬ 
ther proof of the fidelity with which these servants of the 
people despatched their public duties. The Court House 
where this conference was proposed, and where the two 
Houses had met together for the election of a Delegate to 
Congress, was a small one-story building, about thirty feet 
long and twenty-four broad. The Council met in the bar¬ 
rack. The house in which the Assembly held its sessions 
was sometimes in another room of the barrack, and occa¬ 
sionally the large room of Carmichael’s Tavern, on Cumber- 
land-street, and now owned by Major Swan. Neither of 
the buildings was sufficiently spacious to allow a joint bal¬ 
lot or joint conference of the two bodies, and on these occa¬ 
sions each left its own chamber and repaired to the Court 
House. These were primitive times in Knoxville. Less 
than fifty families lived there then. Mr. Stone kept tavern 
on what is now known as Park’s Corner, and his was the 
very northern boundary of the town. Nathaniel Cowan 
lived at the corner of Water-street, not far from what is now 
Churchwell’s Mill, and most of the buildings were in that 
part of the place near the river. Many members boarded 
in the country, and walked morning and night to and from 
their quarters. A carriage was unknown in that day upon 
the frontier, and would have attracted more attention, and 
occasioned more remark, than a steam-car would in 1850 
upon the top of Chilhowee. 

In the Council, “ Mr. Donelson, from the Committee ap¬ 
pointed to make an estimate of the expenses for the year 
1794, reported that the probable expenditures for said year, 
will amount to two thousand three hundred and ninety dol¬ 
lars.” This financial estimate was for the whole Territory, 
and fifty-six years afterwards, the estimate would be consid¬ 
ered small for a single county in Tennessee. So true is it, 
with regard to communities as with individuals—the natural 
wants of man are few and easily supplied, while those that 
are artificial, are at once numberless and insatiable. 


H. L. WHITE, PRIVATE SECRETARY OF BLOUNT. 


G31 


Sept. 10, 1794.—Received from his Excellency, the Governor, the 
following message: 

Knoxville, Sept. 1, 1794. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Legislative Council , and Mr. 

Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : 

Herewith, by the hands of Mr. Hugh White, my Private Secretary, you 
will receive an act entitled an act, &c., Ac., to which I have given my as¬ 
sent. My Private Secretary being now officially made known to you, I 
shall, in future, cause the acts to which I give my assent, to be delivered 
by him to you, without any written message, and having obtained your 
signatures, to deliver the same to the Secretary of the Territory. 

Wm. Blount. 

Sept. 12.—Mr. White, from the Committee appointed to draw up a 
memorial to Congress in favour of the people south of French Broad, 
presented the following memorial: 

To the Honourable , the Senate and House of Representatives of the 

United States, in Congress: 

The memorial and petition of the inhabitants living south of French 
Broad River, sheweth, That your memorialists have settled on va¬ 
cant lands, lying on the south side of French Broad River, and which 
was granted to the people of this countiy, by the Indians, at different 
times. 

First. At the treaty of Dumplin Creek, held with John Sevier, Esq., 
at which time, the Indians received a compensation in clothing and other 
articles, for said land ; and in the year following, the same Indians did, 
in a fresh treaty, held with them at Coyatee, confirm the grant afore¬ 
mentioned. That, in consequence of these treaties, made under a then 
existing authority, your petitioners were induced to settle on the land 
so granted, which they cultivated with great labour and expense, and es¬ 
tablished within the bounds thereof, large and improved possessions. 
This memorial further sheweth, That the country aforesaid has been 
ceded to the United States, partly, at the treaty of Senaca, and finally, 
at the succeeding treaty of Holston. Your memorialists, therefore, peti¬ 
tion Congress to make them secure in their labour and improvements, 
whenever Congress may think it expedient to open a Land-office, by 
granting them a right of pre-emption to their hard-earned improve¬ 
ments and possessions. 

And whereas, numbers of these petitioners have been induced to be¬ 
lieve, that Congress would confirm such warrants or grants as had issued 
from the State of North-Carolina, and, therefore, have purchased the 
same, and laid them on their lands ; they pray that Congress may per¬ 
mit them to hold their lands by such warrants, but that the justice and 
goodness of your honourable body will provide, that no stranger may, by 
such warrants, take from the holder and improver of the land, his pos¬ 
sessions, the right of which ought to be derived through Congress. 

The Assembly adopted and sent forward to Congress, a 
long memorial on the subject of the existing Indian war. 

To this memorial was appended “ a list of the names of 


632 


WAGES OF MEMBERS OF LEGISLATURE. 


persons killed, wounded and captured, and horses stolen, 
since the 26th day of February, 1794.” The list comprises : 
killed, 67; wounded, 10; prisoners, 25 ; and horses stolen, 
376, estimated at $18,700. 

On the 18th, 19th, 20th, 26th and 27th, the House ad¬ 
journed to meet at seven o’clock the succeeding morning. 
Such an economical devotion of its time to public business, 
and such indefatigable attention to legislative duty, would 
seem to require some corresponding pecuniary compensation. 
As their session approached its termination, it was 

A 

Resolved , That the wages of the members, clerks and door-keepers o^ 
both houses, be estimated as follows: 


$2 50 
2 50 
25 00 
1 75 


For each member per day, 

“ each clerk “ “ 

“ each clerk for stationery, 
“ door-keeper per day, 


Each member, clerk and door-keeper to be allowed 
for ferriages. 

Every twenty-live miles, riding to and from the As¬ 
sembly, - - - - 2 50 

Sept. 23.—Mr. Sevier moved for leave, and presented a bill for 
establishing Knoxville, on the north bank of the Holston, which was 
read the first time, passed and sent to the House of Representatives. 

t 

As the adjournment of the Territorial Legislature ap¬ 
proached, its members were unwilling to separate, without 
making another effort to awaken the attention of the Fede¬ 
ral Government to the necessity and importance of more am¬ 
ple and effective means of defence and protection for their 
suffering and bleeding constituents. Since the last meeting 
of the Assembly, many of them had lost members of their 
own families—killed by savage ferocity or stratagem—-many 
of their neighbours had been wounded or taken prisoners ; 
much valuable property had been stolen or destroyed ; and 
during the present sitting of the Legislature, two members 
of it from the Metropolitan county, had been compelled, 
from the threatened aggressions of the enemy, to leave the 
halls of legislation and resume the sword, to prevent an at¬ 
tack upon the seat of Government. Under this condition of 
things, on the twenty-fourth of September, the House 

Resolved , That Janies White, Esq., the Representative of this Terri¬ 
tory in Congress, be instructed to take an early opportunity of exhibit- 


FIRST PUBLIC PRINTER APPOINTED. 


633 


ing to the President of Congress, the additional list of one hundred and 
five of our fellow-citizens, who have suffered by the Creeks and Chero- 
kees, since our memorial to Congress in the spring, in addition to the 
former innumerable and cruel acts of hostility with which this Territory 
has been insulted by those Indians ; and to assure his Excellency that if 
the people of this Territory have borne with outrages which stretch hu¬ 
man patience to its utmost, it has been through our veneration for the 
head of the Federal Government, and through the hopes we entertain 
that his influence will finally extend, to procure for this injured part of 
the Union, that justice, which nothing but retaliating on an unrelenting 
enemy, can afford. 

The patience of the people was well-nigh exhausted, and 
it required all the authority and weight of character of Go¬ 
vernor Blount to restrain the impetuous temper of the sol¬ 
diery of the Territory, which everywhere manifested itself— 
exacerbations of feeling and resentment, which, indeed, in 
every instance, his authority was unable to repress. 

Sept. 25.—In the Council, “ Mr. Sevier moved for leave, 
and presented a bill appointing a public printer.” Another 
era in the early legislation and improvement of an infant 
community, second only to the founding of institutions of 
learning and the creation of tribunals of justice. 

At the request of the members from Mero District, Go¬ 
vernor Blount ordered a sufficient guard of soldiers to ac¬ 
company them on their return home. 

Great difficulty arose in arranging the details of the Tax 
Bill, and the last days of the session, amendments were con¬ 
stantly proposed to the bill of the one House and as uni¬ 
formly rejected by the other. Several days were consumed 
in modeling and adjusting the Tax Bill. 

A Sabbath intervened, but on Monday the House con¬ 
tinued inflexible ; other messages were interchanged with a 
like result. The Council at length agreed to make the tax 
on a hundred acres of land, eighteen cents. To which the 
House again objected, and insisted upon “ a tax of twenty-five 
cents per hundred, as it stood in the bill when it went from 
this House.” 

The Council yielded, at length, to the more immediate 
representatives of the people, and sent them the following 
message— 

“ The Council accede to your proposition in taxing land at twenty- 


634 


DIFFICULTY IN ADJUSTING TAXES. 


five cents per hundred acres ; you will, therefore, send two of your 
members to see the amendments made accordingly.” 

At this length of time since these transactions took place, 
it is difficult to account for the discordant views entertained 
by the two Houses of the Territorial Assembly upon the land 
tax. A tariff is always a subject of troublesome adjust¬ 
ment, and then, as now, the proper arrangment of its details, 
was the most perplexing duty of the Legislature. It has 
been conjectured, that the conflict of sentiment between the 
Council and the House, may be legitimately traced to the 
organism—the mode by which each body was created. The 
five members of the Council were not elected by the people, 
but appointed by the Congress, and commissioned by the 
President of the United States, from ten citizens of the Ter¬ 
ritory at large, selected and nominated for that purpose by 
the House. Their term of office was for five years. The 
members of the House, on the other hand, were really the 
representatives of the people, were elected directly by them, 
and holding their office for but two years, were dependant 
upon popular suffrage for a renewal of their trust. 

The constituent body—the people—were generally small 
landholders, while most of the appropriated lands of the 
Territory, was held by large grantees, and they—many of 
them—non-residents. The toil of subduing the wilderness, 
the danger of reclaiming it from its savage occupants, the 
sacrifice of ease, of property and of life, in opening and de¬ 
fending it, the responsibility of founding its government 
and maintaining its rights, had all been undergone by actual 
settlers. Their adventure had planted the infant settle¬ 
ments, their valour had defended them, and to their services, 
were non-resident landholders indebted for the present and 
prospective enhancement of the value of their property. The 
tenacity, therefore, with which the immediate representa¬ 
tive body adhered to its policy of raising the revenue prin¬ 
cipally by a tax upon real estate, cannot be considered either 
strange or unwise. 

Sept. 30.—The morning of the last day of its session, the 
House exhibited a further instance of its restraint upon the 
action of the Council, by refusing its assent to a bill excusing 


RESOLUTION PREPARATORY TO A STATE ORGANIZATION. 635 


workmen employed at iron foundries, from military du¬ 
ties. 

Before their adjournment, the two Houses did concur in 
resolutions, requesting “ the Governor to direct, that when 
the census is taken next June, the sense of the people may 
at that time be enquired into, how far it may be their wish, 
for admission into the Ufiion as a State,”—also directing, 
“ that John Stone be allowed ten dollars, for the use of the 
house now occupied by the Legislative Council.”—“ That 
James White be allowed five dollars for the use of the court 
house during the session of the Assembly.”—“That George 
Roulstone & Co. be allowed the sum of ten dollars, if in ten 
days they print fifty copies of the act, ” respecting the levy¬ 
ing and collecting the taxes. “ That John Chisholm be al¬ 
lowed the sum of two dollars, for his monies expended for 
the public service of this Territory, during the recess of the 
Assembly,” and, “ that the thanks of this General Assembly 
be presented to Governor Blount, for the application of his 
abilities and attention, in forwarding their business as rep¬ 
resentatives ; more especially, in compiling and arranging 
the system of court law ; and that as there appears to be 
no more business before this Assembly, his Excellency be 
requested to prorogue the same to the first Monday in Octo¬ 
ber, 1795.” 

To the last resolution, the Governor sent in reply, the fol¬ 
lowing message— 

“ Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Mr. 
Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:—While 
your vote of thanks, of this day, affords a proof of your liberality, 
it offers me the highest reward for such attention as I have had in my 
power to pay to the court and other laws. I should feel myself want¬ 
ing to the Council and House of Representatives, were I not to ac¬ 
knowledge, that the Jaws which have been offered for my assent, have 
been such as are essential to the promotion of the public happiness, and 
that no law of importance at this time is omitted. Herewith you will 
receive the prorogation to the day as by you requested. 

“Knoxville, September 30, 1794. 

Wm. Blount.” 

PROROGATION. 

“William Blount, Governor in and over the Territory of the United 
States of America, south of the River Ohio: 


636 


PROROGATION OF TERRITORIAL ASSEMBLY. 


“ To the President and Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and the 
Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :—The session 
of the General Assembly is prorogued, until the first Monday in the 
month of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, then 
to commence at this place. 

“Given under my hand at Knoxville, September 30, 1794. 

Wm. Blount. 

“ By the Governor— Daniel Smith.” 

The per diem of the members of House of Representatives, 
and of the Clerk and Door-keeper, for the February session, 
and other incidental expenses, amounted to 8473,58§. 

That of the Legislative Council, for the August and Sep¬ 
tember session, amounted to 8070,7If. 

And that of the House of Representatives, for the same 
session, 1.700,16f. 

These proceedings of the Territorial Legislature will ac- 
i"9t \ c l ua * nt ^he rea der with the mode of transacting its 
l business, and, to some extent, with the amount and 
importance of its labours. It may be safely asserted that, 
in so short a session, the same number of law makers, under 
like difficulties and embarrassments, never had achieved 
more. Their session was one of only thirty-seven days. 
The number of members was small—in the Council, five- 
in the House—thirteen, and some of these, for various rea¬ 
sons, allowed leave of absence, at different periods of the 
session. Most of them too, though men of strong intellect 
and great good sense, were entirely inexperienced in legisla¬ 
tion, and uninformed upon some of the subjects the emer¬ 
gency of the times brought up for their action and decision. 
But all of them were identified with the interests of the 
people, and had been honoured with their confidence 
on account of their patriotism and public virtue. They 
were assiduous in the discharge of their new duties, and 
they were faithful to the trust confided to them. Of their 
competency, the work executed by them is an undying me¬ 
morial. They had become suddenly, and, with many of them, 
unexpectedly, the guardians of weighty interests in an im¬ 
mense Territory. The foundations of society were to be 
laid in different isolated communities, extending from the 
Alleghanies to the westernmost settlement. Invasion from 


SEVIER COUNTY. 


(537 


hostile Indian tribes had to be repelled ; an exposed frontier 
had to be guarded ; aggression had to be resisted ; stations 
protected ; forts defended ; emigrants encouraged ; and roads 
had to be opened through a trackless wilderness; towns and 
counties were to be laid out; a police to be established, and 
public buildings to be erected. A system of jurisprudence 
had to be, if not enacted de novo, amended, enlarged and 
remodeled, in adaptation to the circumstances and wants of 
a new community. These—these all were to be done. Nay, 
more—the fostering care of a new government had to be 
directed to the improvement and refinement of the “ rising 
generation,” and, to its other labours, the Legislature added 
the crowning honour of founding, at its first session, two 
Institutions of Learning. 

“ An act was passed to divide Jefferson county into two 
distinct counties.” Joseph Wilson, Robert Polk, Samuel 
Magahee, Samuel Newell and Thomas Buckingham, are 
made Commissioners to locate the court house in the new 
county, which is called Sevier; courts to be holden, for the 
first time, at the house of Isaac Thomas. 

Sevier county was attached to Hamilton District. The 
house of Isaac Thomas, where the first court for Sevier 
county was holden, stood on the west bank of Pigeon, nearly 
opposite the confluence of its east and west branches, be¬ 
tween which, and near their junction, was, October, 1795, 
laid out, and afterwards erected, the present Sevierville. It 
is a beautiful spot—surrounded by, and embosomed among, 
lofty and almost inaccessible heights, through which the 
confluents glide in placid quiet or rush with boisterous vio¬ 
lence through their narrow and tortuous channels. The 
bottoms below Sevierville are remarkable for their fertility. 
The county has been the land of hunters, soldiers and patri¬ 
ots. It has its stations, forts and battle grounds. It was 
one of the counties of Franklin. Dumplin Treaty was held 
on its soil. 

The magistrates who held the first court, Nov. 8, 1794, 
were —“The Worshipful Samuel Newell, Joseph Wilson, 
Joshua Gist, Peter Bryant, Joseph Vance and Andrew Ev¬ 
ans.” Besides these, there were magistrates not present— 


638 


EXTENSIVE JURISDICTION OF SEVIER COUNTY. 


M. Lewis and Robert Pollock. The county officers were— 
“ Samuel Newell, first chairman ; Joshua Gist, 2d ; and Jo¬ 
seph Wilson, 3d Samuel Wear, clerk; John Lowry, coun¬ 
ty solicitor ; Ambrose Arthur, deputy sheriff; Jesse Byrd, 
Register ; Thomas Buckingham, collector ; Mordecai Lewis, 
coroner ; Alexander Montgomery, ranger.” 

In the early minutes of the County Court of Sevier, may 
be seen something of the summary proceedings which char¬ 
acterized the courts of Franklin or the Temporary form of 
Government which, south of French Broad, followed the 
dissolution of that State. At April Term, 1795, it was— 
“ Ordered —That a bill of sale from J. R. to-, bear¬ 

ing date December 17, 1794, shall not be admitted to record, 
and that the word Fraudulent be wrote, by the clerk, on the 
face of said bill of sale.” 

The jurisdiction of the court was exercised beneficently, 
not only within the limits of Sevier county and of the Ter¬ 
ritory, but embraced, in its benevolent plenitude of power, 
the contiguous State of Virginia also. October sessions, 
1795, it was—“Ordered that an idiot, produced by John 
Craig, to this court, is to be delivered to a constable of this 
county, to be conveyed to the next constable, and so from 
officer to officer, until she is conveyed to the proper owner, 
in the State of Virginia, which is, by information, M. M. in 
Powell’s Valley.” 

The legislature exhibited no indifference to the pleasant 
charities of life. Ample provision was made by law, for 
persons disabled by wounds, and for the widows and or¬ 
phans of such as had died in the military service of the 
country. 

Among other acts of a local character, was one for estab¬ 
lishing Knoxville. It was, at that time, the seat of the Ter¬ 
ritorial Government, and so continued to be, during the exist¬ 
ence of that organization. It became the seat of Govern¬ 
ment of the State of Tennessee, and so continued to be for 
many years after. Kingston, Murfreesborough and Nashville, 
were its successors for several years, when, in 1817, Knox¬ 
ville again became the seat of Government, but for the last 




KNOXVILLE, FIRST CAPITAL OF TENNESSEE. 


639 


time. The strong flood of emigration to the West, had car¬ 
ried with it the centre of population beyond the Cumberland 
Mountains, and with it, the seat of Government. The scep¬ 
tre has departed from her ; but time, and change, and progress, 
cannot deprive her of her ancient honours, nor make her less 
venerable for the proud associations that cluster around 
her early history. Here Squollecuttah, Kunoskeskie, Nem- 
tooyah, Chuquilatague, Enolchi, Talohtuski, and other chief¬ 
tains of the Cherokee nation, met Governor Blount in Coun¬ 
cil, smoked the pipe of peace, and formed the Treaty of Iiol- 
ston ;—here the pious White pitched his tent in the wilderness, 
lived his life in patriarchal simplicity and unostentatious 
usefulness;—here died the founder of Knoxville, and his 
memory is here embalmed in the affectionate remembrance 
of a succeeding generation. Here the infant Government of 
the Territory was cradled, and nurtured in its youth by the 
paternal care of Blount, of Anderson and Campbell. Here, 
too, the sages and patriots of 1794, met and deliberated, and 
made laws. Here, too, was born the infant Hercules—since 
become a giant—Tennessee. Tennessee looks back to Knox¬ 
ville, and recognizes her as the home of her youth, and the 
fond centre of her hallowed recollections. 

Speaking of the question of State or no State, which, at 
this time, began to be agitated by the people of the Territory, 
Governor Blount writes to General Sevier, December 4th : 
“ I frankly say to you, I am for the Territory becoming a 
State as early as possible ; and I think this change can be 
effected so as to have a Constitution formed, and a represen¬ 
tation in the next Congress. I have already written to my 
friends in Congress, requesting them to have an act passed, 
authorizing this Territory to become a State, whenever the 
people shall express their wishes to this effect.” 

“ On the night of the twenty-fifth of May, Mr. George Mann, 
( living twelve miles above Knoxville, hearing a noise 
1>790 ( at his stable, and leaving his house to discover the 
cause, his return was intercepted by Indians, who fired upon 
and dangerously wounded him. He fled for concealment to 
a cave at a short distance, but was followed by the savages, 
dragged from his hiding place and slain. The wife had 


I 


640 


HEROISM OF MRS. MANN. 


heard the retreating footsteps of the Indians as they pursued 
her husband, and having locked the door, sat in silent expecta¬ 
tion, with her sleeping children around her. Soon she he&rs 
the tramp of approaching feet. Perhaps it is the neighbours, 
alarmed at the firing, and coming to the rescue ? She is 
about to rush out and meet them, but she hears their voices 
in a strange tongue. The horrible conviction seizes her, that 
the savages are returning to the slaughter. The rifle is in¬ 
stantly in her hands ; that morning she had learned the use 
of its triggers, and levelling it carefully at the crevice ol the 
door, near the lock, she awaits the result. Stealthy steps 
are moving along the walls ; the door is pressed against—it 
yields—is partly open—a savage is on his hands and knees 
at the entrance ; another behind, and still another; her fin¬ 
ger is upon the trigger ; she thinks of her children, and fires ! 
The first Indian falls heavily to the ground—the second 
screams with pain—the others gather up the wounded 
and fly ! 

That lone woman, by her courage and presence of mind, 
had repulsed twenty-five savage warriors. Had a word es¬ 
caped her lips after the explosion of the rifle, the lives of 
herself and children would have been lost. The perfect si¬ 
lence impressed the Indians, and believing armed men to be 
in the house, they fled.* 

The Indians set fire to the barns and out-buildings, but did 
not venture to approach the house, from which a defence so 
heroic and successful had been made. Mann, himself, was 
found next morning, cruelly scalped and mutilated. Pursuit 
was made after the body of Indians, but they could not be 
overtaken. 

Dr. White regrets, in a letter to General Sevier, the unwil¬ 
lingness of Congress to pay the men of his brigade, and its 
ungrateful neglect to pay the Chickasaws, and adds, “ the 
Spaniards will not neglect the opportunity to detach those 
Indians from us. The Government of Louisiana is already 
fortifying at the Chickasaw Bluffs.” 

The Spanish authorities still retained possession of the 

/ ' 

*Rev. T. W. Hume’s Semi-centennial Address. 


governor blount's message. 


641 


fort at the Chickasaw Bluff, and it was not surrendered till a 
special demand was made for its surrender under the instruc¬ 
tions of the Federal Government to Governor Blount. An¬ 
ticipating that still further obstacles would be thrown in the 
way of surrendering Louisiana, Mr. Jefferson called for a 
regiment of volunteers from Tennessee, to be present at the 
surrender.* 

As has been elsewhere shewn, the Territorial Assembly 
had been prorogued by Gov. Blount until the first Monday 
of October, 1795. For reasons mentioned in his Message, he 
had called them together by proclamation, at an earlier pe¬ 
riod, June 29, 1795. Upon that day, the Legislative Council 
and the House of Representatives again assembled at Knox¬ 
ville, and there held the second session. 

In the Message of the Governor, he said : 

“ The principal object for which I have called you together, at an 
earlier period than that to which the General Assembly stood pro¬ 
rogued, is to afford an opportunity to inquire whether it is, as I have 
been taught to believe, the wish of the majority of the people, that this 
Territory should become a State, when by taking the enumeration there 
should prove to be sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, or at such 
earlier period as Cougress shall pass an act for its admission ; and if it 
is, to take such measures as may be proper to effect the desired change 
of the form of government as early as practicable. 

“ Upon the head of Indian Affairs, I have the pleasure to inform you, 
that the prospect of peace between the United States and all the In¬ 
dian tribes or nations, are more pleasing than in any other period since 
the commencement of the war between Great Britain and the United 
States. I would not, however, in thus expressing myself, be understood 
that it is my opinion, that no more murders and thefts will be commit¬ 
ted by Indians upon the frontier citizens; on the contrary, I believe, 
that while there is a tribe of Indians remaining on this side of the Mis¬ 
sissippi,! uncircumscribed by the citizens of the United States, that a 
description of them by the chiefs, denominated bad young men, will 
continue, more or less, frequently to commit murders and thefts upon 
the frontier inhabitants; but against that description of Indians, as well 
as all others, should an alteration of disposition take place, Congress, 
at the last session, by the augmentation of the military establishment, 
have enabled the President to give more effectual protection to the fron¬ 
tier citizens than they have hitherto experienced.” 

* Blount Papers. 

t This is believed to be the first intimation of the wise policy, long afterwards 
recommended by General Jackson, and adopted by the Government, of removing 
the Indian tribes to the west of the Mississippi. 

41 


642 


FLATTERING STATE OF THE FINANCES. 


“ Mr. Sevier moved for leave and presented a bill to estab¬ 
lish a College at Salem, in Washington county.” 

The bill establishing “Washington College, in honour of 
the illustrious President of the United States,” was passed 
and ordered to be engrossed. 

“ An Act, etc. Whereas, the Legislature of North-Carolina estab¬ 
lished an academy in Washington county, by the name of Martin Aca¬ 
demy, which has continued for ten or twelve years past, under the pre¬ 
sidency of the Rev. Samuel Doak, and has been of considerable utility 
to the public, and affords a prospect of future usefulness, if invested with 
powers and privileges appertaining to Colleges.” 

The corporators were the Rev. Samuel Doak, President. 
the Rev. Charles Cummins, Edward Crawford, John Coson, 
James Balch, Robert Henderson and Gideon Blackburn; 
Judge Joseph Anderson; General John Sevier; Colonels 
Landon Carter and Daniel Kennedy; Majors Leeroy Taylor 
and John Sevier; John Tipton, William Cocke, Archibald 
Roane, Joseph Hamilton, John Rhea, Samuel Mitchell, Jesse 
Payne, James Aiken and William Charles Cole Claiborne, 
Esquires; Drs. William Holt and William Chester; Messrs. 
David Deaderick, John Waddle, Jun., Alexander Matthews, 
John Nelson and John McAllister. 

July 7.—In Council. Mr. Sevier, from the Joint Commit¬ 
tee appointed for that purpose, offered the following address 
to the Governor : 

“Sir :—The members of the Legislative Council, and of. the House 
of Representatives, beg leave to express to your Excellency their appro¬ 
bation of the object for which they were principally called together; 
and feeling convinced that the great body of our constituents are sensi¬ 
ble of the many defects of our present mode of government, and of the 
great and permanent advantages to be derived from a change and speedy 
representation in Congress, the Genera 1 Assembly of this Territory will, 
during the present session, endeavour to devise such means as may have 
a tendency to effect that desirable object; and, in doing so, we shall, be 
happy in meeting with your Excellency’s concurrence.” 

The Joint Committee, to whom was referred the report of 
( the Treasurer of Washington and Hamilton Districts^ 
( give, in the conclusion of their report, a flattering view 
of the condition of the finances : 

“ Your Committee beg leave to observe, that the monies, arising from 
the tax levied by the last General Assembly, very much exceeds their 
most sanguine expectations; and that such will be the state of the 
Treasury Department, that the next tax to be levied may be very much 


BLOUNT COUNTY ESTABLISHED. 


643 


lessened, and then be fully commensurate and adequate to defray every 
expenditure and necessary contingency of our government.” 

The condition of the Treasury, thus favourably indicated 
through official sources, doubtless had its influence, in deter¬ 
mining public sentiment in the Territory to aspire to and 
assume the higher position of an independent State. The 
great increase of population, the preference of the inhabi¬ 
tants for a state form of government, and the importance of 
having an immediate representation of this large section of 
country in Congress, induced the Assembly to have a census 
of the people made, so as to ascertain whether the Territory 
contained sixty thousand people. Upon that question, there 
was little conflict of opinion. Noti progredi est regredi , is 
the Western maxim, and it was apparent that the Territo¬ 
rial Government was approaching its end—a single dissen¬ 
tient was found in the Assembly. 

The general sentiment, however, was otherwise, and the 
Legislature, reflecting the opinion of the people at large, 
passed an act for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the 
Territory, in which it was provided, that “ if it shall appear 
that there are sixty thousand inhabitants therein, the Gov¬ 
ernor be authorized and requested to recommend to the peo¬ 
ple of the respective counties, to elect five persons of each 
county to represent them in Convention, to meet at Knoxville 
at such time as he shall judge proper, for the purpose of 
forming a constitution or form of government, for the per¬ 
manent government for the people who are or shall become 
residents upon the lands by the State of North-Carolina 
ceded to the United States.” The act provides also, “That 
each member of Convention shall be entitled to receive the 
same wages as a member of this present session of As¬ 
sembly.” 

By an act passed by the Governor, Legislative Council 
and House of Representatives of the Territory, Knox county 
was divided and Blount county established. William Wal¬ 
lace, Joseph Black, Samuel Glass, David Craig, John Trim¬ 
ble, Alexander Kelly and Samuel Henry, were appointed 
Commissioners, to select the place for the county seat and 
erect county buildings. The act names the seat of jus- 


644 GOV. VANDERHORST SUGGESTS ROAD FROM SO. CAROLINA. 

tice, Maryville. This was out of respect to Mrs. Mary 
Blount, the wife of the Governor. The county was thus 
named for Governor Blount. The first Court was held at 
the house of Abraham Weaver. Blount county was attached 
to Hamilton District. 

In September, of this year, Blount county Court first met 
at the house of Abraham Weaver. William Wallace, Wil¬ 
liam Lowry, Oliver Alexander, James Scott, David Craig 
and George Ewing, produced commissions from Governor 
Blount, appointing them magistrates for the county. Wil¬ 
liam Wallace was elected Chairman ; John McKee, Clerk ; 
Littlepage Simms, Sheriff; William Wallace, Register; 
Robert Rhea, Coroner. 

July 8.—Up to this period, emigrants from North and South- 
Carolina had continued to reach the Territory, by the then 
usual channels of travel over the Yellow and Stone Moun¬ 
tains, and sometimes by the Good Spur route through Western 
Virginia and the valley of the Holston. On the 8th of July, 
Governor Blount submitted to the Council “ several papers, 
respecting the opening of a wagon road from Buncombe 
Court-House, in North-Carolina, to this Territory,” and re¬ 
commended this important measure to their consideration. 
The Council appointed a special committee, Messrs. Sevier 
and Taylor, with whom the House associated Messrs. Wear, 
Cocke, Doherty and Taylor, to whom that subject was re¬ 
ferred. They report: 

“ Your Committee, to whom w r as referred the resolution of the As¬ 
sembly of South-Carolina, together with Governor Yanderhorst’s and 
Blount’s letters, on the subject of cutting and opening a road through 
the eastern mountains, report the following resolution : 

Resolved, That his Excellency, Governor Blount, be authorized and 
directed to appoint three Commissioners, to meet the three Commission¬ 
ers appointed by the State of South-Carolina, to deliberate and consult 
on measures, for the purpose of cutting and opening a road through the 
eastern mountains, and report unto our next General Assembly the 
result of their conference; also, the practicability and probable expense 
of cutting and opening the said road the nearest and best route through 
the mountains.” 

The Governor was also authorized to draw “ a sum out of 
the Treasury, not exceeding one hundred dollars,” to defray 
the expense of the Commissioners. 


TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT TERMINATES. 


645 


The consideration of other subjects before the Legisla¬ 
ture, was postponed. The conviction had become general, 
that the Territorial would soon be superseded by a State 
Government, and to its counsels and authority, the pre¬ 
sent Assembly chose to confide whatever was defective 
or immature in their own legislation. The session was a 
short one—but of thirteen days continuance. 

The Council informed the House by message, “ The bu¬ 
siness being about to be brought to a close, this evening, we 
propose that a message be sent to the Governor, informing 
him of the same, and request to be prorogued,”—which 
being concurred in by the House, the Governor sent the fol¬ 
lowing message— 

“ William Blount, Governor in and over the Territory of the 
United States of America, south of the River Ohio. 

“ To the President and Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and 
the Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :—The 
business of this session being completed, the General Assembly is pro¬ 
rogued, sine die. 

“ Given under my hand and seal, at Knoxville, July 11, 1*795. 

Wm. Blount. 

By the Gov.— Thomas H. Williams, Pro Sedy.” — 

Governor Blount, in the reception of a liberal salary from 
the United States Treasury, and from the resources of an 
ample private fortune, had been able to indulge his disposi¬ 
tion to entertain freely and even elegantly. The style ofhis 
receptions was, necessarily, below that of Philadelphia and 
Wilmington, but it was from the condition of things, scarcely 
less expensive to the liberal host, who, in the infancy of 
society around and in Knoxville, left no means unemployed 
to manifest a hospitality at once worthy of the chief magis¬ 
trate, and creditable to the gentleman. The older citizens 
still refer to the last years of the Territorial Government, as 
furnishing models of refinement and etiquette, of gentility 
and polish, seldom seen in a new community. Not the up¬ 
start consequence, and assumed superiority of suddenly ac¬ 
quired wealth and unexpected promotion ; but the genuine 
politeness, ease, grace and cordiality, the result and accom¬ 
paniment of innate good feelings, sterling worth, and ad¬ 
mitted respectability. The court of Governor Blount was 


646 


COURT OF GOVERNOR BLOUNT. 


thronged by strangers and gentlemen, visiting the seat of 
Government from all parts of the Union on business, or for 
curiosity and pleasure. Levees and entertainments became 
frequent and crowded. There was wanting, of course, the 
Parisian saloon, the servants in livery, and all of the exterior 
of a princely munificent entertainment. But then, there was 
what is far better—the cordiality and the absence of cere¬ 
mony, and the warm-hearted and brotherly greeting, without 
which, a .i the attraction of conviviality are empty and 
valueless. 

At such assemblages, each guest felt himself the Go¬ 
vernor’s favourite. Conscious private worth and capacity, 
and fidelity in the public service, were assured of his regard 
and his civility, though clad in the plainest garb, or presented 
in the Hunting shirt or seen in a less imposing exterior. Then 

* ’Twas worth that made the man, 

And want of it the fellow.” 


THE STATE OF TENNESSEE. 


647 


CHAPTER VIII. 

THE STATE OF TENNESSEE. 

More than a quarter of a century had now passed, since 
1796 S t ^ le g erm °f civilization had been planted j the pio- 
l neers of Tennessee upon the banks of the Watauga. 
Their progress westward has been given in the preced¬ 
ing pages, with such account of their civil and military 
annals, and their social advancement, as the limited supply 
of material within the writer’s command, has enabled him to 
furnish. Under the simplest form of government, the patri¬ 
archal system of Robertson and Carter, and their associates 
on Watauga, we have seen the infancy of Tennessee—au¬ 
guring bright hope and brilliant expectation for its future. 
That hope and expectation we have seen gloriously realized 
in the active participation of the western volunteers in the 
American Revolution. With the establishment of their Na¬ 
tional Independence, we have noticed the origin and growth 
of empire in the West—the wish to govern themselves under 
a sovereignty purely western. We have traced the rise, 
progress and fall of the ancient Commonwealth of Franklin. 
We have given the history of the Territory of the United 
States south of the River Ohio. In all these varied periods 
of her growth, we have seen much to admire, little to cen¬ 
sure or condemn, in the Annals of our proud State. Here 
and there a youthful indiscretion or a wrong-doing, which 
time, reflection and experience, have promptly corrected. 
Now and then, an act of disobedience, or a feeling of insub¬ 
ordination, soon after atoned for, by dutiful affection and filial 
regard ; always a manly assertion of the rights and privile¬ 
ges of grown-up sons, without a perverse and stubborn dis¬ 
position to cast off or rebel against rightful authority. An 
impatience, sometimes, to set up for and govern themselves, 
rather than wilful disobedience, filial impiety or unfraternal 
feeling. Her infancy, youth, boyhood, had been well passed, 


648 


CENSUS OF THE TERRITORY. 


and Tennessee had now attained the growth, and vigour, and 
strength, and stately proportions of a full grown manhood. 
Hereafter she will be noticed as a State, free, independent 
and sovereign, and a member of the American Union. 

>*•111 accordance with the provisions of the act of the Terri¬ 
torial Government, of July 11, 1795, an enumeration of the 
inhabitants of the Territory was made. The results of that 
enumeration are found in the following schedule, as fur¬ 
nished by Governor Blount, and afterwards forwarded by 
him to George Washington, President of the United States. 

Territory of the U. States of America south of the River Ohio. 

Schedule of the aggregate amount of each description of persons , taken 
agreeably to “ An act providing for the enumeration of the inhabi¬ 
tants of the Territory of the United States of America south of the 
River Ohio passed July 11 , 1*795. 



Free white 
males, 16 
years and 
upwards, 
including 
heads ot 
families. 

Free white 
males under 
16 years. 

Free white 
females, in¬ 
cluding 
heads of 
families. 

All 

other 

free 

persons. 

Slaves. 

Total 

amount 

Yeas. 

Nays. 

Jefferson County, - 

1,706 

2,225 

3,021 

112 

776 

7,840 

714 

316 

Hawkins County, - 

2,666 

3,279 

4,767 

147 

2,472 

13,331 

1.651 

534 

Greene County, 

1,567 

2,203 

3,350 

52 

466 

7,638 

560 

495 

Knox County. 

2,721 

2,723 

3,664 

100 

2,365 

11,573 

1,100 

128 

Washington County, 

2,013 

2,578 

4,311 

225 

978 

10,105 

873 

145 

Sullivan County 

1,803 

2,340 

3,499 

38 

777 

8,457 

715 

125 

Sevier County, 

628 

1,045 

1,503 

273 

129 

3,578 

£61 

55 

Blount Connty, 

585 

817 

1,231 

00 

183 

2,816 

476 

16 

Davidson County, - 

728 

695 

1,192 

6 

992 

3,613 

96 

517 

Sumner County, 

1,332 

1,595 

2,316 

1 

1,076 

6,370 

00 

00 

Tennessee County, - 

380 

444 

700 

19 

398 

1,941 

58 

231 


16,179 

19,944 

29,554 

973 

10,613 

77,262 

6 504 

2,562 


I, William Blount, Governor in and over the Territory of the United 
States of America south of the River Ohio, do certify that this schedule 
is made in conformity with the schedules of the sheriffs of the respec¬ 
tive counties in the said Territory, and that the schedules of the said 
sheriffs are lodged in my office. 

Given under my hand, at Knoxville, November 28, 1795. 

William Blount. 

From this enumeration it appears, that more than one- 
third of the voters in the Territory, were opposed to the 
formation of the State Government. This opposition was 
strongest in the Cumberland counties: only ninety-six in 
Davidson, and fifty-eight in Tennessee county, voting in its 
favour ; while east of Cumberland Mountain, the majority 
for the new State was large, approaching, in Blount and 





































governor blount’s proclamation. 


G49 


Sevier, almost to unanimity, occasioned probably by the 
peculiar situation of their land titles. Governor Blount and 
the officers of his government, were understood to be 
decidedly in favour of the State organization, and General 
Sevier and his adherents zealously so. “ Sevier and his Cap¬ 
tains” were still omnipotent. 

The Territory was found to contain more than the num¬ 
ber of inhabitants, requisite by the Ordinance creating it, 
to authorize the formation of a State Government, and Go¬ 
vernor Blount issued his proclamation. 

William Blount, Governor in and over the Territory of the United 

States of America south of the River Ohio, to the people thereof; 

Whereas, by an act passed on the 11th day of July last, entitled 
“ An act providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the Terri¬ 
tory of the United States of America south of the River Ohio,” it is 
enacted, “ that if upon taking the enumeration of the people in the said 
Territory as by that directed, it shall appear that there are sixty thou¬ 
sand inhabitants therein, counting the whole of the free persons, inclu¬ 
ding those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians 
not taxed, and adding three-fifths of all other persons, the Governor 
be authorized and requested to recommend to the people of the re¬ 
spective counties to elect five persons for each county, to represent them 
in convention, to meet at Knoxville, at such time as he shall judge 
proper, for the purpose of forming a constitution or permanent form of 
government.” 

And whereas, upon taking the enumeration of the inhabitants of the 
said Territory, as by the act directed, it does appear that there are sixty 
thousand free inhabitants therein, and more, besides other persons: 
Now I, the said William Blount, Governor, &c., do recommend to the 
people of the respective counties to elect five persons for each county, 
on the 18th and 19th days of December next, to represent them in a 
convention to meet at Knoxville, on the 11th day of January next, for 
the purpose of forming a constitution or permanent form of govern¬ 
ment. 

And to the end that a perfect uniformity in the election of the mem¬ 
bers of convention may take place in the respective counties, I, the said 
William Blount, Governor, &c., do further recommend to the sheriffs or 
their deputies, respectively, to open and hold polls of election for mem¬ 
bers of convention, on the 18th and 19th days of December, as afore¬ 
said, in the same manner as polls of election have heretofore been held 
for members of the General Assembly; and that all free males, twenty- 
one years of age and upwards, be considered entitled to vote by ballot 
for five persons for members of convention ; and that the sheriffs or 
their deputies, holding such polls of election, give certificates to the five 
persons in each county, having the greatest number of votes, of their 
being duly elected members of convention. 


650 


CONVENTION OF TENNESSEE 


And I, the said William Blount, Governor, &c., think proper here to 
declare, that this recommendation is not intended to have, nor ought 
to have, any effect whatever upon the present temporary form of 
government; and that the present temporary form will continue to be 
exercised in the same manner as if it had never been issued, until the 
convention shall have formed and published a constitution or permanent 
form of government. 

Done at Knoxville, November twenty-eight, one thousand seven hun¬ 
dred and ninety-five. 

Wm. Blount. 

By the Gov.— Willie Blount, Pro Secretary. 

In accordance with this proclamation, elections were held 
for five members of Convention, from each of the eleven 
counties in the Territory. These assembled on the day ap¬ 
pointed, Jan. 11, at Knoxville. 

Besides the members, there was an immense gathering 
of the more enlightened, patriotic and influential citizens, 
from all parts of the Territory, and some from other states. 
Knoxville had never before contained more intelligence 
and weight of character. The occasion demanded wisdom 
and moderation, public spirit and public virtue—and these 
were there. 

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION OF 1796. 

The following members appeared at Knoxville, produced 
their credentials, and took their seats, to wit: 

From the County of Blount —David Craig, James Greena¬ 
way, Joseph Black, Samuel Glass, James Houston. 

From the County of Davidson —John McNairy, Andrew 
Jackson, James Robertson, Thomas Hardeman, Joel Lewis. 

From the County of Greene —Samuel Frazier, Stephen 
Brooks, William Rankin, John Galbreath, Elisha Baker. 

From the County of Hawkins — James Berry, Thomas 
Henderson, Joseph McMinn, William Cocke, Richard Mitch¬ 
ell.* 

From the County of Jefferson —Alexander Outlaw, Joseph 
Anderson, George Doherty, William Roddye, Archibald 
Roane. 


* Mr. Mitchell still survives, and is believed to be the only living member of 
the Convention of 1796. 


I 


MEETS AT KNOXVILLE. 


651 


From the County of Knox- —William Blount, James White, 
Charles McClung, John Adair, John Crawford. 

From the County of Sullivan ■—George Rutledge, William 
C. C. Claiborne, John Shelby, Jun., John Rhea, Richard 
Gammon. 

From the County of Sevier —Peter Bryan, Samuel Wear, 
Spencer Clack, John Clack, Thomas Buckenham. 

From the County of Tennessee —Thomas Johnston, James 
Ford, William Fort, Robert Prince, William Prince. 

From the County of Washington —Landon Carter, John 
Tipton, Leeroy Taylor, James Stuart, Samuel Handley. 

From the County of Sumner —D. Shelby, Isaac Walton, 
W. Douglass, Edward Douglass, Daniel Smith. 

The Convention proceeded to the choice of a President, 
when William Blount was unanimously elected and conduct¬ 
ed to the chair. William Maclin was chosen secretary, and 
John Sevier, Jun., reading and engrossing clerk. John 
Rhea was appointed door-keeper. 

On motion of Mr. White, seconded by Mr. Roddye,—Or¬ 
dered—That the session commence to-morrow with prayer, 
and a sermon to be delivered by Rev. Mr. Carrick. 

The rules for the government of the Convention were, 
with slight modifications, the same that had been adopted 
by the House of Representatives of the Territorial Assem¬ 
bly, Aug. 6, 1794. 

The per diem of the members of the Convention had been 
fixed by the Territorial Legislature, at two dollars and a 
half; no provision, however, had been made for the pay of 
its secretary , printer , and other officers. 

The Convention, on the second day of its session, exhib¬ 
ited a singular instance of disinterestedness and economy. 

“ On motion of Mr. Claiborne, seconded by Mr. Rut¬ 
ledge : 

Resolved , That economy is an amiable trait in any government, and 
that in fixing the salaries of the officers thereof, the situation and re¬ 
sources of the country should be attended to. 

Resolved , That ten shillings and sixpence, Virginia currency, per day 
to every member, is a sufficient compensation for his services in the 
Convention, an<J one dollar for every thirty miles they travel in coming 
to and returning from the Convention ; and that the members pledge 


652 


CONSTITUTION OF TENNESSEE ADOPTED. 


themselves, each one to the other, that they will not draw a greater sum 
out of the public treasury.” 

The second resolution was amended by substituting one 
dollar and fifty cents for ten shillings and sixpence, Virginia 
currency, and, thus amended, was unanimously adopted. 

On motion of Mr. Robertson, seconded by Mr. Ford, 

“ Resolved , That the House proceed to appoint two mem¬ 
bers from each county, to draft a constitution, and that each 
county name their members.” 

Messrs. Craig and Black were nominated for Blount. 


<< 

McNairy and Jackson 

t; 

Davidson. 

• l 

Frazier and Rankin 

u 

Greene. 

a 

Cocke and Henderson 

a 

Hawkins. 

« 

Anderson and Roddye 

(s 

Jefferson. 

« 

Blount and McClung 

a 

Knox. 

« 

Claiborne and Rhea 

a 

Sullivan. 

a 

Shelby and Smith 

n 

Sumner. 

a 

Wear and John Clack, 

(( 

Sevier. 

u 

Johnston and Fort 

a 

Tennessee. 

«» 

Tipton and Stuart 

u 

Washington. 

On 

motion of Mr. McMinn, the 

opinion 

of the House 


was taken, whether a Bill of Rights be prefixed to the Con¬ 
stitution ; and having decided that in the affirmative, the 
House directed the Committee to present as early as possi¬ 
ble a Declaration or Bill of Rights, to be prefixed to the Con¬ 
stitution.” 

Mr. Smith, Chairman, presented to the Convention a draft 
of the Bill of Rights. It was considered in Committee of 
the Whole, Mr. Robertson in the chair. In like manner, a 
draft of the Constitution was, on the 27th of January, “ de¬ 
livered in at the Secretary’s table and read.” The next day 
it was taken up, referred to the Committee of the Whole, 
and considered and amended until the 6th of February, 
when “ the engrossed copy of the Constitution was read and 
passed unanimously.” 

The debates of the Convention are not given in the Jour¬ 
nal. They are not to be found elsewhere. A single mem¬ 
ber of that patriotic body survives. Accounts, therefore, of 
its more minute transactions are meagre, and the details of 


DEBATES OF THE CONVENTION. 


653 


the views of members, and their position upon subjects about 
which a conflict of sentiment had arisen, can be gathered 
only from the ayes and noes—as occasionally called for du¬ 
ring the session—and from the recollections of the few sur¬ 
viving contemporaries of these sages of 1796. 

The session of the Convention was short, extending to 
only twenty-seven days. Its deliberations are said to have 
been marked by great moderation and unusual harmony, 
and to have been conducted throughout with singular cour¬ 
tesy, good feeling and liberality. The speeches of members 
were, therefore, probably few and short. They had met 
more with the purpose of deliberating for the public good, 
than for the exhibition of talents and eloquence. 

Early in the session, Mr. Outlaw presented a grave ques¬ 
tion to the Convention, viz : “ whether the Legislature con¬ 
sist of two Houses.” In Committee of the Whole, it was 
decided in the affirmative. On motion of Mr. McNairy, 
seconded by Mr. Cocke, a question of equal gravity was next 
considered, viz : “ whether the two branches in the Legisla¬ 
ture shall consist of equal numbers and of equal powers, 
and if the whole number elected should be odd, then by bal¬ 
lot to determine to which House the odd member belongs.” 
In Committee of the Whole, it was determined “ that the 
legislative power be vested in two Houses, of equal num¬ 
bers and of equal powers ;” and so reported to the Conven¬ 
tion. This report was, however, re-considered the next day, 
on motion of Mr. McNairy, and seconded by Mr. Rhea, and 
“ amended so as to read as follows : in lieu of the words, 
two Houses, insert one House of Representatives, and that 
no bill or resolution shall be passed, unless by two-thirds of 
the whole number of members present.” This amendment 
was concurred in by the Convention, but the next morning a 
re-consideration was again ordered, on motion of Mr. Rod- 
dye, seconded by Mr. Fort, and “two branches, a Senate 
and House of Representatives,” again inserted. This amend¬ 
ment, too, was adopted by the Committee, on motion of Mr. 
Cocke, seconded by Mr. Jackson. “ Mr. Anderson moved 
that the report of the Committee be amended, by striking 
out the word Senate , which passed in the negative.” 

“ It was then moved by Mr. Claiborne, and seconded by 


654 


DECISION ON SEVERAL QUESTIONS. 


Mr. Carter, that the report be amended as follows: that the 
Senate have only a qualified negative, and that a bill, not¬ 
withstanding their dissent, shall become a law, provided 
two-thirds of the House of Representatives concur in its 
passage, which passed in the negative/’ 

Later in the session, “ it was moved by Mr. Outlaw, and 
seconded by Mr. Anderson, whether it is the sense of this 
House, that if we should not be admitted by Congress as a 
member State of the General Government, that we should 
continue to exist as an independent State.” “ Mr. Cocke 
moved the postponement of the question, which was objected 
to ; the question was then put, and carried in the affirmative.” 

An ineffectual attempt was made by Mr. Henderson, to 
extend the right of suffrage to “ all persons who have done 
duty in the militia ;” and by Mr. Outlaw, “ to all persons 
liable by law to do militia duty ;” and by Mr. Anderson, to 
change the system of voting by ballot to the viva voce plan. 

The original draft of the Constitution, provided, in 

“ Article VIII, Sec. 1.— Whereas, the ministers of the Gospel are, by 
their professions, dedicated to God and the care of souls, and ought not 
to be diverted from the great duties of their functions ; therefore, no 
minister of the Gospel, or priest of any denomination whatever, shall, un¬ 
der any pretence or description, be eligible to or capable of holding any 
civil or military office, or place of trust, within this state.” On motion 
of Mr. Carter, seconded by Mr. Jackson, this was amended, so as to read 
after the word “ eligible, to a seat in either branch of the Legislature.” 

It was through the efforts of William Blount, that the 
Convention adopted the 29th section of the Bill of Rights— 
“ That an equal participation of the free navigation of the 
Mississippi, is one of the inherent rights of the citizens of 
this State; it cannot, therefore, be conceded to any prince, 
potentate, power, person or persons whatever.* 

In section 31st of the Bill of Rights, adopted with the 
Constitution, it is provided—“ That the people residing south 
of French Broad and Holston, between the Rivers Tennessee 
and Big Pigeon, are entitled to the right of pre-emption and 
occupancy in that tract.” This right was secured to them 
by the framers of the Constitution, in consideration of the 
value to the country of these settlements. These brave 
pioneers had extended themselves as a barrier between the 

* Blount Papers. 


JACKSON SUGGESTS THE NAME TENNESSEE. 


655 


older settlements and the Indians—maintaining their ground, 
without titles to their lands, from 1783 to 1790 ; living 
there, part of this interim, without the benefit of law, en¬ 
during trouble, encountering danger, and exposed to pillage, 
massacre and death. The privilege of pre-emption was 
richly deserved. 

A further privilege was granted to these inhabitants. 
(i Until a Land Office shall be opened, so as to enable the 
citizens south of French Broad and Holston, between the 
"Rivers Tennessee and Big Pigeon, to obtain titles upon their 
claims of occupancy and pre-emption, those who hold land, 
by virtue of such claims, shall be eligible to serve in all 
capacities where a freehold is, by this Constitution, made a 
requisite qualification.” 

It is tradition, that the beautiful name given to our State, 
in the Convention, was suggested by General Jackson. The 
members from the county of Tennessee consented to the loss 
of that name, if it should be transferred to the whole State. 
Its principal river still retained its aboriginal name, and the 
Convention adopted it, in preference to others that were 
spoken of. In euphony and smoothness, it compares well 
with those of her sister coterminous states, Alabama, Missis¬ 
sippi, Arkansas, Missouri and Kentucky ; and, at the same 
time, is more American, less European, than her venerable 
mother, Carolina, or Virginia and Georgia. 

The Convention had approached nearly to the end of its 
labours, Saturda) r , February 6, 1796. 

“ Mr. McClung, Chairman of the Coramittee^appointed to draw up an 
estimate of the expenses of the Convention, reported the following esti¬ 
mate of the wages of the Convention, clerks and door-keeper, began 
and held at Knoxville on the 11th day of January, and ending the 6th 
day of February, 1796, allowing one dollar and fifty cents per day for 
each member, and one dollar for every thirty miles’ travelling to and 
returning from the same, agreeably to a unanimous resolution of the 
Convention of the 12th January; two dollars and fifty cents per day to 
the clerks, and two dollars to the door-keeper.” 

In addition to the per diem of the members and officers of 
the Convention, an estimate was made 

For seats for the Convention. - - - $10 00 

Three and a half yards of oil cloth, - - - 2 62 


65G CONSTITUTION OF TENNESSEE FORWARDED 

\ 

So small was the expenditure of a primitive people for 
the furniture of the Convention Chamber, and the covering 
of the President’s and Secretary’s tables. They were in ex¬ 
act correspondence with the room in which the session was 
held. It was the office of David Henley, Esq., Agent of the 
Department of War, a small building then in the outer part 
of Knoxville, and still surrounded by standing trees of the 
ancient forest. It was afterwards used as a school house. 
The older citizens can point out to the curious where the old 
Convention-house stood, but no vestige of it has been pre¬ 
served. The vandalism of modern times has razed its foun¬ 
dation, and consigned it to oblivion. 

The Convention had generously relinquished a large pro¬ 
portion of the daily pay of its own members, and they re¬ 
commended the application of that amount to the following 
purposes : 

“ Resolved , That it is the unanimous wish of the members of this 
Convention, that the monies appropriated to their use by law, and not 
by them received, may be appropiated by the General Assembly to the 
payment of the secretary, clerk, printer and door-keeper, or so much 
thereof as will be sufficient to pay them for their services; and that the 
printer be directed to print fifty copies of the Constitution, and ten copies 
of the Journal for each county, to be delivered to the members of this 
Convention, and by them to be distributed for the information and bene¬ 
fit of the citizens.”* 

The President of the Convention was instructed to take 
the Constitution into his safe keeping, until a Secretary shall 
be appointed and qualified to office under it, and then to de¬ 
liver it to him,” and also to “ forward, as early as practica¬ 
ble, by an express, a copy to the Secretary of State for the 
United States.” The President was further “ authorized and 
directed to issue writs of election to Sheriffs of the several 
counties, for holding the first election of members of the 
General Assembly, and a Governor, under the authority of 
the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, to bear test of 
this date.” 

* This small edition was, of course, soon exhausted, and at the time of this wri¬ 
ting, a copy can scarcely be found. The writer is indebted, for the copy now before 
him, to the politeness and research of the Hon. Chancellor Reese, President of the 
East Tennessee Historical and Antiquarian Society. 


TO SECRETARY OF STATE. 


657 


Agreeably to these instructions of the Convention, the 
President promptly forwarded, on the 9th of February, a copy 
of the Constitution to Mr. Pickering, as Secretary of State. 
It was sent by one of the members from Hawkins county, 
Joseph McMinn, Esq., who was instructed to remain long 
enough at the seat of the Federal Government, to ascertain 
whether the members of Congress from Tennessee would 
be allowed to take their seats in the National Legislature. 
Mr. White, the Territorial delegate in that body, was urged 
by Mr. McMinn, to apply for the admission of the State of 
Tennessee into the Union. 

The Constitution of the State of Tennessee, as formed by 
the Convention of 1796, need not be here given, as it is to 
be found at large in several political compilations. It is ad¬ 
mitted to be one of the very best—Mr. Jefferson said, “the 
least imperfect and most republican”—of the systems of go¬ 
vernment adopted by any of the American States. For 
about forty years it was considered so unobjectionable, and 
so satisfactory to the people of Tennessee, that all efforts to 
amend it failed to receive their sanction till 1835, when it 
was changed, and the present Constitution substituted in its 
stead. 

FIRST LEGISLATURE OF TENNESSEE. 

Writs of election, bearing date the 6th of February, were 
issued by the President of the Convention to the Sheriffs of 
the several counties, requiring them to hold the first election 
of members of the General Assembly, and Governor of the 
►State of Tennessee, and designating the 28th of March, as 
the day on which the new Legislature of the new State 
should assemble. The election was held accordingly, and 
the members elect were furnished by the returning officers 
of their respective counties with the necessary credentials. 
Upon the day appointed, the Legislature met at Knoxville. 
The following members constituted the 

Senate. 

James Ford, from the county of Tennessee. 

James Winchester, “ Sumner. 

42 


658 


FIRST LEGISLATURE OF TENNESSEE. 


James White, 
George Doherty, 
Samuel Frazier, 
John Tipton, 
George Rutledge, 
John Clack, 
Alexander Kelly, 
Joel Lewis, 
Joseph McMinn, 


from the county of Knox. 

Jefferson 




a 


u 


a 


a 


a 


a 


a 


Greene. 

Washington. 

Sullivan. 

Sevier. 

Blount. 

Davidson. 

Hawkins. 


Mr. White proposed for Speaker, James Winchester, Esq., 
who was unanimously chosen and conducted to the chair. 

March 29.—Francis A. Ramsey was appointed Clerk; 
Nathaniel Buckingham, Assistant Clerk; Thomas Bounds, 
Door-keeper. 


The House of Representatives. 

James Houston and Joseph Black, from the county of 
Blount. 

Robert Weakley and Seth J^ewis, from the county of Da¬ 
vidson. 

Joseph Conway and John Gass, from the county of Greene. 

John Cocke and Thomas Henderson, from the county of 
Hawkins. 

Alexander Outlaw and Adam Peck, from the county of 
Jefferson. 

John Menefee and John Crawford, from the county of Knox. 

John Rhea and David Looney, from the county of Sullivan. 

Spencer Clack and Samuel Newell, from the county of 
Sevier. , 

Stephen Cantrell and William Montgomery, from the 
county of Sumner. 

Thomas Johnston and William Ford, from the county of 
Tennessee. 

John Blair and James Stuart, from the county of Wash¬ 
ington. 

James Stuart was unanimously chosen Speaker ; Thomas 
H. Williams, Clerk ; John Sevier, Jun., Assistant Clerk ; 
John Rhea, Door-keeper. 

The organization of the two Houses being thus com- 


JOHN SEVIER INAUGURATED GOVERNOR. 


65U 


pleted, communications were exchanged between them, that 
each was ready to proceed to business. 

The two Houses met in the Representative Chamber, for 
the purpose of opening and publishing the returns of theL 
elections in the several counties for Governor. From these, 

“ it appears that citizen John Sevier is duly and constitu¬ 
tionally elected Governor of this State, which was accord¬ 
ingly announced by the Speaker of the Senate, in presence of 
both Houses of the General Assembly.” 

The same day, a Joint Committee, viz : Lewis, Ford and 
Kelly, of the Senate, and Outlaw, Blair, Cocke, Johnston, 
Newell and Fort, of the House, was raised, “ to wait on his 
Excellency John Sevier, and request his attendance in the 
House of Representatives, to-morrow, at 12 o’clock, to be 
qualified agreeably to the Constitution of the State of Ten¬ 
nessee.” 

Another Joint Committee was directed also to wait upon 
Governor Blount, to inform him of the time and place ap* 
pointed for the qualification of his successor in office, and to 
request his attendance there. By another Committee an 
oath of office was prescribed, to be administered to the Go¬ 
vernor elect. Some conflict of opinion existed between the 
two Houses, respecting the qualification of the Governor by 
the Judges, the Senate insisting that that duty devolved upon 
their Clerk. Upon a reconsideration, however, the Senate 
concurred in appointing a Committee “ to wait upon the 
Judges, and request their attendance to qualify the Governor.’’ 

March 30th.—“ Both Houses having convened in the Re¬ 
presentative Chamber, the several oaths prescribed were 
duly administered by the Honourable Joseph Anderson.” 

After his inauguration, Governor Sevier presented the fol¬ 
lowing address: 

“Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives :—The high 
and honourable appointment conferred upon me by the free suffrage of 
my countrymen, tills my breast with gratitude, which, I trust, my future 
life will manifest. I take this early opportunity to express, through you, 
my thanks in the strongest terms of acknowledgment. I shall labour 
to discharge with fidelity the trust reposed in me ; and if such my exer¬ 
tions should prove satisfactory, the first wish of my heart will be grati¬ 
fied. 


660 


ELECTION OF SENATORS FROM TENNESSEE. 


“ Gentlemen—accept of my best wishes for your individual and public 
happiness; and, relying upon your wisdom and patriotism, I have no 
doubt but the result of your deliberations will give permanency and 
success to our new system of government, so wisely calculated to secure 
the liberty, and advance the happiness and prosperity of our fellow citi¬ 
zens. John Sevier.” 

The machinery of the new State was not yet fully in mo¬ 
tion. Its Legislature was organized and in session—its Go¬ 
vernor had just been inaugurated according to the forms 
prescribed by the Constitution—but its sovereignty was not 
represented in the councils of the Union. The duty remained 
unperformed, of electing Senators for the State of Tennessee 
to the Congress of the United States. The mode adopted, in 
i796, was somewhat different from that which obtains in the 
present day. 

“ Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Senate : —This House propose 
to proceed to the election of the two Senators to represent this State in 
the Congress of the United States, and that the Senate and House of 
Representatives do convene in the House of Representatives for that 
purpose to-morrow, at 10 o’clock, and do propose Mr. William Blount, 
Mr. William Cocke and Mr. Joseph Anderson, as candidates for the Se¬ 
nate.” 

The Senate replied: 

“ Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen : —We concur with your message as 
to the time and place of the election by you proposed, and propose 
Dr. James White* to be added to the nomination, as a candidate for 
the Senate. 

“The Senate and House of Representatives having convened in the 
Representative Chamber, William Blount and William Cocke were 
duly and constitutionally elected.” 

A Joint Committee was then appointed “to prepare an 
address to Messrs. William Blount and William Cocke, in- ' 
forming them of their being elected to represent this State 
in the Congress of the United States.” Mr. White, Chair¬ 
man of that Committee, reported the following address : 

Citizen William Blount, late Governor of the Territory of the United 

States of America, south of the River Ohio: 

Sir: —Impressed with the grateful remembrance of your conduct du¬ 
ring the time you was Governor of the Territory south of the River 
Ohio, now the State of Tennessee, the General Assembly of the said 

* Judge Anderson and Dr. White were subsequently withdrawn by messages 
duly interchanged between the two Houses. 


ADDRESS OF THE LEGISLATURE TO THE SENATORS. 


661 


State, in the name of the people thereof, over whom you formerly pre¬ 
sided, embrace the earliest moment to testify to you their entire appro¬ 
bation of your conduct and attention to promote their happiness during 
your continuance in that office, the exercise of which was rendered more 
difficult and arduous, by the frequent inroads of the neighbouring na¬ 
tions of Indians. We recollect, with pleasure, that under your admin¬ 
istration, we, as a people, have experienced growing energy and in¬ 
creasing power. That your exertions, in subordination to the Federal 
Government, have been the cause of the present peace, which for some 
time past, has existed between us and the adjoining Indian tribes, and 
which, we hope, will long exist, on the principles you have established. 

The Territorial Government now being ended, we will only say, in 
respect thereof, that if the exercise, alone, of a Government, constituted 
on the principles it was, could render a people happy under it, we should 
have been so. We rejoice that while the Territorial Government has 
closed with honour to you, it has left us in a state of prosperity and 
peace. 

You are now, sir, called by the unanimous voice of a free people, to 
represent them in the Senate of the United States of America—the 
highest proof in their power to offer, of their confidence in your integ¬ 
rity and ability to serve them. 

James White, Chairman. 

To the other Senator elect, the committee presented the 
following address : 

Citizen William Cocke : —Your fellow-citizens have called you to 
represent them in the Senate of the United States of America. Im¬ 
pressed with recollections of your past conduct, from an early period of 
the settlement of our common country, they have given you this testi¬ 
mony of the confidence they repose in your integrity and abilities to 
serve them. 

James White, Chairman. 

To these addresses, citizen Blount and citizen Cocke re¬ 
plied. Mr. Blount says : 

Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Senate , and Mr. Speaker and Gen¬ 
tlemen of the House of Representatives: 

The entire approbation of the people, of my conduct in office, by you 
testified, is the highest reward I could receive. Accept, gentlemen, my 
thanks for the prompt and warm manner in which you have been pleased 
to convey it to me. 

With you I hope that the peace which exists between the citizens of the 
United States and the Indian tribes will long continue; as in peace con¬ 
sists the happiness and prosperity of both parties ; and thus impressed, 
it shall be my duty, in whatever situation I may be placed, to use my 
efforts to its preservation. 

I feel, as I ought, the unanimous call of my fellow-citizens, to repre¬ 
sent them in the Senate of the United States, and shall devote myself 


602 


ELECTION OF JUDGES AND OTHER OFFICERS. 


to the promotion of their interests, as far as is consistent with that of the 
whole body politic, of which they are a part. 

Accept, gentlemen, my best wishes for your individual happiness, 

Wm. Blount. 

Mr. Cocke’s reply : 

Gentlemen :—I accept of the appointment conferred upon me by the 
General Assembly. It will be my first, my greatest wish, to promote 
the interests of our common country. The honour of serving a free and 
enlightened people, is truly flattering, and my highest reward will con¬ 
sist in my conduct continuing to meet their approbation. 

Accept, gentlemen, my respects. 

William Cocke. 

James Winchester, S. S., 

James Stuart, S. H. R. 

William Maclin was elected Secretary of State ; John 
McNairy, Willie Blount* and Archibald Roane were elected 
Judges of the Superior Courts of Law and Equity. 

Landon Carter was elected Treasurer of the Districts of 
Washington and Hamilton, and William Black, Treasurer 
of the District of Mero. 

The condition of the citizens of Tennessee inhabiting the 
section of the State south of French Broad and Holston, was 
peculiar. It had been settled partly under treaties with the 
Indians, held under the authority of the State of Franklin. 
The inhabitants were yet without perfect titles to their lands, 
and holding them only by the right of occupancy, were ap¬ 
prehensive of future disturbance. Governor Sevier early 
brought the subject before the Legislature by the following 
message: 

Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Legislature : 

Permit me to remark to your honourable body, that, as our Senators 
are about to proceed to the Federal Legislature, it may not be inexpe¬ 
dient to remind them of the necessity of taking under consideration, 
the embarrassed situation, claimants of land are under, to those south of 
the line concluded on in the treaty of Holston, and now within the In¬ 
dian boundary. 

In my humble opinion, it is a matter of great public importance, and 
particularly interesting to the State and to individuals, to either have the 

*John McNairy declined this appointment, and Howell Tatum, Esq., of David¬ 
son, was commissioned in his place. May 12th, 1797. Willie Blount also declined’ 
and his place was filled by W. C. C. Claiborne, of Sullivan county, commissioned 
September 28th, 1796. April 9th, 1796.—John C. Hamilton, Esq., was appoint¬ 
ed Attorney for the State, vice Howell Tatum, appointed Judge. 


INSTRUCTION TO SENATORS. 


663 


Indian claims extinguished, or the adventurers compensated for their 
lands. 

I have no doubt but you will take the premises under due delibera¬ 
tion, and give your Senators such instructions as you, in your wisdom, 
may deem necessary and advisable. 

John Sevier. 

The subject was at once referred to a Select Committee, 
who reported the following resolution— 

Resolved, That it be an instruction to the Senators and Representa¬ 
tives of this State in the Congress of the United States, to state to that 
body, that it is essential to the preservation of peace, between the In¬ 
dian Tribes and the United States, that measures be by them taken to 
relieve and quiet the grantees of lands under the State of North-Caro- 
lina, the possession of which is guaranteed to the Indians by treaty, 
which claim w r e wish extinguished, and the claimants put in peaceable 
possession of their lands. 

Thomas Johnson, Ch. 

The bill to preclude persons of a certain description, from being admit¬ 
ted as witnesses, &c., was then taken up, to which Mr. Gass proposed 
the following amendment: Be it enacted, by the General Assembly of 
the State of Tennessee—That from and after the passing of this Act, if 
any person in this State shall publicly deny the being of a God, and a 
future state of rewards and punishments, or shall publicly deny the 
divine authority of the Old and New Testaments, on being convicted 
thereof, by the testimony of two witnesses, shall forfeit and pay the sum 
of dollars for every such offence, etc. 

The foregoing amendment being received, the question was taken on 
the passage of the amended bill, which was carried. Whereupon the 
yeas and nays were called for— 

Yeas. —Blair, Black, Conway, Clack, Crawford, Gass, Houston, 
Johnson, Looney, Montgomery, Newell, Outlaw, Peck and Weakley. 

Nays. —Cantrell, Cocke, Fort, Henderson, Lewis, Menefee and Rhea. 

Mr. Lewis entered the following protest— 

To this question we enter our dissent, as we conceived the law to be 
an inferior species of persecution, which is always a violation of the law of 
nature; and also that it is a violation of our constitution. 

Seth Lewis, 

John Cocke, 

William Fort, 

John Rhea, 

Stephen Cantrell, 

John Menefee, 

Thomas Henderson. 

The bill, with the amendment, was, upon its first reading in the Senate, 
rejected. 

Electors of President and Vice-President of the United 
States, were elected by joint ballot of the two Plouses, and 


664 


ROBERTSON AND MONTGOMERY LAID OFF 


not by the people, as now provided for in Tennessee and 
most of the other States. Joseph Greer, Daniel Smith, Hugh 
Neilson and Joseph Anderson, were elected. 

Upon the same day, Hopkins Lacy was elected Attorney- 
General for Washington District ; John Lowry for Hamil¬ 
ton, and Howell Tatum, for Mero District. 

The day preceding the adjournment of the Legislature, Go¬ 
vernor Sevier, by message, brought to the attention of the 
Legislature, the condition of the frontier, and recommended 
friendship with the Indians, as the principal mode of security 
and defence. He notices the large emigration to the State, 
and that the soldiers of the late campaigns were still un¬ 
paid for their services ; he proposes, with the leave of the Leg¬ 
islature, to attend in person at the next session of Congress, 
to urge upon that body the payment to the troops for their 
hazardous and toilsome services.” 

To which a Joint Committee, appointed for that purpose* 
replied—That while they were sensible of the necessity of 
preserving the existing peace, and were most solicitous that 
Congress should not only provide for the defence of the fron¬ 
tier, but also make full compensation for the payment of the 
troops heretofore employed in that service, yet they did not 
advise the visit of the Governor to Congress, and suggested 
that the duty he proposed to assume in that behalf, should be 
devolved on the members of Cpngress from Tennessee. 

At this session, Tennessee county was divided, and the 
counties of Robertson and Montgomery established out of 
its territory. The former was so named in honour of Gen¬ 
eral James Robertson, the patriarch of Watauga and the 
founder of the Cumberland settlements. He was a native 
of North-Carolina, and emigrated to Watauga in 1769. 
These Annals have abounded with incidents of his life, per¬ 
formed in the civil, political and military service of his coun¬ 
try, in every period of difficulty, embarrassment and danger. 
His efforts, in a more private capacity, to benefit his fellow- 
citizens were disinterested, great and unremitted. “ He 
treated the Indians, when known enemies, as the enemies of 
his country ; when known friends of peace, as its friends. 
His fellow men he treated as such, according to known 


OUT OF TENNESSEE COUNTY. 


665 


merit—for the errors of the misguided, he exercised charity 
to a proper extent—those hardened in vice, he let the law 
punish. He practised virtue, and encouraged it in others ; 
vice he discountenanced, by precept and by example. His 
house, and all he had, were opened freely to the distressed of 
every condition. He loved his friends, and he held his 
enemies at defiance. To his wife he was indebted for a 
knowledge of the alphabet, and for instruction how to read 
and write. To his Creator he was indebted for rich mental 
endowments—to himself, for mental improvement. To his 
God was he indebted for that firmness and indomitable 
courage, which the circumstances that surrounded him, called 
so constantly into exercise,” 4 Besides the civil and politi¬ 
cal positions which General Robertson occupied, as already 
mentioned, in the Watauga Association, in the Legislature 
and Convention of North-Carolina, the Territory, and the 
State of Tennessee, he was Deputy Superintendent on the part 
f the United States, for the Chickasaw and Choctaw Tribes ; 
and was several times appointed to treat with the southern 
Indians, for a relinquishment of their claims to land in the 
South-west. Previous to and at the time of his death, Gen. 
Robertson was the United States Agent to the Chickasaw 
nation. A detail of his acts in behalf of his country, and an 
enumeration of his sufferings, by personal exposure, in the 
wilderness, in the field of battle, in the besieged fort and the 
assaulted station, in losses of relatives and of private pro 
perty, would fill a volume. He was faithful to his God, his 
country and his fellow men. The memory of no one is held 
in greater esteem and veneration, than that of James Robert¬ 
son. 

* 

William Johnston, Sen., James Norflet, John Young, John 
Donelson and Samuel Crocket, were Commisioners to lay 
off the county seat for Robertson County. The first court 
was held at the house of Jacob McCarty. The county was 
attached to Mcro District. On the 20th of April, Springfield 
was established as the seat of justice for Robertson county. 

Montgomery embraced the remainder of Tennessee county, 


* Blount’s Papers. 


666 


CARTER COUNTY LAID OFF. 


and was called after Col. John Montgomery, a native of 
Virginia. He emigrated early to the West, and became a 
member of the North-Carolina Legislature, and also of the 
Convention of that State, which ratified the Constitution of 
the United States. Besides the civil appointments which 
he filled, he was colonel of the militia of his county, and led 
more than two hundred of his fellow soldiers in the Nicka- 
jack campaign. He was a patriot and a hero, and lost his 
life in giving protection to the frontier. Clarkesville, the 
county seat, was so called in honour of Gen. George Rogers 
Clarke. George Neville, Sen., Francis Prince, Heyden Wells, 
Robert Edmonson and Robert Dunning, were appointed by 
the Legislature, to erect public buildings in Clarkesville. 

April 9.—The Legislature divided, again, the mother 
county, Washington, and established Carter county. Lan- 
don Carter, Reuben Thornton, Andrew Greer, Sen., Zacha- 
riah Campbell and David McNabb, were Commissioners to se¬ 
lect the site for the court-house, and to erect county buildings, 
The first court was held at the house of Samuel Tipton. Carter 
county was attached to Washington District. Carter county 
was thus named, in honour of General Landon Carter * he 
was a native of Virginia, emigrated at an early day, with 
his hither, Col. John Carter, to the wilds of Watauga. He 
was educated at Liberty Hall, Mecklenburg county, North- 
Carolina, and became qualified for the wide range of duties 
afterwards assigned him by his countrymen. He was brave, 
prompt and useful, in repelling Indian invasion and attack. 
He was a member of the Franklin Convention and Leg¬ 
islature, its Secretary of State, and Treasurer of Washington 
District under the Territorial Government He was a member 
of the Convention of 1796, and afterwards Treasurer of 
Washington District for the State of Tennessee. 

The seat of justice for Carter county, was named Eliza- 
bethton, in honour of Elizabeth, the wife of General Car¬ 
ter. 

April 23.—Additional Commissioners, for the regulation 
and management of the town of Jonesboro’, were appointed, 
viz ' David Deaderick, Sen., John Sevier, Jun., Christopher 
Taylor, John Tipton, Adam Reader, John Blair, John Adams, 


GRAINGER COUNTY LAID OFF. 


6G7 


William Chester, Allen Gillespie, Thomas Embree and Ro¬ 
bert Allison. 

Grainger county was laid off April 22, 179G. David ILay- 
ley, Major Lea, Benjamin McCarty, Bartley Marshall and 
James Blair, Jun., were appointed Commissioners, to lay off 
a town and erect county buildings. First court was held at 
the house ol‘ Benjamin McCarty. John Cocke and William 
Payne were appointed to run the boundary line. October 
28, 1797, the county seat was established, and called Rut¬ 
ledge, in honour of George Rutledge, Esq., of Sullivan county. 

Grainger county, was so called, for Mary Grainger, the 
wife of Governor William Blount. She was a native of 
North-Carolina, and arrived on Watauga at the commence¬ 
ment of the Territorial Government. After Knoxville be¬ 
came the residence of the Governor, many of the friendly 
chiefs paid frequent visits to the new capital ; and Mrs. 
Blount became much interested in them, and used her ad¬ 
dress and persuasion, to induce them to restrain their young 
warriors from further aggression upon the frontier people. 
With these she was a deserved favourite. Fort Grainger, 
at the mouth of Tennessee, was also called for Mrs. Blount. 
She was an accomplished lady, and she did much to soften 
and refine the manners of the first inhabitants of Knoxville. 
Under her administration, a grace and a charm was given to 
the society of the place—the more remarkable and attrac¬ 
tive from the external circumstances under which they were, 
from the necessity of the case, exhibited in the new town 
upon a distant frontier. 

George Rutledge was elected Brigadier-General, in place 
of General Sevier, and James Winchester, Brigadier-Gene¬ 
ral, in place of General Robertson ; and George Conway, 
Major-General. He was succeeded by Andrew Jackson. 

The Committee of Finance reported the following state¬ 
ment of the public funds : 

Amount received by the Treasurer of Washington ) OOA 

and Hamilton Districts, - - - - [ $6 ’ 38 ° 03 

Amount disbursed, ------ 5,838 03 


Leaving balance in the Treasury of 


542 60 



668 


THE FINANCES OF TENNESSEE. 


Amount brought forward, 

Amount received by the Tr^surer ot 
Mero District, - 

Disbursements, - 


84,900 37 
2,297 33 


542 60 


Leaving in the Treasury of Mero District,. - - 2,603 04 

Unexpended and on hand,.$3,145 64 

Subjoined will be found the captions of some of the Acts, 
passed at this first session of the Tennessee Legislature. 

I. An Act, ascertaining the number of Judges of the Superior Courts 
of Law and Equity, fixing their salaries, Ac. 

4. Amending an Act for the promotion of Learning in Davidson 
County. 

6. Establishing a Treasury Department. 

10. Directing the mode of electing members to Congress. This Act 
divides the State into two divisions, to be called the Holston and the 
Cumberland divisions ; each of which is entitled to one Representative 
to Congress. 

II. Providing for the appointment, by the Legislature, of Electors of 
President and Vice-President of the United States. 

17. Providing for the payment of the Governor, (gives him, annually, 
seven hundred and fifty dollars,) and directing the place of his residence. 

18. Making compensation of one dollar and seventy-five cents, for each 
day, to every member of the Legislature, and a like sum for every 
■twenty-five miles travel, in going and returning; and to the clerks and 
other officers, a corresponding amount. 

29. Amendatory of an Act for the establishment of Nashville. The 
ninth section of this act authorizes the Trustees of said town to execute 
a deed to a religious society, for a site for a meeting-house, “ with the 
express limitations following, viz: said meeting-house shall be and re¬ 
main to the use of the said society, so far only as to give a right to their 
ministers to preach therein ; but shall not extend to authorize them to 
debar or deny to any other denomination of Christians the liberty of 
preaching therein, unless when immediately occupied by the said 
society.” 

Governor Sevier, after the establishment of the State 
Government, proceeded to issue commissions to all the civil 
and military officers in all the counties of the State. The 
names of the magistrates, in Washington count)*, at the 
first court after the State Constitution was formed, are James 
Stuart, John Tipton, John Weir, John Adams, John Strain, 
Henry Nelson, Joseph Young, Joseph Crouch, William 
Nelson, Robert Blair, Jesse Payne, Isaac Depreve, Charles 




ACTION OF CONGRESS RELATIVE TO TENNESSEE. 


669 


McCray, Samuel Wood, Jacob Brown, John Alexander, 
Joseph Brittain, John Norwood and John Hammer. 

The first court held for Sevier county, under'the Constitu¬ 
tion of the State of Tennessee, was begun and held at the 
Court House in Sevierville, July 4. 

1796.—The Justices were Samuel Newell, Joshua Gist, Joseph Wil¬ 
son, Joseph A ance, Robert Pollock, Peter Bryant, Mordecai Lewis, John 
Clack, Robert Calvert, Andrew Cowan, Adam Wilson, James Riggin, 
Alexander Montgomery, Jesse Griffin and Isam Green. Samuel Wear 
was appointed Clerk ; Thomas Buckingham Sheriff; James McMahon, 
Register; James D. Puckett, Coroner; Alexander Montgomery, Ranger. 

Tavern Rates. —Rum per half pint, 25 cents ; Wine do.; French 
Brandy and Gin, do. ; Peach Brandy, 12-^; Whiskey, 8^-; Beer per 
quart, 8^- ; Cider, 12-J; Metheglin, 12J-. 

Diets. —Breakfast, 16f ; dinner, 21 ; supper, 16J-; lodging, 5 ; horse 
per night, fodder or hay, 12-£; oats or corn, per gallon, 8^-; pasturage, 
twenty-four hours, 8-J. 

May, 1796.—Governor Sevier commissioned justices in Jefferson 
county, viz: George Doherty, James Roddye, Josiah Jackson, Thos. 
Snoddy, Garret Fitzgerald^ Parmenas Taylor, John Blackburn, A. Hen¬ 
derson, Abednego Inman, John McNabb, Abraham McCay, Adam Peck, 
Wm. Con, James Wilson, Wm. Lillard, David Stuart, Ebenezer Litk, 
Joseph McCollah, Samuel Jacks, Adam Meek, George Evans, James 
Lea, Alexander Outlaw, John Gore. Jos. Hamilton, Clerk ; Robert 
McFarland, Sheriff; Samuel Lyle, Register. 

Second Monday, May, 1796.—Court of Greene county met. Daniel 
Kennedy was elected Clerk; George Conway, Sheriff; and James 
Dunwoody, Register. 

Action of the Federal Government on the admission of the 
State of Tennessee, as one of the United States. 

Soon after the rise of the Convention of 1796, its Presi¬ 
dent, Governor Blount, communicated a copy of the Consti¬ 
tution, to the Secretary of State, Mr. Pickering. His letter 
is dated 

Knoxville, February 9th, 1796. 

Sir: —As Governor, it is my duty, and as President of the Conven¬ 
tion, I am instructed, by a resolution of that body, to forward to you, ex¬ 
press, a copy of the constitution formed for the permanent government 
of the State of Tennessee, which you will herewith receive by the hands 
of Major Joseph McMinn, of Hawkins county, who was himself a mem¬ 
ber of the Convention. 

The sixth section of the first article will inform you that the first Gen¬ 
eral Assembly to be held under this constitution is to commerce on the 
last Monday in March next. The object of the Convention, in deter¬ 
mining on this early day, is a representation in the Congress of the Uni- 


670 


president Washington’s message, 


ted States before the termination of the present session. And the third 
section of the schedule will inform you how long it is contemplated, the 
temporary form of Government shall continue. 

I have the honour to be, very respectfully, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

William Blount. 

Timothy Pickering, Esq., Secretary of State. Philadelphia. 

On the eighth of April, the President communicated this 
letter, with its enclosures, to Congress—accompanying them 
with the following message : 

United States, April 8th, 1796. 
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: 

By an Act of Congress passed on the 26th of May, 1790, it was de¬ 
clared that the inhabitants of the Territory of the United States south 
of the River Ohio, should enjoy all the privileges, benefits and advantages 
set forth in the ordinance of Congress for the government of the Terri¬ 
tory of the United States northwest of the River Ohio, and that the Go¬ 
vernment of the said Territory south of the Ohio, should be similar to 
that which was then exercised in the Territory northwest of the Ohio, 
except so far as was otherwise provided in the conditions expressed in an 
Act of Congress, passed the 2d of April, i 7 90, entitled “ An Act to accept 
a cession of the claim of the State of North-Carolina to a certain dis¬ 
trict of Western Territory.” 

Among the privileges, benefits and advantages thus secured to the in¬ 
habitants of the Territory south of the River Ohio, appear to be the right 
of forming a permanent Constitution and State Government, and of ad¬ 
mission, as a State, by its ^delegates, in the Congress of the United 
States, on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects what¬ 
ever, when it should have therein sixty thousand free inhabitants : provi¬ 
ded, the Constitution and Government so to be formed, should be repub¬ 
lican, and in conformity to the principles contained in the articles of the 
said ordinance. 

As proofs of the several requisites to entitle the Territory south of the 
River Ohio, to be admitted, as a State, into the Union, Governor Blount 
has transmitted a return of the enumeration of its inhabitants, and a 
printed copy of the Constitution aud form of Government, on which they 
have agreed, which, with his letters accompanying the same, are here¬ 
with laid before Congress. 

Geo. Washington. 

The subject was referred to appropriate Committees. On 
the 12th of April, the House Committee, through its Chair¬ 
man, Mr. Dearborn, reported the following : 

Resolved , That by the authenticated documents accompanying the 
message from the President of the United States to this House, on the 
8th day of the present month, and by the ordinance of Congress, bear¬ 
ing date the 13th of July, 1787, and by a law of the United States, 
passed on the 26th of May, 1790, it appears that the citizens of that 


AND REPORTS OF CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES. 


671 


part of tlie United States, which has been called the Territory of the 
United States, south of the River Ohio, and which is now formed into a 
State under a republican form of Government, by the name of Tennes¬ 
see, are entitled to all the rights and privileges to which the citizens of 
the other States in the Union are entitled under the Constitution of the 
United States ; and that the State of Tennessee is hereby declared to be 
one of the sixteen United States of America. 

Mr. King, from the Senate Committee, to whom the same 
subject had been referred, made a long report against the 
admission of the State of Tennessee into the Union, but re¬ 
commending “ that leave be given to bring in a bill laying 
out the whole of said Territory, ceded by North-Carolina, into 
one State.” The report results in this conclusion—“That 
Congress must have, previously, enacted that the whole of 
the Territory ceded by North-Carolina, and which is only a 
part of the Territory of the United States, south of the Ohio, 
should be laid out into one State, before the inhabitants 
thereof, (admitting them to amount to sixty thousand free 
persons,) could claim to be admitted as a new State into the 
Union.” The Senate report objects that the enumeration of 
the inhabitants of the Territory had not been made by the 
authority of Congress, and that the guards against error had 
been omitted by the Territorial law ; and that, “instead of 
confining the enumeration to the free inhabitants of the Ter¬ 
ritory, that law authorizes and requires the enumeration of 
all the people within the said Territory, etc.”* 

Notwithstanding this unfavourable report of the Senate 
Committee, the Congress of the United States passed an Act 
in June, admitting Tennessee into the Union. 

In the meantime, the Senators elect from the State of Ten¬ 
nessee, had repaired to the seat of the General Government; 
but having been elected before Tennessee was admitted into 
the Union, they did not take their seats in the Senate. The 
Act X, laying off two Congressional Districts in the State, 
when but one member of Congress was allowed for Tennes¬ 
see ; and Act XI, providing for the election of four Electors 
of President and Vice-President, when the State was enti¬ 
tled to but three Electors, created unforeseen difficulties, which 


* State Papers, Yol. XX, page 150. 


672 


GOVERNOR SEVIER CONVENES THE LEGISLATURE. 


could be obviated only by repealing these acts, electing the 
Senators anew, and remodeling the legislation that had ta¬ 
ken place, so far as the Federal relations of Tennessee were 
concerned. 

Such was the political condition of the State of Tennessee 
in the summer of 1796. Governor Sevier acted promptly, 
and adopted at once the onl} r measure that could extricate 
the new State from the embarrassments by which her Fede¬ 
ral relations had become unavoidably involved. 

On the 4th of July, he issued from the seat of Government, 
at Knoxville, his proclamation : 

“ Whereas , I have lately received authentic information, that an Act 
of the Congress of the United States, passed at their last session, in¬ 
volved several Acts of this State in difficulty, and renders the same in¬ 
complete ; to answer the purposes and salutary uses and effects intended 
to be obtained therefrom, by the Honourable the Legislature of this 
State : 

“ I have thought it necessary and highly expedient, to summon the 
members of the General Assembly, to convene on the last Saturday in 
the present month: And do strictly request and enjoin them, and each 
of them, to be punctual and particular in giving their attendance ac¬ 
cordingly, in order to take under tteir due deliberation such matters as 
may be laid before them. 

“ Given under my hand and seal, at Knoxville, this fourth day of 
July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and in the twenty-first 
year of American Independence. 

Signed, John Sevier.” 

Accordingly, on the day appointed, the General Assembly 
met and the Governor sent in the following Message : 

“ Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives :— 
The short time in which I conceived it was necessary to convene the 
Legislature, compelled me to call you together on so short a notice. In 
the first instance, it was necessary to give all the time the emergency of 
the occasion would admit of; and, in the second, from a circumstance 
that the election to be held for Representatives was approaching so near 
at hand, made it necessary, as I conceived, for the Assembly to have it in 
their power, by a timely meeting, (should they in their wisdom deem it 
proper) to make an alteration in the Act, directing the mode of electing 
Representatives to represent this State in the Congress of the United 
States, before the day of election should arrive, as directed in the afore¬ 
said Act, otherwise it might be attended with disputes and contentions 
of a disagreeable nature; for, by a late Act of Congress, the intended 
number of our Representatives is diminished, of course it proportionablv 
lessens our number of Electors for President and Vice-President of the 
United States. 


REPLY OF THE ASSEMBLY. 


673 


“ Thus such a derangement will necessarily require an alteration in 
our Acts passed for such purposes. 

“Our Senators not being recognized in the Senate of the United 
States, is another matter for your consideration and attention; and for 
your more ample information, the several Acts and communications ac¬ 
companying this address, will elucidate unto you the propriety of my 
calling the Assembly together at this time. 

“ I hope I may be permitted to observe, that it is of importance, and 
conducive to public happiness, to arrange your Acts comformably with 
those of Congress, so far as they shall respect this State. 

“ The foregoing are the reasons why I have thought proper to con¬ 
vene the Assembly, in session on the present day ; and I make no doubt 
you will, through your paternal care, wisdom and patriotic deliberations, 
adopt such measures as will tend to promote the public interest and 
general utility of the State. 

“ I have the pleasure of announcing to you, gentlemen, the admission 
of the State of Tennessee into the Federal Union, a circumstance preg¬ 
nant with every prospect of peace, happiness and opulence to our in¬ 
fant State. 

“ The period has at length arrived, when the people of the South- 
Western Territory may enjoy all the blessings and liberties of a free and 
independent republic. 

“Permit me to wish you public, domestic and individual happiness, 
while I have the honour to be, very respectfully, 

“ Your devoted and obedient servant, 

John Sevier.” 

• 

The usage at that day required a reply from the General 
Assembly, to every communication made to it by the Go¬ 
vernor ; and on the 8th, Mr. Rhea, as the organ of the two 
Houses, reported the following address : 

Sir :—We are fully sensible, that the important objects by you laid 
before this General Assembly, made it necessary for you to convene the 
Legislature at this time. 

We rejuice with you,in the event of this State being formally admitted 
into the Federal Union ; and our minds are tilled with the most pleasing 
sensations, when w T e reflect on the prosperity and political happiness to 
which we view it, as a certain prelude. Be assured, sir, it will be our first 
and greatest care, to adopt such measures as will promote the true inter¬ 
ests of this State, as connected with the American Union. 

With respect to our representation, in the Senate of the United 
States, in particular, we flatter ourselves, such steps have been taken, 
that no reason now remains, sufficient to justify that body in refusing 
any longer to recognize our Senators. 

The measures here alluded to, as having been adopted by 
the Legislature, were, the election, again,iof the Senators 
from Tennessee to the United States Congress—the repeal of 
43 


/ 


674 


ACT PROVIDING FOR THE ELECTION OF ELECTORS 


the act of its last session, providing for the election of two 
Representatives, and the enactment of a law for the election 
of a single member from the State—and lastly, the annul¬ 
ment of the legislative election, April 21, of four Electors 
of President and Vice-President, and provision for the elec¬ 
tion of three. 

William Blount and William Cocke were again elected 
Senators. To the address of the Legislature, informing Mr. 
Cocke that he was again elected to represent the State of 
Tennessee in the United States Senate, and re-assuring him, 
on behalf of the citizens of the State, of the entire confi¬ 
dence reposed in his fidelity and integrity, that Senator re¬ 
plied in terms, and with a spirit, that probably reflected 
truly, the feelings and temper of the people. He said : 

Gentlemen :—Nothing can be a higher reward for faithful services, 
than the approbation of a free people—I call my country free, because 
by their Constitution, they are so. 

I cannot help mentioning to you, I feel the deepest concern to see our 
dearest rights invaded by the supreme legislature of the nation. We 
are by them made subject to the payment of taxes, while we have been 
unjustly deprived of representation. 

We have been deprived of the use of our property for public conve¬ 
nience, without any compensation being made ; and acts in the style of 
laws have passed, declaring it highly penal to enjoy the free use thereof; 
such rude attacks on our constitutional rights should be remonstrated 
against with freedom and firmness. 

I hope our opponents in the Senate of the United States, will be una¬ 
ble to find another quibble whereby to deprive us of an equal share of 
the representation that shall make the laws by which we are to be go¬ 
verned. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

William Cocke. 

August 3.—An act was passed providing for the election 
of one Representative to Congress, and repealing the act of 
28th March, authorizing the election of two. 

Aug. 8th.—An act was passed, providing for the election of 
three Electors of President and Vice-President. At the previ¬ 
ous session, four electors had been elected by joint ballot of the 
two Houses. The mode of electing, in this instance, is still 
more anomalous. The State is divided into three—Washing¬ 
ton, Hamilton and Mero Districts; and in the words of the 
act, “that the said electors maybe elected with as little 
trouble to the citizens as possible—Be it enacted, That John 


OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT. 


675 


Carter, John Adams and John McAllister, of Washington, 
John Scott, Richard Gammon and James Gains, of Sullivan 
county,” and three others for each of the remaining counties 
of Washington District, and, in like manner, three others, for 
each of the counties in Hamilton and Mero Districts, “are 
appointed electors to elect an elector for their respective 
Districts.” The electors named in the act were to meet at 
Jonesboro’, Knoxville and Nashville, and elect an elector 
for each District. Tlie three electors thus elected, were to 
convene on the first Wednesday of December, at Knoxville, 
and “ proceed to elect a President and Vice-President of the 
United States, pursuant to an act of Congress.” 

August 9.—Mr. White, from the Committee appointed to 
draw up a remonstrance to Congress, presented, for the con¬ 
sideration of the Assembly, an address and remonstrance to 
the Congress of the United States. In this document, which 
is of great length, the remonstrants recapitulate : That 
Tennessee is admitted into the Federal Union, on an equal 
footing with any of the original States ; that the United 
States, at the beginning of the Revolution, guaranteed to 
each State its sovereignty, according to its chartered limits, 
and that that sovereignty was acknowledged by Great Bri¬ 
tain, by the treaty of Paris ; that, acting on these principles, 
North-Carolina had opened land offices, for the sale of land 
within her chartered limits; and in agreement with her 
laws, entries had been made, warrants issued, and grants 
had been made for lands in her territory ; that North-Caro¬ 
lina had ceded her western territory to Congress, under cer¬ 
tain express conditions—one of which, as provided for in her 
Deed of Cession, was, that the Governor of North-Carolina, 
for the time being, shall be, and is required, to perfect land 
titles in such manner as if the Cession had not been made ; 
that, as the Constitution of the United States confirms all 
engagements made by Congress, previous to its adoption, the 
enterers and grantees of lands thus ceded, expected that 
they were secure, as to their right in fee, and of possession 
of the land by them purchased and paid for; that, at the 
treaty of Hopewell, William Blount, as Agent of North- 
Carolina, had protested against one of its articles, respecting 
the boundary of the Cherokees; that, by an act of the last 


670 


ANDREW JACKSON ELECTED TO CONGRESS, 


Congress, fines, forfeitures and imprisonment are enacted 
against claimants and grantees of lands lying beyond said 
boundary ; by which, the} 7 are much injured—being prohi¬ 
bited from any act of ownership of lands, long since bona 
fide contracted and paid for, and for which, in part, grants 
have already issued by North-Carolina, under the good faith 
of the United States ; and that 

“ This Legislature, ever willing to support the Constitution and Laws 
of the United States, made pursuant thereto, being impressed with a 
sense of the injury and grievances sustained by the citizens in conse¬ 
quence of the line of the treaty of Holston, and the act before men¬ 
tioned, do earnestly request, that the prohibitions preventing them to 
possess the lands before alluded to, may be removed ; that provision, by 
law, be made, for extinguishing the Indian claim to said lands ; that the 
owners and grantees of said lands may enter upon, occupy and possess 
the same in a full and ample manner, and have every right, privilege 
and advantage, which they are entitled to by constitutional laws ; which 
justice being done to the citizens of this State, the officers of Govern¬ 
ment will be enabled to execute the constitutional laws of the United 
States with ease and convenience."’ 

It was afterwards further resolved, by both Houses, “ that 
it shall be a duty of the Senators and Representatives of 
this State, in the Congress of the United States, to lay the 
remonstrance of the Legislature before Congress, and endea¬ 
vour that the object thereof be obtained.*’ 

At the election held under the act of this called session, 
Andrew Jackson, of Davidson county, was elected Repre¬ 
sentative from the State of Tennessee in the Congress of the 
United States. That body assembled December 5th, 1796, 
at Philadelphia, when Mr. Jackson was qualified and took 
his seat. 

In accordance with the law passed for that purpose, Gov. 
Sevier wrote, April 25, to the Tennessee Senators, request¬ 
ing them to have a suitable seal of the State made by “ inge¬ 
nious mechanics in Philadelphia—such an one as will be ele¬ 
gant, comprehensive, and sufficiently expressive of the pur¬ 
poses and uses intended. Under their direction, the present 
Great Seal of the State of Tennessee was engraven. It has 
upon it : the cotton plant, the sheaf of wheat, and, as “ com¬ 
prehensive,” the plough, to represent agriculture ; and a sail- 
vessel, there then being no steamboats in the West, nor 


AND SUPPORTS THE CLAIMS OF THE VOLUNTEERS. 


677 


elsewhere, to represent commerce. The XVI at the head 
of the seal, designated Tennessee as, .numerically, the six¬ 
teenth at the date of its admission into the Union. 

The Senators and Representatives in Congress from Ten¬ 
nessee, brought to the attention of the Secretary of War, 
the claims of the militia of that State for their services 
against the Indians, on the Etowah campaign. The Secre¬ 
tary made an unfavourable report to the House. General 
Cocke, in a letter to the Gazette, says : “ Your representa¬ 

tive, Mr. Jackson, has distinguished himself by the spirited 
manner in which he opposed the report. Notwithstanding 
the misrepresentation of the Secretary, I hope the claim 
will be allowed ; if it is, a principle will be established for 
the payment of all services done by the militia of the Ter¬ 
ritory.” 

In support of the resolution to pay for the military servi¬ 
ces against the Indians, Mr. Jackson said— 

“ The rations found for the troops on this expedition had been paid 
for by the Secretary of War, and he could see no objection to the pay¬ 
ment of the whole expense. As the troops were called out by a supe¬ 
rior officer, they had no right to doubt his authority. Were a contrary 
doctrine admitted, it would strike at the very root of subordination. It 
would be saying to soldiers—‘ Before you obey the command of your 
superior officer, you have a right to inquire into the legality of the ser¬ 
vice upon which you are about to be employed, and until you are satis¬ 
fied, you may refuse to take the field.’ This, he believed, was a princi¬ 
ple which could not be acted on. General Sevier, said Mr. Jackson, 
was bound to obey the orders he received to undertake the expedition. 
The officers under him were bound to obey him. They went with full 
confidence that the United States would pay them, believing they had 
appointed such officers as would not call them into the field without 
proper authority. If, even, the expedition had been unconstitutional, 
(which he was far from believing,) it ought not to affect the soldier, 
since he had no choice in the business, being obliged to obey his superior. 
Indeed, as the provision had been paid for, and as the ration and pay¬ 
rolls were always considered as checks upon each other, he hoped no 
objection would be made to the resolution which he moved.” 

The winter of 1796-7 is chronicled as the coldest ever 
experienced by the oldest inhabitant. On the evening of the 
22d December, the river was entirely free from ice. On the 
morning of the 23d, the ice was moving down the river in 
great quantities ; on the 24th, the river was frozen over, and 


o 


678 


BEAR BARBECUED UfON THE FROZEN RIVER. 


was crossed hy horsemen upon the ice. On the 25th, a 
Christmas dinner was given upon the ice, by the Federal 
officers, at Tellico Block-house, to a large company of gen¬ 
tlemen and ladies. “ Contiguous to the place of entertain¬ 
ment, two quarters of a bear were barbecued, where the 
ice was found to be, in thickness, sufficient to bare fire 
enough to have roasted an ox, without being materially 
weakened by the heat.”* 

Early in this year, disturbances of a serious nature pre¬ 
vailed among the Upper Cherokees. Edward Mitchell and 
William Livingston went to the camp of some Indian hunt¬ 
ers, where they were informed, by Lame Will, that Red Bird 
had gone to the camp of some white people. On his return 
he was met by Mitchell and Livingston, who fired upon and 
killed him. They then returned to the Indian camp, when 
Mitchell fired at, but missed, Lame Will, who, with a knife 
in one hand and a crutch in the other, made towards Mitch¬ 
ell, who ran off. Livingston then coming up, encountered 
Will, and, after several unsuccessful attempts to shoot him, 
drew his tomahawk and killed him.f 

Jan. 31.—An Act was passed by Congress giving effect 

( to the laws of the United States within the State of 
1*797 } 

( Tennessee. By the second section of this Act, the State 
was made to embrace one District, to be denominated the 
Tenn essee District. A District Court was established, four 
sessions of which should be holden alternately at Knoxville 
and Nashville. By the fourth section of this Act, the State 
was made one Collector’s District, whose office should be 
held at Palmyra, which was the only port of entry, or de¬ 
livery of any goods, wares or merchandize, not the growth 
or manufacture of the United States. The salary of the col¬ 
lector at Palmyra was one hundred dollars. 

* Knoxville Gazette, January 9, 1797. 

t For many of the incidents occurring in Blount county, I am indebted to 
Samuel Bogle, Esq. one of its worthiest pioneers, now nearly one hundred years old, 
but still vigorous and clear-minded. He was, himself, an active participator in 
most of the difficulties with the Indians. Mr. Bogle is, in every respect, an ex¬ 
cellent specimen of the frontier citizen and soldier, and is one of the few survi¬ 
ving pioneers of Tennessee, living, in patriarchal simplicity and rural quiet, on 
Elijah, near the old Indian War Trace. 


o 


FEDERAL TROOFS AT KNOXVILLE. 


679 


Two companies of United States troops, commanded by 
Captain Richard Sparks and Captain John Wade, were sta¬ 
tioned at Knoxville. The object of the Secretary of War, 
in placing them there, was to enforce an “Act of Congress 
to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian Tribes, and 
to preserve peace on the Frontier.” South of Holston, some 
settlements had been formed on lands ceded by the Chero- 
kees, under the Dumplin and Coyatee Treaties; but across 
the Indian boundary, as fixed by the Treaty of Holston, 
and in Powell’s Valley, settlers were opening their farms 
under grants from INorth-Carolina, but upon lands to which 
the Cherokee title was not yet extinguished. To these set¬ 
tlers Captains Sparks and Wade issued their manifesto, in¬ 
forming the intruders of their powers, and of the extent of the 
provisions of the Act of Congress which it was made their 
duty to enforce. 

“ It is not our wish, said they, to enter rashly upon the duty assigned 
us, nor do we conceive there will be a necessity for it; and, in order, there¬ 
fore, to give you full time to prepare your minds for the event, we have 
deemed it proper to notify you that on or about the 20th instant, we 
shall meet you at Yocum’s Station, where we hope your numbers will 
be full and respectable, and your tempers calmly disposed to argue on 
a subject which involves in itself consequences of material magnitude to 
the Union at large, and to you in particular. We are assured that the 
reflection of a moment will evince to you how much better it is to ob¬ 
serve a strict obedience to the laws, than by a refractory disposition to 
involve your fellow-citizens in the tumults of anarchy, and probably in 
the horrors of war, and create in your own minds a self-reproach which 
will be forever felt. 

“Fellow-Citizens:— At our meeting we will not scruple to read to 
you the instructions we have received, and by which we are to be go¬ 
verned ; and after your hearing them, we cannot admit of a doubt, but 
that in a given time you will remove to that side of the line to which 
we have a just claim, and save the necessity of any unnecessary alterca¬ 
tion.” 

The influence of the authorities of Tennessee assisted in 
promoting obedience to the law of Congress. The Gazette , 
already an organ of admitted potency in the new State, also 
contributed its weight, in support of the Federal enactment. 
Commenting upon the circular addressed by the two United 
States captains to the intruders, and published in its co¬ 
lumns, the Gazette says :—“It is so replete with mildness and 


680 


VINDICATION OF STATE RIGHTS 


moderation, that the most obstinate disposition cannot but 
concur with them in opinion, that it is better to meet the 
wishes of these gentlemen, than by a perverse conduct com¬ 
pel them to measures which may terminate in unhappy con¬ 
sequences,” etc. 

A communication to the same purport from “ Many,'' dated 
Jefferson county, also appeared in the Gazette . In this the 
writer earnestly dissuades the intruders from rushing, “with¬ 
out consideration, into the horrors of civil confusion, and 
thereby involve the innocent with the guilty.” 

But there were not wanting, on this occasion, writers, who, 
while they did not advise resistance to, or disobedience of the 
Federal authority, stated emphatically the argument on be¬ 
half of the settlers. One of these, in a reply to Capts. Sparks 
and Wade, remarks : 

“ It was not from refractory or disorderly dispositions we were influ¬ 
enced to take possession of the lands we now occupy. We had regard 
to the laws of nature, of nations, the statutes of North-Carolina, and to 
our own civil code. The Constitution of the State of Tennessee, in the 
31st Article of the Bill of Rights, guarantees to the people residing 
south of French Broad and Holston, between the Rivers Tennessee and 
Big Pigeon, the right of pre-emption and occupancy in that tract. Con¬ 
gress recognized that Constitution in all its parts by receiving the State 
into the Federal Union. Many of us hold grants for our lands, legally 
obtained from North-Carolina whilst under her jurisdiction. Under 
these plausible claims we settled ourselves on the lands from which you 
command us to remove.” . . . . “ Legislators of the great American 
Republic! is it nothing to you to see our wives and children, who by 
their industry have hitherto lived in affluence on their own farms, beg¬ 
gared by your unconstitutional laws? We say your laws are unconsti¬ 
tutional, because they deprive us of property, for which we had a legal 
right before the Treaty of Holston. Do you feel no remorse at our 
impending ruin ? Are you callous to our sufferings ? Accustomed to 
wallow in luxury, you cannot feel for the distresses of the poor.” . . . . 
“We have now, gentlemen, delineated to you the outlines of our claims. 
We have also stated in miniature, the wrongs we are about to sustain 
from the operations of the General Government. A volume would not 
contain the reasonings we could advance on the justice of our claims. 
The earth was created for the use of man. We could plead purchase, 
occupancy, conquest and relinquishment by the Aborigines; but all 
these reasonings, we suppose, would be in vain. Power is in the hands 
of the General Government, and w r e are disposed to obey her will for 
the present 

Another communication, signed “ The Frontier People of 


681 


BY A CONTRIBUTOR TO “THE GAZETTE.” 

Tennessee appeared soon after. In this the writer pre¬ 
mises that redress for the grievances inflicted on them by 
the act of Congress, concerning the intruders upon Indian 
territory, should be sought only in the mode which the Con¬ 
stitution and the genius of the Government point out. Speak¬ 
ing of the act of May, 1796, the writer says— 

“ We conceive that law to be an invasion of our natural rights ; we 
claim it as a power inherent in us, and derived from the author of our 
existence, to cultivate and to convert to our use, any unappropriated 
part of the habitable globe, and to make it bring forth the fruits of the 
earth. This general position we assert to be of divine right, and ac¬ 
knowledged from age to age, by all the nations of the Christian world, 
and recognized by the laws, customs and usages of the people of Ame¬ 
rica, from its discovery to the present day.” . . . . “ We submit 

the justice of our claims to the laws and constitution of our country—we 
ask from whence does the Federal Government derive the power, to 
exercise legal jurisdiction over the land on which we are settled ? We 
claim the right to settle these lands under the laws of Uorth-Carolina, 
made previous to ceding this country to the United States, and the laws 
made subsequent thereto.” . . . . “ If we are not now permitted 

to take possession of these lands, the consideration paid for them is vio¬ 
lated ; and it is a distinction new and incomprehensible to us, that a 
grant from a sovereign and independent State, can convey a right with¬ 
out the power to enjoy it. We then assert, that our claims are founded 
on the act of that very body, whose successors, at the expiration of less 
than five years, have thought proper to deprive us of those rights pro¬ 
perly vested in us.” . . . “ Why has a law been made to oblige 

us to the observance of this bargain, (the treaty of Holston,) which has 
been cancelled with the blood of our fellow-citizens ? We acknowledge 
to feel the force in all its various powers, which binds the members of 
a community to respect its laws, and pay to them a necessary submis¬ 
sion; but we hope, that we or our posterity, to the latest generation, will 
never lose sight of the point to which these obligations ought to go, 
and beyond which it is our province, as men, to restrain their progress. 
It is, therefore, with pain we contemplate the infractions of our unaliena¬ 
ble rights, made by the law of 1796—a law which we protest against, 
as unconstitutional, because it invades the rights of our property.” . . 

“ Is this the tribunal before which we are to argue? and can a law be 
binding which places the scales of justice in the hands of a troop of sol¬ 
diers ? However virtuous that soldiery may be, the original principles 
of our national compact forbid it. Let it not be said we wish to fan the 
coals of sedition in our country. As men , we are bound to assert our 
rights ; as citizens of a free and enlightened State, we claim attention 
to our grievances. Instead of meeting at our doors the soldier, who is 
ordered to sound the din of war in our ears, we would call on the guar¬ 
dians of our country to defend us in the possession of our rights. We 
rely on the justice of Congress, and we assure our fellow-citizens of the 


682 


CAMPBELL ADDS TO THE ARGUMENT, 


Union, that general order and universal acquiesence, under the just 
laws of government, are the first wishes of our hearts.” 

Another writer, over the signature of “Campbell” addresses 
“ The citizens of Tennessee, who are about to be alienated 
and dismembered by the acts and proceedings of the Federal 
Government.” In this address he examines the question, 
whether Congress has a right to alienate any part of the 
State of Tennessee, and what are the rights of those who 
may be dismembered from it. Establishing the principle 
that North-Carolina had the right to open a land office within 
her chartered limits, he argues that the State of Tennessee, 
in consequence of that right, may guarantee to her citizens, 
the settlement and occupancy of the lands on which it is al¬ 
leged they are intruders. That the parent State, previous 
to the act of Cession, possessing then, as she did, sovereign 
power over them, had granted these lands, and that Ten¬ 
nessee and Congress itself, by accepting its constitution, had 
recognized the validity of the grants; and that, of course, 
the occupants cannot be considered to be in a state of re¬ 
bellion against their own, or intruders on any other nation. 
He advises deliberation, deprecates hasty action, and urges 
the intruders to depend upon the legality of their claims. 
“ They are founded on facts, principles and laws which 
cannot be controverted. That as the lands in dispute are held 
by legal titles, Congress has no right to declare war or re¬ 
sort to force for the purpose of expelling the occupants. The 
civil law ought to decide the contest in the District or Fe¬ 
deral Courts.” Enlarging upon these and similar topics, 
“ Campbell ” closes his second number with these patriotic and 
wise remarks : “ Let us pursue order and acquiesce in the 
laws, until we can make a constitutional appeal to Congress. 
Let us act as if we were only one entire harmonious family, 
and let the spirit of concord be kept up in the State of Ten¬ 
nessee forever. Friendly, true and pathetic applications to 
Congress, through our representatives, will have greater 
weight with them, than hostile threats and preparations.” 

In his third number, addressed to the United States Commis¬ 
sioners, Hawkins, Pickens and Winchester, about to hold fur¬ 
ther negotiations with the Cherokees, “ Campbell ” says: “Let 


WHICH IS CONTINUED BY ANOTHER WRITER. G83 

us hope then, that you will not, by a strained construction of 
the words of the treaty, in favour of the Indian claim, force 
those citizens who have the right of property and the right of 
possession, to engage in a litigious controversy' with the 
military who may be ordered to dispossess them. Justifiable 
opposition to the illegal orders of the Executive, might ex¬ 
tend its influence to that which would not be legal, and those 
whose claims are not fully sanctioned by law, follow the 
example—an evil which we deprecate or pray may not hap¬ 
pen. But we should think it treason against the govern¬ 
ment we live under, and which we admire—treason against 
ourselves, and high treason against posterity—were we to 
suffer ourselves to be tamely deprived of our lawful pro¬ 
perty, by military force or diplomatic authority.” 

Col. Arthur Campbell is thought to be the writer of these 
pieces. These extracts from them are meagre, and do not 
present, in their full force, the weight of his argument and 
the legitimacy of his reasoning. The subject, soon after, re¬ 
ceived attention in every part of the Union, and “ Campbell ” 
may be considered as a pioneer writer in the backwoods of 
Tennessee, investigating a subject that, soon after, was em¬ 
braced in the “ Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,” of 1798 
and 1799. 

Another correspondent, “ Andrew Rights ,” continues the 
same subject: 

“We are here, settled on our own lands, granted to us by our mother 
State, North-Carolina ; the rights are, in fee simple, ratified by a solemn 

act of Congress.The Executive of the United States 

has paid little attention to our rights, by the manner in which it has 
communicated its will to us, or otherwise it has adopted the method of 
reasoning made use of by Louis XIV., of France, who inscribed on 
the muzzles of his cannon—“ This is the logic of Kings and with 
the same propriety may say—“ This is the logic of the United States .” 

Then, referring to “ Many ,” published in the Gazette— 

“I would have him to know that v?e not only call on the State of 
Tennessee, but upon every State in the Union, to assist us in obtaining 
our rights and privileges as secured to us by law, and doubt not of their 
assistance, if necessary; and I w ? ould refer him to this clause in the 
Constitution, that government being instituted for the common benefit, 
the doctrine of non-resistance to arbitrary power and oppression is ab¬ 
surd, slavish, and destructive to the-good and happiness of mankind. 


684 


ACTION OF CONGRESS ON TIIE 


“ One of the usual methods of arbitrary governments, is to include 
forfeiture of estate, under the pretence of a punishment of some crime. 
Our Constitution has wisely guarded against such, that even for treason, 
it has forbidden corruption of blood or confiscation of property, and 
yet, in sec. five of this law, ‘ That if any citizen shall make a settlement 
on any lands granted, by treaty, to any Indian tribe, such offender shall 
forfeit all his right, title and claim, if any he hath, of whatsoever nature 
or kind the same shall be, to the lands aforesaid whereupon he shall 
make settlement or otherwise.’ Such a law is cruel, tyrannical and 
oppressive. The punishments inflicted by it do not stop here. ‘ He 
shall also forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, 
and suffer imprisonment not exceeding twelve months.’ . . . The 

Constitution of Tennessee is admitted into the Union, by Congress, and 
it prohibits the courts here from inflicting a fine exceeding fifty dollars, 

except by a jury, and leaves the same to the courts.I 

address the members of Congress from this State to use their industry 
to have this act repealed. Such an act might look tolerably well in a 
proclamation from Britain, but I beg you to erase it out of the records 
and existing laws of a republican government. Let it be wiped away, 
and never one more of the sort be seen—an enemy to liberty, nature, 
good policy and humanity.” 

Mr. Blount and Mr. Cocke, Senators, and General Jack- 
son, the Representative, of Tennessee, were, in the meantime, 
active in relation to the affairs of the State they represented, 
and with whose interests they were so familiar. On the 
third day of March, this resolution was introduced in the 
Senate : 

# 

“ Resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to 
cause a treaty or treaties to be held, as speedily as may be, with such of 
the Indian tribes as may have claims to certain western lands, ceded by 
North-Carolina to the United States, for the purpose of obtaining an 
extinguishment of their claim to so much thereof as lie to the north 

o 

and east of the River Tennessee, within the State of Tennessee.” 

The resolution was rejected, only eight Senators voting 
in the affirmative. 

Previous to the introduction of this resolution, to wit, on 
the 1st of March, it had been, in the same body, 

“ Resolved , That provision ought, by law T , to be made for opening a 
land office for the sale of lands lying within the limits of the State of 
Tennessee, belonging to the United States, to which the Indian title has 
been extinguished, providing that the occupants shall have a priority in 
the location of such of the said lands as are now in their actual possession 
and improvement, upon such reasonable terms as may be fixed by 
law.” 

This had been introduced into the Senate by Mr. Hill- 


LAND CLAIMS OF TENNESSEE. 


685 


house, chairman of a committee to whom the whole subject 
had been referred, and to whom the Tennessee Senators had 
fully explained the situation of the people to be affected by 
it. The session of Congress terminated on the third, and 
there was not time to act upon it. It was, therefore, laid 
over till the next session. 

On the same day, Mr. Hillhouse, from the committee to 
whom was referred the letter and enclosures from the Go¬ 
vernor of North-Carolina, relative to the extinguishment of 
the Indian title to lands granted to T. Glasgow & Co., by 
the State of North-Carolina—the address of the Legislature 
of the State of Tennessee on the same subject, and also the 
petition of J. Glasgow and others, relative to the land en¬ 
tered in the office of John Armstrong, and since ceded to the 
United States, made an elaborate report, and recommended 
the following resolution : 

“ Resolved , That as soon as the title to the said lands shall be extin¬ 
guished, under the authority of the United States, by purchase, or oth¬ 
erwise, provision ought, by law, to be made, to secure to such of said 
claimants, as by conforming to the laws of North-Carolina, have secured 
to themselves a title to the right of pre-emption under such laws, the oc¬ 
cupancy and possession of such lands.” 

It is worthy of remark, that in a contest of this kind, in¬ 
volving, as it did, State pride, State sovereignty—the right 
of property—in which, many of the citizens of Tennessee 
felt a direct personal interest, not a single appeal is made to 
the passions of the occupants, nor one exhortation made to 
insubordination or resistance. Most of the writers advise a 
contrary course. In his last number, “ Campbell ” examines the 
question involved, at great length. He closes thus : “ I have 
not hesitated to speak the truth, even when it compelled me 
to charge the Executive of the United States with a viola¬ 
tion of the rights of the individual States, and of the people. 
You have heard my reasonings as a citizen; hear my ad¬ 
vice as a friend. Acquiesce in the operations of Govern¬ 
ment ; submit to the legal transactions of her ministers ; pe¬ 
tition Congress for negotiations, to be set on foot with the 
Indians, to secure your settlements; countenance no irregu¬ 
larities ; commit no outrages. I have announced you to the 


686 


LOUIS PHILIPPE IN KNOXVILLE. 


world as regular and orderly citizens. Let your conduct 
prove, to the latest ages of posterity, that I have pronounced 
the truth. Let us attribute our misfortunes to the true 
sources whence they originated ; to the misunderstanding of 
the words of the treaty, and to the narrow and contracted 
policy of the General Government.” 

No outbreak followed—no conflict between the military 
and the citizens. A rash and imprudent procedure on the part 
of the United States troops, like a spark in a powder maga¬ 
zine, would have ended in their annihilation. But the con¬ 
ciliatory tone of the circular—the good temper and wise dis¬ 
cretion of the officers—the force of general public sentiment 
and the disposition of the State authorities, prevented a colli¬ 
sion. Legislative action and negotiations followed, and 
the difficulty was settled without violence. 

Feb. 27.—Commerce, by means of the river, began to 
reach Knoxville. On that day, the Gazette notices the arri¬ 
val of two boats, carrying five tons each, from the South 
Fork of Holston, in Virginia—the distance estimated to be, 
by water, above three hundred miles. The pioneers in this 
navigation were Messrs. Russell and Barry, the owners. 
The cargo consisted of flour, salt and whiskey. 

March 4.—Thomas Shields was killed by the Indians in 
Sevier county. They cut his head nearly off, ripped open 
his body, took out his bowels, and otherwise shockingly cut 
and mangled him. 

Louis Philippe and his brothers in Knoxville. 

April 30.—“Arrived in Knoxville, three sons of the Duke 
of Orleans ; and on the next day, set out on their journey to 
the westward, by Tellico, Fort Grainger, Nashville, &c. At 
the age of fourteen, the eldest of those gentlemen commanded 
one of the wings of Dumourier’s army at the famous battle 
of Jenappe ; and the two younger were imprisoned forty- 
three months, by the French Government, at Marseilles.”* 

Mail facilities were necessarily small and exceedingly in¬ 
adequate, at this time, in Tennessee. There was a post- 
office at Knoxville, of which George Roulstone was the 


♦Gazette, May 1, 1797. 


MAIL FACILITIES IN TENNESSEE. 


687 


Postmaster. To this office, letters were sent, for much of 
the country east, and for all the country west of it. In the 
list of letters published, as remaining on hand, January 1, 
1797, are letters sent to Nollichucky, to Sumner county, to 
Buncombe, to Jonesboro 1 , to Blount, to Davidson, to Jeffer¬ 
son, to North Fork, to Bledsoe’s Lick, to Nashville, to Hays- 
boro’, to Powell’s Valley, to,Palmyra and to Dixon’s Creek. 
The mail to Knoxville was at first bi-monthly. To remedy 
this infrequency and consequent inadequacy of mail facili¬ 
ties, different expedients were adopted. The publisher of 
the Gazette, wishing to extend the circulation of that jour¬ 
nal, engaged Mr. Munford Smith to ride post for him. Mr. 
Roulstone advertised in the Gazette— 

“ His route will be as follows, provided a sufficient number of sub¬ 
scribers can be obtained. He will set out every other Monday, and go 
by Maryville to Sevierville; from thence, by Dandridge, to Hugh Neil- 
son’s, Esq., on Lick Creek ; from thence to Hawkins’ Court-House; and 
from thence, by Haine’s Iron Works, crossing at McBee’s Ferry, to 
Knoxville. The route will be extended, as subscribers may enable him ; 
and as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained, he will 
start the post once a week. Each subscriber is to pay one cent a paper, 
in addition to the subscription, which is three dollars per annum.” 

Besides this private post of Mr. Roulstone, every emigrant 
and traveller, who came to the country, was a self-consti¬ 
tuted letter-carrier. Every horseman had, in his saddle-bags 
or portmanteau, a small wallet, in which he carried letters 
from citizens of the old States to the settlers in the new. 
This was carefully opened and examined at the several sta¬ 
tions or places where he lodged ; the letters were then deli¬ 
vered, distributed or re-mailed, as the case required. The 
inhabitants conscientiously and cheerfully performed, gratui¬ 
tously, the duty of forwarding, sometimes to distant points, 
letters thus brought into their care and possession. Official 
despatches were sometimes received and forwarded in the 
same way. An endorsement, “ on the public service,” se¬ 
cured the transmission of a letter by a volunteer express, if 
not with the celerity and despatch of the present United States 
mail, certainly with as much certainty and fidelity. 

According to the provisions of the Constitution, elections 
were held in August, of this year. John Sevier was again 


688 


LEGISLATURE MEETS AT KNOXVILLE. 


elected Governor, and William Charles Cole Claiborne, Re¬ 
presentative to Congress. 

“On Monday, September 18, the General Assembly convened at 
Knoxville. The Senators were, from— 

Washington —John Tipton. 

Greene —Samuel Frazier. 

Sullivan —George Rutledge. 

Hawkins and Grainger —Joseph McMinn. 

Knox —James White. 

Jefferson —James Roddy. 

Blount —Alexander Kelly. 

Sevier —John Clack. 

Davidson —Thomas Hardeman. 

Sumner —Edward Douglass. 

Robertson and Montgomery —James Ford. 

James White was elected Speaker; George Roulstone, Principal 
Clerk ; and N. Buckingham, Assistant Clerk. 

The Representatives were, from— 

Washington —James Stuart and Leeroy Taylor. 

Greene —Joseph Conway and John Gass. 

Sullivan —John Rhea and John Scott. 

Hawkins —John Cocke and James Ore. 

Knox —John Manifee and John Sawyers. 

Jefferson —Adam Peck and William Lillard. 

Sevier —Spencer Clack and Peter Bryan. 

Blount —James Scott and James Greenway. 

Davidson —Robert Weakly and Isaac Roberts. 

Sumner —Stephen Cantrell and William Hall. 

Tennessee— William Fort and James Norfleet. 

James Stuart was elected Speaker; Thomas H. Williams, 1st Clerk; 
Jesse Wharton, 2d Clerk ; and John Rhea, Door-keeper.” 

September 22.—In his message to the Legislature, Gov¬ 
ernor Sevier begged the members to express to the people, 
in the liveliest terms of sensibility, his gratitude for the 
honour they had again conferred upon him. He noticed the 
rapid increase of the population of Tennessee and the pros¬ 
perous condition of its agriculture. “ But this bright pros¬ 
pect of affairs,” he continues, “ is considerably darkened by 

the extension of the Indian boundary.”-“ A large tract of 

settled and well improved land is said to be within the boun¬ 
dary guaranteed to the Cherokees by treaty and that if 
the people are compelled to abandon their possessions, great 
injury must resuit to individuals and to the public.” He in¬ 
vites the early attention of the Legislature to this subject, 



COCKE COUNTY ESTABLISHED. 


689 


and suggests the necessity of memorializing Congress, “from 
whose authority adequate relief can only be obtained.” He 
congratulates the country on the continued peace with the 
Indians. Referring to the threatening aspect of European 
affairs, he urges early “ provision for holding in readiness 
the quota of troops assigned to this State,” and recommends 
further improvement in its militia laws. 

William Maclin was elected Secretary of State. 

Hon. Joseph Anderson was commissioned Senator from 
State of Tennessee, for remainder of the term for which the 
late Senator, William Blount, had drawn. 

Oct. 28.—Howell Tatum, Esq., was commissioned Judge 
of the Superior Court of Law and Equity. 

At this session, Jefferson county was divided and the 
county of Cocke laid oft'. Henry Ragan, William Job, John 
Caffee, Peter Fine, John Keeney, Reps. Jones and John Mc- 
Glocklen, were appointed to select a place for the court-house 
and erect the county buildings. The first court was held at 
the house of Daniel Adams. 

Cocke county was named for Gen. William Cocke, a native 
of Virginia, and an emigrant to Holston. He has been re¬ 
peatedly mentioned as having participated in the military, 
civil, legislative and judiciary services of Virginia, North- 
Carolina, Franklin and Tennessee, where he was known as 
an efficient and zealous officer, from his debut at Long: 
Island, to his seat in the United States Senate, which he held 
for twelve years. He will be seen, thereafter, as one of the 
Circuit Judges for Tennessee. A member of her Legislature 
at the commencement of the Creek war in September, 1813, 
after assisting to pass an act to authorize an augmentation 
of the forces to march against the Creeks, and to protect 
the defenceless settlers in the most exposed part of the Mis¬ 
sissippi Territory, and repel invasion, he, at the rise of the 
Legislature, though above sixty years of age, and before visit¬ 
ing his home in East Tennessee, volunteered his services as 
a private in that war, and acted therein most bravely and 
usefully. He was afterwards appointed United States Agent 
to the Chickasaws. He afterwards settled in Mississippi, 
44 


690 


coxe’s expedition to muscle shoals, 


and represented his county in its legislature. In private 
life, he was most hospitable and benevolent. 

To encourage commerce, promote industry, and advance 
the agriculture of the country, the legislature established a 
public inspection of tobacco in Waynesboro’, Davidson 
county. 

Coxe still entertained the design of occupying the Muscle 
Shoals purchase. The boat to transport the troops, guns and 
provision necessary to carry into effect the settlement at 
the Muscle Shoals, was built at the mouth of Chucky. It 
was of immense dimensions, and was, at that day, from its 
size and structure, called a ship—having, on all sides, such 
barricades as would make it impregnable to small arms. It 
was well provided with howitzers and small ordnance, and 
constituted a good floating battery. 

To prevent the descent of this boat down the river, Col. 
Thomas Butler, of the United States Army, issued orders to 
the troops under his command at South-West Point and Bell 
Canton, to exercise the utmost vigilance, and to fire upon and 
sink it. It was believed that the most suitable plan for de¬ 
feating the expedition, was to allow it to pass unmolested, as 
far as Bell Canton.* There the Holston was narrow, and 
the position otherwise favourable. Standing orders were is¬ 
sued on the 2nd November, 1797, to the officer in charge of 
the battery, to “have his ordnance in perfect order, and the 
implements judiciously arranged, to prevent confusion, when 
it may be necessary to man the works.” A look-out boat was 
to be detached at proper intervals, to make discovery of the 
approach of Coxe’s party, and signals were arranged, to pre¬ 
pare for the attack. Should any boat belonging to the expe¬ 
dition, approach within one mile of the battery, the com¬ 
mander was directed to fire one shot wide of it. Should this 
notice be disregarded, he was directed to fire on it, and, “ if 
possible, sink all boats that may dare to pass your works.’’ 

At the time of its date, Governor Sevier found it necessary 
to address to Zachariah Coxe the following letter : 

♦This fort was above the former residence of the late Major Lencir, and ita 
ruins are yet to be seen on the farm heretofore occupied by Colonel R. A. Ram¬ 
sey, now of Georgia. 


PREVENTED BY COLONEL BUTLER. 


691 


Knoxville, 20th August, 1*797. 

Since your arrival in this State, various reports are in circulation, re¬ 
specting an intended expedition you are about to make. 

It appears to be a matter of importance to this Government, to be in¬ 
formed of )our intentions and place of destination. I flatter myself 
you will have no objections to communicate, and lay before the Execu¬ 
tive of this State, the plan of your intended operations and movements; 
at what place you intend making a stand or settlement; and by what 
authority you conceive yourselves at liberty to prosecute the same. 


No answer to this communication has been preserved in 
the Executive Journal. By a special message, September 
23d, 1797, the Governor’s letter and Coxe’s reply were com¬ 
municated to the legislature, and referred to a committee, 
who, on the 10th of October, reported, that from “the 
papers they have had before them, it appears that no expe¬ 
dition of a hostile nature, or plan inimical to the Govern¬ 
ment, is intended or contemplated.” 

The execution of the Act of Congress of 1796, heretofore 
mentioned, had produced uneasiness among the people. The 
legislature sympathizing in that feeling, adopted the follow¬ 
ing preamble and resolution: 

Whereas, official information has been laid before the General As¬ 
sembly of this State, contained in an order from Colonel Butler, ad¬ 
dressed to the people who are within the Indian boundary, and, foras¬ 
much, as it is conceived, great and irremediable injury would arise, 
should the inhabitants be reduced to the necessity of a compliance with 
that mandate, at a season when their crops are not lit for transportation, 
or storing up; also, putting it entirely out of their power to secure their 
forage. These evils will be rendered doubly distressing, by the gloomy 
horrors of famine, which threaten to pervade a great part of the country. 

Seeing, then, the favours of heaven have, in some degree, been with¬ 
held, humanity and justice cry aloud for the legislative interposition, in 
behalf of those of our fellow-citizens, with the executive power. 

It is therefore Resolved, That the Governor of the State of Tennes¬ 
see be requested to lay before the President of the United States, by the 
earliest opportunity, the true state and condition of those citizens resi¬ 
dent within the Indian boundary, agreeable to the line lately run, set¬ 
ting forth, that their request for the present is, that the execution of the 
order to Colonel Butler, for their removal, be suspended until the next 
session of Congress. 

A copy of these was sent to the Governor, accompanied 
by a communication to him, urging his official application to 
the President, to obtain a suspension of the order for the re¬ 
moval of the intruders. 


692 


UNITED STATES COMMISSIONERS 


Governor Sevier found it necessary, to appease popular 
( clamour on the frontier, to give, through the press, 

( the prospect of further negotiations, by the Federal 
Government, with the Cherokees. On this subject he says, 
in a circular : 

Knoxville, 23d April, l^S. 

* * % * -h % * 

George Walton, Alfred Moore, and John Steele, Esqs., are appointed 
Commissioners to hold a treaty with the Indians. Walton is from 
Georgia, Moore from North-Carol in a, and Steele from Virginia; gentle¬ 
men of high respectability, and from their known patriotism and abili¬ 
ties, I have every reason to believe that the interest of the western 
country will be deliberately and duly considered. 

The Federal Legislature has appropriated twenty-five thousand eight 
hundred and eighty dollars for the purpose of the negotiation—a sum, I 
hope, that will be fully commensurate and adequate to the object, and 
evince to our fellow-citizens the good disposition of the Federal Execu¬ 
tive and Legislature towards the interest and welfare of this State, and 
particularly in the relief of our unhappy fellow-citizens, who have been 
compelled to remove from their homes and plantations. It is expected 
the treaty will commence about the middle of next month ; the Com¬ 
missioners have not, as yet, arrived, but are expected in a few days. 
With respect to the intended treaty, I presume it will be readily con¬ 
ceded that the State of Tennessee is very much interested in the event, 
and, perhaps, more so than may happen in any future period. On this 
important occasion, it will be particularly useful and beneficial to the 
Executive, to have the aid and instructions of the legislature; but as 
that body cannot, with conveniency, be convened, and it is at all times 
attended with considerable expense, and, at the present, would be em¬ 
barrassing to the local circumstances of many of the members, and also 
our public funds, the Executive will, therefore, be under the necessity 
of resorting to such measures as to him may appear most likely to pro¬ 
mote the public interest, assuring his countrymen that nothing shall be 
lacking that may tend and lead to their present and future advantages, 
so far as he may be enabled under existing circumstances. 

The boundary between the Cherokees and the whites had 
not been run and marked ; some of the settlers had crossed 
what has been known as the experimental line, and to pre¬ 
vent further difficulties, the Federal Government ordered a 
removal of these trespassers, and proposed a further treaty 
of limits, &c. The Commissioners appointed for that pur¬ 
pose, were George Walton, Alfred Moore and John Steele. 
The Agent of the United States, Silas Dinsmore, was direct¬ 
ed to convene the Indians at the shortest notice, and the 
commandant of the Federal troops in Tennessee was directed 


HOLD A TREATY AT TELLICO. 


693 


to hold in readiness a detachment to cover and protect the 
parties. 

Soon alter their arrival in Tennessee, the Commissioners 
issued the following : 

Bell Canton, 21st May, 1798. 

Sir :—Being arrived at this place, with powers to hold a treaty with 
the Cherokee Indians, on behalf of the United States, and being in¬ 
formed, by divers persons, since our arrival in the State of Tennessee, 
that the persons who were removed from the settlements on the Indian 
lands, do frequently cross the line, and cultivate the soil, in violation of 
the law and the orders to Colonel Butler, and much against the will 
and consent of the Indians—we, therefore, have thought it our indis¬ 
pensable duty to interfere, and admonish the persons so trespassing, of 
the bad effects a perseverance in such conduct may produce ; assuring 
the people so concerned, that we very sensibly feel for their condition, 
and that we will do everything in our power for their most speedy re¬ 
lief ; but, at the same time, we warn them that they, by persisting in 
the conduct so complained of, may put such relief entirely out of our 
power. 

We wish you to make this communication as extensively known as 
possible, and that you will impress the importance of our advice upon 
the minds of the people as much as possible. 

We are, sir, your ob’d’t serv’ts. 

June 21.—Preparatory to the treaty, the Agent of the 
United States, Mr. Dinsmore, was instructed to request the 
Indians to convene at such place as he might think most 
convenient for them to assemble, and which, at the same 
time,'Would most facilitate the obtaining the necessary sup¬ 
plies of provisions. With these objects in view, he was 
desired, by the Commissioners, to remonstrate against meet¬ 
ing the Indians at Oostinahli, on the 14th, as they had pro¬ 
posed, and to invite them to assemble at their beloved town, 
Chota, or any other place on the banks of the Tennessee con¬ 
venient for them. They abandoned the idea of meeting at 
Oostinahli, and determined to assemble at Tuskeegee, on the 
25th. The place of meeting was afterwards changed to 
Tellico, where they met the Commissioners. 

June 20.—Governor Sevier having named General Robert¬ 
son, James Stuart and Lachlan McIntosh, as Agents to 
represent the interest of Tennessee, at the treaty about to 
be held at Tellico, proceeded to give them minute instruc¬ 
tions on some points of special importance to the State. 
These were— 


694 


STATE AGENTS A1T0INTED BY SEVIER, 


1st.—To obtain as wide an extinguishment of Ihe Che¬ 
rokee claim, north of the Tennessee, as was attainable. 

2d.—An unimpeded communication of Holston and Clinch 
Rivers with the Tennessee, and the surrender of the west 
bank of the Clinch, opposite South-West Point. 

3d.—To secure from future molestation, the settlements 
as far as they have progressed on the northern and western 
borders of the State, and the connection of Hamilton and 
Mero Districts, then separated by a space of unextinguished 
hunting ground, eighty miles wide. 

4th.—To examine into the nature and validity ofthe claim 
recently set up by the Cherokees, to lands north of the Ten¬ 
nessee River. Does it rest upon original right ? Is it de¬ 
rived from treaties ? Is it founded only upon a temporary 
use or occupancy ? 

He further advises that, acting as they were with Com¬ 
missioners of the United States, they might yield, for the sake 
of harmony, everything but the interest and dignity of Ten¬ 
nessee. 

The gentlemen thus appointed and instructed, met July 
2d, at Knoxville, and having appointed John Smith, Esq., 
their Secretary, and Joseph Sevier, Interpreter, repaired to 
the treaty ground, near Tellico Block-house. On the seventh, 
they made known to the United States Commissioners the 
object of their appointment, and theirdesire of forwarding, by 
all the means in their power, the object of the mission, and 
“occasionally to state the ground on which Tennessee rests 
her expectation of such effectual interference on the part of 
the Union, as shall consolidate her detached settlements, and 
afford to her inhabitants the uninterrupted use of streams 
destined by nature for their accommodation.” 

Col. Butler, the commandant of the post, treated the 
Agents with marked attention, and offered to convey them, 
from time to time, during their negotiation, in his barjje, 
from their place of encampment to the Council House. The 
Commissioners informed them, “ that a seat in the Council 
would be provided for their accommodation, but any pro¬ 
posals you may have to make or information to give, will be 


WHO ATTEND AT THE TREATY. 


095 


received by us, at such time as may be convenient, at this 
place.” 

“ The Council opened. The Bloody Fellow having pre¬ 
faced the subject, delivered a paper which he stated to con¬ 
tain their final resolutions, which were a peremptory refusal to 
sell, and an absolute denial to permit the inhabitants to re¬ 
turn to their homes.” 

Monday, July 9.—The State Agents feeling considerable 
doubt of the favourable result of pending negotiations, ill 
the manner they had been and were likely to continue to be 
conducted, transmitted to the Commissioners a communica¬ 
tion in writing, prepared with great care and exhibiting 
much research and familiarity with all the principles in¬ 
volved in the matter of their agency. It covers eight closely 
written pages of the Journal of the Agents now before this 
writer. It is worthy of a careful reading, and should be 
preserved, but its great length forbids its insertion on these 
pages. 

To this elaborate communication, the Commissioners re¬ 
plied verbally, that though an able paper, much of its con¬ 
tents was irrelevant to the subject of present negotiations 
and that it would be their duty to forward it to the Govern¬ 
ment. 

The chiefs manifesting the same determined opposition to 
a relinquishment of territory, the Agents of Tennessee made 
an effort to secure from them and the Commissioners, leave 
to the inhabitants who were beyond the experimental 
boundary, to harvest and remove the crops of small grain, 
then ripe and liable to injury and loss. The Commissioners 
considered this application to be “ wholly without the 
objects of their mission.” 

Further negotiation was postponed until the ensuing 
fall. James Stuart, Esq., having resigned, his place was 
filled by Gen. James White, of Knoxville, and the negotia¬ 
tions were resumed at Tellico, on the 20th of September. 
The commission to Gen White, is thus expressed on the Exe¬ 
cutive Journal— 

James White, Brigadier-General of the District of Hamilton, com¬ 
missioned as Agent on the part of the State of Tennessee, with full 


696 


CHEROKEE BOUNDARY. 


power to attend the treaty which the President of the United States has 
authorized to be held with the Cherokees, and there to state the obli¬ 
gations of the United States to extinguish the Cherokee claim to such 
lands as have been granted to individuals by the State of North-Caro- 
lina, and in all things to represent the interests of the State of Ten¬ 
nessee.” 

The United States Commissioners were Col. Thomas Butler 
and George Walton, Esq. 

During the progress of the treaty, it was found impracticable 
to effect the primary objects had in view, in the appointment 
of the State agents. Gen. Robertson failed to attend, and Mr. 
McIntosh resigned. It became necessary for the Governor, 
himself, to attend. He did so. The Commissioners suc¬ 
ceeded, at length, in effecting a treaty. It was signed by 
Thomas Butler, George Walton, and a long list of Cherokee 
chiefs. 

By this treaty, the boundary was stipulated to be: Begin- 
( ning at a point on the Tennessee River, below Tellico 
l Block-house, called Wildcat Rock, in a direct line to the 
Militia Spring, near the Maryville road ; from the said spring 
to the Chilhowee Mountain, by a line so to be run, as will 
leave all the farms on Nine Mile Creek to the northward and 
eastward of it; and to be continued along Chilhowee Moun¬ 
tain, until it strikes Hawkins’s line; thence along the said 
line, to the great Iron Mountain ; and from the top of which, a 
line to be continued, in a south easterly course, to where the 
most southwardly branch of Little River crosses the divi¬ 
sional line to Tugalo River. From the place of beginning, 
the Wildcat Rock, down the north-east margin river, (not 
including islands,) to a point or place, one mile above the 
junction of that river with the Clinch ; and from thence, by 
a line to be drawn in a right angle, until it intersects Haw¬ 
kins’s line, leading from Clinch ; thence down the said line 
to the River Clinch ; thence up the said river to its junction 
with Emmery’s River ; thence up Emmery’s River to the 
foot of Cumberland Mountain; from thence a line to be 
drawn north-eastwardly along the foot of the mountain, 
until it intersects with Campbell’s line.* 


* State Papers, vol. v., page G38. 


ORIGINAL LETTER FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON. 


697 


The treaty provides for the running and marking of the 
boundary, and the payment to the Cherokees, for this cession 
of territory, of five thousand dollars, and an annuity of one 
thousand dollars. 

The people of Greene county participated in the sentiment 
of the nation, in reference to the difficulties with France. 
The following proceedings were had: 

At a meeting of the citizens of Greene county, held at 
Greeneville, Tenn., Colonel Daniel Kennedy was called to 
the chair, and George Duffield appointed secretary. A com¬ 
mittee was appointed to “ draw up and transmit to General 
Washington an address, expressive of the grateful sensibili¬ 
ties of the people, at his acceptance of the appointment of 
Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Ameri¬ 
can Armies at the present eventful crisis.” The committee 
discharged the duty assigned, and received from General 
Washington this reply: 

TO THE INHABITANTS OF GREENE COUNTY, IN THE STATE OF TENNESSEE I 

Gentlemen :—Having once more engaged in the arduous duties of 
public life, (after I had retired therefrom, with the most ardent wishes and 
pleasing hopes, that no circumstances would occur to call me from my 
peaceful abode, during the few remaining years of my life,) I cannot be 
insensible to the approbation of my fellow-citizens; and while I thank 
you, gentlemen, for your warm and friendly address, permit me to ob¬ 
serve, that I can take no merit to myself for my personal sacrifices I may 

make-, in accepting the important trust with which I have been 

honoured ; for when the property of our citizens has been spoiled, our 
sovereignty encroached upon, our constituted authorities threatened, can 
that man be deserving the appellation of an American citizen, who 
would suffer any motives of personal consideration, to withhold his exer¬ 
tions at such an eventful crisis? It certainly appears, gentlemen, as you 
observe, that the mild and pacific policy of America has been mistaken 
for cowardice and a base desertion of our rights. But I trust that the 
injured spirit of our country will now be roused, and that we shall show 
to the world, that we can and will support our rights and the govern¬ 
ment of our choice, against all aggressions, and that we will yield our 
independence only with our iives. To do this, requires a spirit of unani¬ 
mity, which, I presume, will shortly prevail in every part of the United 
States, and that every virtuous citizen will see the necessity of his exer¬ 
tions, to preserve the invaluable blessings which we have yet in our 
power. 

George Washington. 

Mount Vernon, Sept. 8th, 1798. 



698 


SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES 


Agreeably to the proclamation of Governor Sevier, the 
1798 S second session of the second General Assembly of the 
( State of Tennessee began at Knoxville, December 3, 

1798. 

Thomas Hardeman, Senator from Davidson, bad resigned, 
and James Robertson was elected in his place. William 
Blount was elected Senator from Knox, in place of James 
White, resigned. Governor Blount was elected Speaker of 
the Senate ; George Roulstone, Clerk ; and N. B. Bucking¬ 
ham, Assistant Clerk. 

Edward Scott was elected Principal Clerk, and Stephen 
Hurd, Assistant Clerk, of the House.of Representatives. 

In the message to the Legislature, transmitted by Governor 
Sevier, he suggests an amendment of the militia law, “ at 
this moment, when the United States are menaced with 
foreign aggression and also “an appropriation to prevent 
deficiency in arms and ammunition.” He calls attention to 
the “ recent proceeding of North-Carolina, militating with 
the Act of Cession and closing her offices, by which that 
State prevents the inhabitants of Tennessee from perfegting 
their land titles.” He directs legislative attention to the 
lands recently acquired from the Cherokees, and congratu¬ 
lates the country on the return to their homes, of such of the 
citizens as had been excluded temporarily from their quiet 
possession. 

SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE 
UNITED STATES FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE. 

Fourth Congress—Second Session—Began 5th December, 1796, ended 

3d March, 1797. 

Senators— William Cocke, 

William Blount. 

Representative— Andrew Jackson. 

Special Session of the Senate for one day, being 4th March, 1797. 

Senator present— Willtam Blount. 

Fifth Congress—First Session—Began 15th May, 1797, ended 10th 

July, 1797. 

Senators— William Cocke, 

Wm. Blount, attended 16 May, 1797. ) 
Expelled, 8 July, 1797. ) 

(It does not appear that any Representative from Tennessee attended at 
this session.) 


IN CONGRESS FROM TENNESSEE. 


099 


Fifth Congress,—Second Session—Began 13th Nov., 1797, ended 16th 

July, 1798. 

Senators— Andrew Jackson, 

Joseph Anderson. 

Representative— William Chas. Cole Claibourne. 
Special Session of the Senate, began 17th July, and ending 19th July, 

1798. 

Senator —Joseph Anderson —(one seat vacant.) 
Fifth Congress—Third Session—Began 3d Dec., 1798, ended 3d March, 

1799. 

Senators— Daniel Smith, 

Joseph Anderson. 

Representative— William C. C. Claibourne. 

Sixth Congress—First Session—Began 2d December, 1799, ended 14th 

May, 1800. 

Senators —Joseph Anderson, 

William Cocke. 

Representative— William C. C. Claibourne. 

July 8th.—William Blount, Senator from Tennessee, was, 
on this day, expelled from his seat in the Senate of the 
United States. Three days before that time, he wrote the 
following letter : 

Philadelphia, July 5th, ’97. 

In a few days, you will see published by order of Congress, a letter 
said to have been written by me to James Carey. It makes quite a fuss 
here. I hope, however, the people upon the Western waters, will see 
nothing but good in it, for so I intended it, especially for Tennessee. 

The letter to Carey became the platform of proceedings 
against Senator Blount. The Sergeant-at-arms of the Uni¬ 
ted States Senate, James Matthers, soon after repaired to 
Knoxville, with the purpose of arresting the ex-senator, and 
of taking him in custody, to the seat of Government. After 
the service of process upon Blount, the Sergeant-at-arms 
found it impossible to execute that part of his official duty, 
which required him to take the accused to Philadelphia. He 
refused to go. Matthers was treated by the citizens of Knox¬ 
ville with marked attention and civility. He became, for 
several days, the guest of Governor Blount, and was hospita¬ 
bly entertained by the State authorities. After some days, 
wishing to return with his prisoner to Philadelphia, he sum¬ 
moned a posse to his assistance. But not a man could be 
found willing to accompany him. Whatever foundation 
there may have been for the impeachment of William 
Blount, and whatever truth there may have been in the 


700 


blount’s impeachment, 


charge preferred against him. there was no one in Tennessee 
who viewed his conduct as criminal, unpatriotic, or un¬ 
friendly to the true interests of the State, or the West; and 
all refused to sanction the proceedings against him. The in¬ 
fluence of the Marshal of the District was either withheld, 
or was impotent amongst the countrymen of Blount. The 
Sergeant-at-arms, convinced of the fruitlessness of further 
attempt, to execute one part of his mission, started home¬ 
ward. Some of the citizens accompanied him a few miles 
from town, where, assuring him that William Blount could 
not be taken from Tennessee as a prisoner, bade him a po¬ 
lite adieu. 

Next to Sevier, Blount was the most popular man in Ten¬ 
nessee. He had been identified with her people from the 
earliest settlement of the country, and his public services 
had been particularly advantageous to their interests, and 
had secured their approbation, and were rewarded by their 
esteem and their gratitude. Whatever may have been pub¬ 
lic sentiment elsewhere, at home he never lost the confidence, 
nor forfeited the good opinion of his countrymen. An op¬ 
portunity occurred, soon after the impeachment of Mr. 
Blount, in which the people of Knox county and the Senate 
of Tennessee demonstrated their appreciation of his fidelity to 
their interest, and of his capacity to serve them. General 
James White, the Senator from Knox county, sympathizing 
in the general feeling, resigned his seat in the Senate of 
Tennessee. With this resignation, the Speaker’s chair, to 
which he had been elected, became also vacant. The voters 
of Knox county seized the opportunity, and elected William 
Blount their Senator ; and upon its meeting at the called 
session of Dec. 3, 1797, the Senate unanimously elected 
him its Speaker. And it is a circumstance somewhat re¬ 
markable, that while that body was acting as a Court of Im¬ 
peachment, of which Speaker Blount was the President, the 
United States Senate was, at the same time, engaged in try¬ 
ing the impeachment against him. 

In the meantime, the trial of Mr. Blount progressed. 

“Monday, Dec. 17, 1798. 

“ The process issued on the first day of March last, against William 
Blount, together with the return made thereon, were read.” 


AND HIS ACQUITTAL. 


701 


The Articles of Impeachment, in substance, charged that 
William Blount did conspire to set on foot a military hos¬ 
tile expedition against the territory of his Catholic Majesty 
in the Floridas and Louisiana, for the purpose of wresting 
them from his Catholic Majesty, and of conquering the same 
for the King of Great Britain. “ William Blount did not 
appear.'’ Tuesday, Dec. 18, 1798.—Jared Ingersoll and A. J. 
Dallas asked and obtained leave to appear as Counsel for Wil¬ 
liam Blount, and on the 24th, filed their plea, objecting to the 
jurisdiction of the Court, as William Blount was not now a 
Senator of the United States, and because, by the eighth ar¬ 
ticle of the Constitution, it is declared and provided “ that 
in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right 
to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State 
or District wherein the crime shall have been committed,” 
&c., &c. 

January 3, 1799.—Mr. Bayard, in behalf of the managers, 
filed a replication. To this Mr. Ingersoll filed a rejoinder. 

January 10.—Court proceeded in the debate on the mo¬ 
tion, “That William Blount was a civil officer of the United 
States within the meaning of the Constitution of the United 
States, and, therefore, liable to be impeached b}^ the House 
of Representatives, and that as the Articles of Impeach¬ 
ment charge him with high crimes and misdemeanours, sup¬ 
posed to have been committed while a Senator of the United 
States, his plea ought to be overruled.” It was determined 
in the negative. Yeas, 11 ; Nays, 14. 

January 14, 1799.—Judgment was pronounced by the Vice 

( President, that “ The Court is of opinion that the 
1799 < i 1 

( matter alleged in the plea of the defendant, is suffi¬ 
cient, in law, to show that this Court ought not to hold 
jurisdiction of the said impeachment, and that the said im¬ 
peachment be dismissed.” 

The failure to sustain the prosecution against Mr. Blount, 
and his elevation by his fellow-citizens and the Senate of 
Tennessee to the dignified position assigned him after his 
impeachment, testify sufficiently, that in their judgment, he 
had perpetrated no wrong—inflicted no injury, and purposed 


702 


VINDICATION OF BLOUNT 


no evil—especially against his own State. Had he lived 
longer, that State would still have confided in and rewarded 
him further. His services and his abilities were never 
more highly appreciated than at the time of his death, which 
occurred soon afterwards, at Knoxville, March 21, 1800, in 
the 53d year of his age. The several offices he had held, 
have been enumerated elsewhere in these Annals, and need 
not be here repeated. In all of them he had acquitted him¬ 
self with signal ability, zeal and faithfulness. “He mortuis 
nil nisi bonumP If he erred in the whole course of a pa¬ 
triotic life, let the error be ascribed to an overwrought devo¬ 
tion to North-Carolina and to Tennessee. To the special 
interests of the mother and the daughter he devoted his life, 
his energies and his character. In the latter, especially, his 
memory is still revered, and the name of Blount is gratefully 
remembered, even at the present day. Here, he was never 
censured for the conduct which was made the occasion of 
the Senate’s proceedings against him ; and his friends, con¬ 
scious of his good intentions, never found it necessary to 
make a public vindication of his conduct. There is, how¬ 
ever, in the hands of this Annalist, a vindication of William 
Blount, made in 1835, by Willie Blount, his younger brother, 
who was associated with him in most of the transactions of 
his public and private life, and who succeeded him in the 
administration of the duties of Governor of Tennessee for 
many years. His character for candour, truth and impar¬ 
tiality, will be nowhere questioned, and the position of no 
one could have been more favourable for the ascertainment 
of all the facts he mentions, or the purposes to which he 
alludes, in the vindication of William Blount. It is addressed 
to Richard B. Blount, and the other orphan children and the 
relatives of the deceased. This document covers several 
closely written sheets, and, on account of its length, cannot 
be here given. 

This vindication was never necessary for the good name 
of the subject of it in Tennessee. Had he lived longer, 
other positions would have been assigned him in the public 
service; but he was cut off in the prime of life. A plain 
marble slab covers his remains, and points out his grave. 


DECEASE OF GOVERNOR BLOUNT. 


703 


near the entrance of the burying-ground of (he First Pres¬ 
byterian Church in Knoxville, upon which there is only the 
simple inscription *- ‘'William Blount, died March 21, 1800, 
aged 53 years.”* 

During an early period of Governor Sevier’s administra¬ 
tion, he was mainly instrumental in procuring the passageof 
an Act by Congress compromising the land interest, or Ten¬ 
nessee claim to her soil, by securing the appropriation of two 
hundred thousand acres north and east of the Congressional 
reservation line, for the use of two colleges ; and also, fur¬ 
ther appropriations for county academies and common 
schools.f 

His administration was also signalized by efforts to con¬ 
nect Tennessee with her sister States, viz : through the Che¬ 
rokee nation, from Tellico Block-house to Georgia; also, 
from Winchester to Georgia, by Lowry’s Ferry ; and still 
another, leading from Nashville to Natchez, through the 
Chickasaw and Choctaw country. 

On the last day of the called session of 1798, viz : January 
5th, 1799, the presiding officers of the two Houses thus ad¬ 
dressed the Governor: 

To John Sevier, Governor of the State of Tennessee: 

The communication you have thought proper to make to both Houses 
of the General Assembly, at the commencement, and during the present 
session, afford additional proofs of the care which hath always marked 
your official character, since the first appointment to your present station. 

In the course of the present session, the Legislature have taken into 
consideration, the object of your several communications, and acted upon 
the same consistent with the exigency. 

The General Assembly, having finished the business before them, pro¬ 
pose to adjourn this evening, without day. 

James Stuart, S. H. R. 

Wm, Blount, S. S. 

*For some of these details, the writer acknowledges himself indebted to the last 
survivor of the pioneers of Knoxville, James Park, Esq., of that city, who, at an 
advanced age of a life of piety, usefulness and public spirit, has kindly contribu¬ 
ted, from the rich stores of a well-informed mind and tenacious memory, his recol¬ 
lections of the past. 

He is, also, in like manner indebted for letters from Hugh Dunlap, Esq , de¬ 
ceased, late of Paris, Tenn., who assisted in laying the foundation of Knoxville, 
and of civilization in Tennessee, from its eastern to its western section He was 
the ancestor of the family of that name, already distinguished in their native State, 
and in Mississippi and Texas, 
j-Blount Papers. 


704 


MEETING OF TIIE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE. 


Elections were held agreeably to law, and resulted again 
in the election of John Sevier as Governor of Tennessee, and 
W. C. C. Claibourne, Representative to Congress. 

Sept. 16.—The first session of the third General Assembly, 
met at Knoxville on Monday, the sixteenth day of Septem¬ 
ber, 1799, when Alexander Outlaw was elected Speaker of 
the Senate, and John Kennedy, principal Clerk. 

William Dickson was elected Speaker of the House of 
Representatives, and Edward Scott, Clerk. 

Members of the Senate. 

Blount and Sevier counties —Samuel Glass. 

Cocke and Jefferson. —Alexander Outlaw. 

Carter and Washington. —David Deaderick. 

Davidson.— Joel Lewis and Robert Weakly. 

Grainger. —John Cocke. 

Greene. —Samuel Frazier. 

Hawkins. —George Maxwell. 

Knox. —John Crawford. 

Montgomery and Robertson. —James Norfleet. 

Sullivan. —George Rutledge. 

Sumner. —Sampson Williams. 

Members of House of Representatives. 

Blount. —James Scott. 

Carter. —Samuel Williams. 

Cocke.— William Lillard. 

Davidson. —Wm. Dickson, Geo. Deaderick and Wm. Nealy. 
Grainger. —Major Lea and Elijah Chishum. 

Greene.— John Gass. 

Hawkins. —William Hord. 

Jefferson. —George Doherty. 

Knox. —John Menifee and John Sawyers. 

Montgomery.— William Bell. 

Robertson.— John Young. 

Sumner.— Wm. Hall, Isaac Walker and Wm. Montgomery. 

Sevier.— Spencer Clack. 

Sullivan. —John Scott and Richard Gammon. 

Washington.— Leeroy Taylor and John Sevier, Jun. 

GOVERNOR’S MESSAGE. 

Mr. Speaker , and Gentlemen of the Senate , and Gentlemen of the 
House of Representatives: 

It is with peculiar satisfaction I have the honour, this day, of meeting 
your august body in this House, where I have the pleasure of informing 
you the State is blessed with peace and quietude—the fields of the 
husbandman abundantly supplied with the fruits of the earth—our 


governor sevier’s message to legislature. 


705 


harvests have yielded to the labourer ample satisfaction for his toils, 
and the other crops of grain are equally proportionate. 

The laws and regular decorum, so far as come within my knowledge, 

I have reason to believe, are duly observed and supported throughout the 
government. Emigration and population are daily increasing, and I 
have no doubt, under the propitious hand of Providence, your patron¬ 
age, the wise and wholesome laws you, in your wisdom, may think pro¬ 
per to enact, that our State will become more and more respectable and 
conspicuous, and the citizens enjoy all that happiness and comfort this 
human life, in an ordinary course, will afford them. The poor and dis¬ 
tressed claim the first share of your deliberations, and I have not 
the smallest doubt your attention will be duly directed to that, and 
every other object worthy of legislative consideration. Among other 
things, gentlemen, permit me again to remind you, that the landed es¬ 
tates of your constituents, in general, appear to be verging on to a very 
precarious and doubtful situation, and should a timely interference be 
neglected, it may become a subject of very great regret. I, therefore, 
beg leave to recommend, so far as may be consistent with the cession 
act, public and good faith, that you provide, in the most ample man¬ 
ner, for the security and peaceful enjoyment of all such property as 
may appear to be in jeopardy. 

Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Repre- 
k sentatives: 

I now proceed to enjoin on you the great necessity of promoting and 
encouraging manufactories, the establishing ware-houses and inspections 
of various kinds. It will give a spring to industry and enable the agri¬ 
cultural part of the community to export and dispose of all the surplus 
part of their bulky and heavy articles. Providence has blessed this 
State with a soil peculiarly calculated for the production of wheat, hemp, 
flax, cotton, tobacco and indigo; it abounds with ores and minerals, and 
has navigable rivers, amply sufficient to enable us to export to the best 
of markets. This being the case, gentlemen, you may readily conceive 
how essentially necessary it will be for the encouraging and promoting 
of all the advantages enumerated, for you to lend your early legisla¬ 
tive aid and patronage. With respect to the affairs of Europe, I am 
not able to give you much satisfactory information. The public prints 
seem to furnish contradictory accounts, but so far as I am capable of 
judging, our affairs with France assume a less threatening aspect than 
heretofore, and I have the fullest confidence that the Executive of the 
General Government will use the greatest and wisest exertions to pro¬ 
mote and secure the peace, safety and dignity of the United States. 

Gentlemen of the Senate , and Gentlemen of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives : 

I am deeply and sensibly impressed with the honour conferred on me 
by my fellow citizens, in being elected a third time, to preside as the 
Chief Magistrate of the State. I earnestly wish I possessed greater 
abilities and talents to enable me to discharge the important duties, 
trust and confidence they have reposed; but rest assured, so far as I am 
45 


706 


SMITH COUNTY LAID OFF. 


enabled, nothing will be lacking or neglected in me, that will tend to¬ 
wards the interest, welfare and safety of the State. Before I close this 
address, 1 cannot forbear requesting a harmony of measures in your 
councils, and that you unite in endeavouring to promote our dearest 
rights and interests, and I have the fullest hope that, by your wisdom 
and policy, you may secure to our country the advantages and respect 
to which it is entitled and has a right to enjoy. 

(Signed) John Sevier. 

September 19 th, 1799. 

As was the custom of the day, the Speakers of the two 
Houses made a suitable response to the Governor’s message. 
It is here inserted : 

To his Excellency, John Sevier, Governor of the State of Tennessee. 

Sir :—It is with peculiar satisfaction the Senate and House of Re¬ 
presentatives received your communication announcing to them that 
our State is crowned with the blessings of peace and quietude; that the 
toils of the husbandman are amply rewarded with abundant crops ; that 
the laws, throughout the State, are well and duly executed; that emi¬ 
gration and population are daily increasing ; and we beg leave now to 
assure you that, under the directing hand of the All-seeing Providence, 
nothing, on our part, shall be wanting to increase the respectability of 
our rising State, and promote the welfare and happiness of our constitu¬ 
ents. 

Receive, sir, our assurances that the matters and things contained in 
your communications, and recommended to us as objects of legisla¬ 
tive attention, shall meet with that due investigation and deliberation 
that the importance of the different subjects requires. 

We beg leave, now, sir, to express our gratification of being the wit¬ 
nesses of your being once more called, by the unanimous suffrage of 
the freemen of Tennessee, to. the seat of the Chief Magistrate of the 
State, and expressing our public confidence that you will continue to 
execute those duties, which appertain to your office, with that firmness, 
judgment and impartiality which have heretofore characterized the Chief 
Magistrate of Tennessee. 

A. E. Outlaw, S. S. 

Wm. Dickson, Jun., S. II. R. 

Oct. 26.—The county of Sumner was reduced to its con¬ 
stitutional limits, and a new county, by the name of Smith, 
established. Its first Court was held at the house of Major 
Tilman Dixon. Smith county was called for General Da¬ 
niel Smith, who who was a native of Virginia, and was 
appointed, by Governor Jefferson, a Commissioner to run 
the dividing line between that State and North-Carolina. In 
the execution of this duty, he saw the beautiful country in 
the West, and soon afterwards removed to what is now 


WILSON AND WILLIAMSON COUNTIES LAID OFF. 


707 


Sumner count}', whose people he represented in the North- 
Carolina Legislature, and in the Convention which ratified 
the Constitution of the United States. He became Secretary 
of the Territory and a member of the Convention of 1796. 
He was afterwards elected one of the Senators from Ten¬ 
nessee. General Smith was a practical surveyor of lands, 
whose works never needed correction. For intelligence, 
well-cultivated talents, for integrity and usefulness, in sound¬ 
ness of judgment, in the practice of virtue and in shunning 
vice, he was equalled by few ; and in purity of motive, ex¬ 
celled by none.* 

Another new county was, at the same time, established. 
It was called Wilson, after Major David Wilson, a native of 
Pennsylvania, who emigrated to Sumner county, then North- 
Carolina. Here he was chosen a member of the Territorial 
Assembly, and, subsequently, Speaker of the House of Re¬ 
presentatives. He was an active and valuable officer in the 
Revolutionary war, and, for his services, the State of North- 
Carolina, by a special act of her Legislature, presented him 
with a tract of valuable land within the limits of the State of 
Tennessee. He was an honest and highly meritorious citizen. 

The first Court of Wilson county was held at the house of 
Captain John Harpole. First magistrates were—Charles 
Cavenaugh, John Allcom, John Lancaster, Elmore Douglass, 
John Doak, Matthew Figuns, Henry Ross, Wm. Gray, An¬ 
drew Donelson and Wm. McLain.f 

Robert Foster was elected clerk ; Charles Cavenaugh, 
chairman ; Charles Rosborough, sheriff; Wm. Gray, ranger; 
John Allcom, Register; B. Seawell, Esquire, was appointed 
county solicitor. 

Oct. 26.—The southern part of Davidson county was 
formed into a new county. 

The new county was named Williamson. John Johnson, 
Sen., Daniel Perkins, James Buford, William Edmonson and 
Captain James Scurlock, were the Commissioners to lay off 

* Blount Papers. 

f Afterwards elected Clerk, which office he held for many years, His son, J. 
S. McLain, afterwards was elected, and still continues Clerk of Wilson county— 
1862. 


708 


SONS OF TENNESSEE IN OTHER STATES. 


and erect public buildings in the county seat. The first 
Court was held at Franklin. Williamson county was de¬ 
clared to be part of Mero District. 

Caption of the principal Acts passed by the Legislature of 
Tennessee, at its session commencing September 16, 1799. 

1. An act increasing the jurisdiction of Justices of the Peace. 

8. To suppress excessive gaming. 

9. To prevent the wilful or malicious killing of slaves. 

10. Making provision for opening a road from Hamilton to Mero 
District across Cumberland Mountain, through the lands of the Chero¬ 
kee Indians, as stipulated by the Treaty of Holston. 

26. Establishing Kingston, near South-West Point, in Knox county, 
under the direction of David Miller, Alexander Carmichael, George 
Preston, John Smith, Wm. L. Lovely, Merriweather Smith and Thomas 
N. Clark. 

33. Establishing the town of Franklin. Abraham Maury, John Wal- 
thral, Joseph Porter, Wm. Boyd and David McEwen, are appointed 
Commissioners. 

34. Authorizing John McNairy, Joseph Coleman, Robert Searcy, 
Joseph Philips and David McGavock, to contract for building a stone 
Court House in Nashville. 

36. Establishing Haysborough, in Davidson county. 

38. Establishing Dandridge, in Jefferson county. 

46. Making provision for electing Electors of President and Vice- 
President of the United States. 

“ That the said Electors may be elected with as little 
trouble to the citizens as possible,” the Legislature again 
selected three citizens in each of the counties of the three 
Districts of Washington, Hamilton and Mero, whose duty it 
was to meet at Jonesboro’, Knoxville and Nashville respec¬ 
tively, and elect one Elector for each District. These three 
Electors were then to meet at Knoxville, and “ elect a Presi¬ 
dent and Vice-President of the United States.” 

Besides the distinguished sons of Tennessee referred to in 
these pages, and others still surviving, these Annals could have 
mentioned many others who have gone abroad, and acquired 
elsewhere fame and character—as her Holt’s in Georgia ; Mc- 
Clung, and Clay and Parsons of Alabama ; Barton, W. E. 
Anderson, Lea and Dunlap of Mississippi ; Claiborne and 
Gaines of Louisiana; Houston, Crocket and Dunlap of 
Texas ; Sevier of Arkansas ; Burnett of California ; Barton, 
Gallaher and King of Missouri; Tipton of Indiana, and 


governor sevier’s court. 


709 


Reynolds oflllinois. The list could be much enlarged, but 
the limits of this volume will not allow the writer to in¬ 
dulge himself in that grateful duty. 

Sevier’s Court. 

The laws of Tennessee required the Governor of the State 
to reside in Knoxville. In compliance with this requirement, 
Governor Sevier kept the Executive office at that place, but 
had his domicil in the country, a few miles from the capital. 
To this he was driven, not less by necessity than his own 
taste, for rural quiet and the unrestrained habits, which 
use had imposed upon him in his intercourse with men. 

After the organization of the State Government, the 
aspect of affairs at the capital underwent a change. There 
was no longer the source of power and patronage. These 
were no longer lodged in one individual, but were thrown 
broad-cast over the whole State, and were confided to the 
people themselves. The same court was, of course, not paid 
to Governor Sevier, that had been usually offered to his pre¬ 
decessor. There was discernible, too, less of courtly usage, 
and less deference to magisterial dignity and patronage. Se¬ 
vier was, however, equally cordial, hospitable and generous. 
His private fortune was small. Like Clarke, Boon, and 
other pioneers, his public services had not been requited with 
pecuniary compensation. He was, indeed, a poor man. 
The inadequacy of his salary, forced him to adopt the most 
frugal and inexpensive habits. His attire was plain, but 
neat—his household limited, and his dwelling most simple, 
primitive and unpretending ; but even when thus restricted 
by the iron hand of poverty, his heart was generous and his 
feelings liberal. With less of the display of hospitality, with 
perhaps a smaller appreciation of some of its manifestations’ 
than Gov. Blount had shewn, the Governor of the State of 
Tennessee strove hard, for a time, to maintain the conse¬ 
quence of the Executive office, and at least not to allow it to 
fall beneath that of the Territorial administration. The 
effort was unavailing. His official duties he discharged, 
according to law, in town ; those of the citizen and gen¬ 
tleman, were transferred to his home in the country. The 
civilities due to all from the Governor, were dispensed at 


710 


sevier’s country residence. 


his plain residence, south of the river, on a plantation still 
known as the “ Governor’s Old Place,” and now occupied by 
Mr. George Kirby. 

Upon the great road leading from Knoxville, the first 
Capital of Tennessee, and still the metropolis of the Eastern 
section of that State, and connecting it with Sevierville, 
Newell’s and McGaughey’s Stations, may be seen, at the dis¬ 
tance of five miles from the former place, the ruins of an old 
station, now in a deserted and worn-out field. In early 
times it had given protection to several families adjacent to 
it. Before Knoxville was laid off, this station was a frontier 
post, which was reached by emigrants passing the trace 
from the mouth of French Broad to the lower settlements 
on Nine Mile and Pistol Creek. Near that trace, and after 
it crossed Bay’s Mountain, at the foot of one of its rugged 
spurs, gushed forth a beautiful spring, surrounded by a hilly 
and rocky country. In this secluded spot stood the cabin of 
Governor Sevier. He enlarged the building, and made it, if 
not commodious and elegant, convenient and comfortable. 

Here he received his guests in the olden style of primitive 
hospitality and backwoods etiquette. His house was always 
open, and not unfrequently crowded with his old soldiers 
and comrades in arms. A w r andering pilgrim from Natchez 
or the Missouri, or his countrymen from Cumberland or else¬ 
where, passing anywhere through the country, would find 
out the abode of their old captain, and was sure there to re¬ 
ceive an old-fashioned welcome. Amongst his visitors 
were some of the Cherokee chiefs, with whom he recounted 
past success to one, and defeat and disaster to the other. In 
his neighbourhood were his compatriots, White, Gillespie, 
Jack, Cozby and Ramsey, all of them once officers of Franklin, 
members and officers now of a well-regulated government, 
and of their mother church. 

It is not true, as has been sometimes asserted, that Gov- 
Sevier was an Elder in the Presbyterian Church. It was far 
otherwise. He was a member of no church. With his fa¬ 
mily, he attended public worship at Lebanon, four and a half 
miles east of Knoxville, then under the pastoral care of Rev. 
Samuel Carrick, where he was a constant and respectful 


CHARACTER OF SEVIER. 


711 


hearer. On these occasions, he doffed the soldier and com¬ 
mander—his hunting shirt and his sword—wearing only his 
three-corned cocked hat, with citizen’s clothes. He greeted 
his old friends with his accustomed cordiality. In the church, 
his demeanour was grave and reverential. He always oc¬ 
cupied the pew of his well-tried and trusty friend, Doctor 
Cozby. This pew, in all its antique model and proportions, 
is still preserved, and can be seen on the left of the principal 
aisle, near the front entrance of the present old stone build¬ 
ing. While at church, Sevier exhibited the well-bred Wil¬ 
liamsburg gentleman, rather than the pioneer citizen. But 
his demeanour, though characterized by the greatest propri¬ 
ety and gravity, was never understood to imply any personal 
interest in religious truth. Sevier’s “ ethics did not run in 
that line.” Gallio-like, “he cared for none of these things.’’ 
He was too conscientious to appear to be what he was not. 
This was not only the purest day of the republic, but the 
soundest period of the church. The conscience of the indi¬ 
vidual would have been outraged by, and revolted at, a false 
profession, and public sentiment, far from tolerating, admin¬ 
istered its severest rebuke of unworthy membership in any 
communion. 

John Sevier. 

The Annals of Tennessee, after the period to which this 
volume extends, will abound with further incidents in the 
public service of Governor Sevier. But it may not be 
deemed out of place to say here, that it was his destiny to 
wear out his life in that service. After his first series of six 
years as Governor had rendered him ineligible, he remained 
in private life two years. Becoming again eligible, he was 
biennially elected to the Gubernatorial Chair for another se¬ 
ries of six years. He was then (1811) elected to the Con¬ 
gress of the United States from the Knoxville District, and 
re-elected to the same place in the succeeding Congress 
(1813). This period embraced the twelfth and the thirteenth 
Con gress, in which the war of 1812 was declared and car¬ 
ried on. During this time, though usually a silent member, 
Governor Sevier was active and efficient. He was placed 


712 


DECEASE OF SEVIER AND ROBERTSON. 


upon the Committee of Military Affairs, where, from his long 
experience, he was able to render essential and important 
services on subjects referred to his committee. Mr. Monroe, 
in 1815, appointed him a Commissioner to run the boundary 
of territory ceded by the Creeks to the United States, in that 
year. He left his home near Knoxville, in June, upon that 
duty—was taken sick of a fever in September, and died in 
a tent, on the 24th of that month. He was buried with the 
honours of war, by the troops under command of Captain 
Walker, U. S. A., on the east bank of the Tallapoosa River, 
at an Indian village called Tuckabatchee, near Fort Decatur? 
in Alabama. He was in his seventy-first year. 

During his absence from home, at the August election of 
that year, Governor Sevier was re-elected to Congress with¬ 
out opposition—an evidence of his undiminished popularity 
to the end of life. The Legislature of Tennessee noticed 
his decease, and attested the appreciation by the State of his 
great services and high character, by the customary reso¬ 
lution to wear crape as a badge of mourning and respect for 
his memory. For more than forty years, Sevier had been 
constantly, and actively, and successfully occupied in the 
public service—civil, military and political; and the intelli¬ 
gence of his death diffused a general sorrow throughout the 
State and the West, where his memory is still respected, and 
his great services highly appreciated. 

More will appear in the further Annals of Tennessee, rela- 
1800 \ ^ veto General James Robertson. Here it is proper to 
( state, that this father of Tennessee—this founder of the 
settlements on Watauga and Cumberland; this most successful 
negotiator between his countrymen and their Indian neigh¬ 
bours ; this citizen, who so well united the character of the pa¬ 
triot and the patriarch; continued to the close of his useful life, 
an active friend of his country, and possessed, in an eminent 
degree, the confidence, esteem and veneration of all his co¬ 
temporaries ; and his memory and services to the Western 
settlements, in peace and in war, are recollected with grate¬ 
ful regard by the present generation. He died a little ear¬ 
lier than his compatriot and colleague, Sevier. This event 
took place at the Chickasaw Agency, September 1 , 1814. 


THEY DESERVE A CENOTAPH. 


713 


Robertson and Sevier both were pioneers on Watauga; 
what the one was to East, the other was to West Tennessee. 
Each, after a long life of activity and usefulness in civil and 
military affairs, died in the public service, and within Indian 
territory. A duty remains to be performed, in further honour 
of her two great founders—Robertson and Sevier—by the 
people of Tennessee. Their place of entombment is beyond 
its boundaries, and it is, perhaps, proper that their remains 
should not be removed from the field of their labours, their 
conquest and their glory, where they now repose. But Ten¬ 
nessee gratitude and public spirit should resolve, that near 
the proud Capitol at Nashville, a cenotaph should be erected, 
princely and magnificent, in memory of the founder at once 
of the State and of its flourishing Metropolis. 

Not less imperative is the further duty, of adorning and 
dignifying the ancient capital of Tennessee with a similar 
structure, in memory of Sevier. Let one of the historic 
places within old Knoxville, or in its environs, be chosen, on 
which a cenotaph shall be erected, commemorative of the 
achievements, military and civil, of the pioneer on Watauga,, 
the hero of King’s Mountain, the Governor of Franklin and 
of Tennessee. May the writer suggest respectfully, though 
earnestly, to the able and enlightened press of his State, to 
appeal—as he does himself here appeal—to the public spirit 
and liberality of his countrymen, thus to perpetuate the fame 
of these worthies in the places already consecrated by their 
noble and patriotic services. 

For the present, these Annals will stop here. Before 
closing the volume, however, it may be proper to add some 
general remarks, which could not be so well introduced 
elsewhere, upon Frontier Life, Frontier Manners, Frontier 
Society and Frontier Education. 

Besides the enterprise, fearlessness and courage, already 
mentioned, as characteristic of the first settlers of Tennessee, 
we may mention other features in the character of these 
pioneers. In all the relations of life, their position being 
new and peculiar, their manners and customs, their costume, 
amusements, pursuits, &c., are worthy of brief remark. 

The settlement of Tennessee was unlike that of the pre- 


714 


PRIMITIVE TIMES IN TENNESSEE. 


sent new country of the United States. Emigrants from the 
Atlantic cities, and from most points in the Western interior, 
now embark upon steamboats or other craft, and, carrying 
with them all the conveniences and comforts of civilized 
life—indeed, many of its luxuries—are, in a few days, with¬ 
out toil, danger or exposure, transported to their new abodes, 
and, in a few months, are surrounded with the appendages 
of home, of civilization, and the blessings of law and of 
society. The wilds of Minnesota and Nebraska, by the 
agency of steam, or the stalwart arms of Western boatmen, 
are at once transformed into the settlements of a commer¬ 
cial and civilized people. Independence and St. Paul’s, six 
months after they are laid off, have their stores and their 
workshops, their artizans and their mechanics. The mantua 
maker and the tailor arrive in the same boat with the car¬ 
penter and mason. The professional man and the printer 
quickly follow. In the succeeding year, the piano, the 
drawing-room, the restaurant, the billiard table, the church 
bell, the village and the city in miniature, are all found, 
while the neighbouring interior is yet a wilderness and a 
desert. The town and comfort, taste and urbanity, are first; 
the clearing, the farm-house, the wagon road and the im¬ 
proved country, second. It was far different on the frontier 
in Tennessee. At first, a single Indian trail was the only 
entrance to the eastern border of it, and for many years 
admitted only of the hunter and the pack-horse. It was not 
till the year 1776, that a wagon was seen in Tennessee. In 
consequence of the want of roads—as well as of the great 
distance from sources of supply—the first inhabitants were 
without tools, and, of course, without mechanics—much 
more, without the conveniences of living and the comforts of 
house-keeping. Luxuries were absolutely unknown. Salt 
was brought on pack-horses from Augusta and Richmond, 
and readily commanded ten dollars a bushel. The salt 
gourd, in every cabin, was considered as a treasure. The 
sugar-maple furnished the only article of luxury on the fron¬ 
tier ; coffee and tea being unknown, or beyond the reach of 
the settlers, sugar was seldom made, and was only used 
for the sick, or in the preparation of a sweetened dram at a 


THE FRONTIER DWELLING HOUSES. 


715 


wedding, or the arrival of a new-comer. The appendages 
of the kitchen, the cupboard and the table, were scanty and 
simple. 

Iron was brought, at great expense, from the forges east of 
the mountain, on pack-horses, and was sold at an enormous 
price. Its use was, for this reason, confined to the construc¬ 
tion and repair of ploughs and other farming utensils. 
Hinges, nails and fastenings of that material, were seldom 
seen. 

The costume of the first settlers corresponded well with 
the style of their buildings and the quality of their furniture. 
The hunting shirit of the militiaman and the hunter was in 
general use. The rest of their apparel was in keeping with 
it—plain, substantial, and well adapted for comfort, use and 
economy. The apparel of the pioneers’ family was all home¬ 
made ; and, in a whole neighbourhood, there would not be 
seen, at the first settlement of the country, a single article of 
dress of foreign growth or manufacture. Half the year, in 
many families, shoes were not worn. Boots, a fur hat, and 
a coat with buttons on each side, attracted the gaze of the 
beholder, and sometimes received censure and rebuke. A 
stranger, from the old States, chose to doff his ruffles, his 
broadcloth and his queue, rather than endure the scoff and 
ridicule of the backwoodsmen. 

The dwelling-house, on every frontier in Tennessee, was 
the log-cabin. A carpenter and a mason were not needed 
to build them—much less the painter, the glazier or the up¬ 
holsterer. Every settler had, besides his rifle, no other in¬ 
strument but an axe, a hatchet and a butcher knife. A saw, 
an augur, a froe and a broad-axe, would supply a whole set¬ 
tlement, and were used as common property in the erection 
of the log-cabin. The floor of the cabin was sometimes the 
earth. No saw-mill was yet erected, and, if the means or 
leisure of the occupant authorized it, he split out puncheons 
for the floor and for the shutter of the entrance to his cabin. 
The door was hung with wooden hinges and fastened by a 
wooden latch. 

Such was the habitation of the pioneer Tennessean. 
Scarcely can one of these structures, venerable for their 


716 


HOMES OF THE PIONEERS. 


years and the associations which cluster around them, be 
now seen in Tennessee. Time and improvement have dis¬ 
placed them. Here and there, in the older counties, may yet 
be seen the old log house, which sixty years ago sheltered 
the first emigrant, or gave, for the time, protection to a neigh¬ 
bourhood, assembled within its strong and bullet-proof walls. 
Such an one is the east end of Mr. Martin’s house, at Camp¬ 
bell’s Station, and the centre part of the mansion of this wri¬ 
ter, at Mecklenburg, once Gilliam’s Station, changed seom- 
what, it is true, in some of its aspects, but preserving even 
yet, in the height of the story and in its old-fashioned and ca¬ 
pacious fire-place, some of the features of primitive archi¬ 
tecture on the frontier. Such, too, is the present dwelling 
house of Mr. Tipton, on Ellejoy, in Blount county, and that 
of Mr. Glasgow Snoddy, in Sevier county. But these old 
buildings are becoming exceedingly rare, and soon not one 
of them can be seen. Their unsightly proportions and rude 
architecture, will not much longer offend modern taste, nor 
provoke the idle and irreverent sneer of the fastidious and 
the fashionable. When the last one of these pioneer houses 
shall have fallen into decay and ruins, the memory of their 
first occupants will still be immortal and indestructible. 

The interior of the cabin was no less unpretending and sim¬ 
ple. The whole furniture, of the one apartment, answering in 
these primitive times, the purposes of the kitchen, the din¬ 
ing room, the nursery and the dormitory, were a plain home¬ 
made bedstead or two, some split bottomed chairs and stools; 
a large puncheon, supported on four legs, used, as occasion 
required, for a bench or a table, a water shelf and a bucket; 
a spinning wheel, and sometimes a loom, finished the cata¬ 
logue. The wardrobe of the family was equally plain and 
simple. The walls of the house were hung round with the 
dresses of the females, the hunting shirts, clothes, and the 
arms and shot-pouches of the men. 

The labour and employment of a pioneer family were dis¬ 
tributed, in accordance with surrounding circumstances. To 
the men, was assigned the duty of procuring subsistence and 
materials for clothing, erecting the cabin and the station, 
opening and cultivating the farm, hunting the wild beasts. 


PURSUITS OF THE FIRST SETTLERS. 


717 


and repelling and pursuing the Indians. The women spun 
the flax, the cotton and wool, wove the cloth, made them up> 
milked, churned, and prepared the food, and did their full 
share of the duties of house-keeping. Another thus describes 
them:—There we behold woman in her true glory; not a 
doll to carry silks and jewels; not a puppet to be dandled 
by fops, an idol of profane adoration, reverenced to day, dis¬ 
carded to-morrow ; admired, but not respected ; desired, but 
not esteemed ; ruling by passion, not affection ; imparting her 
weakness, not her constancy, to the sex she should exalt; the 
source and mirror of vanity. We see her as a wife, parta¬ 
king of the cares, and guiding the labours of her husband, 
and by her domestic diligence spreading cheerfulness all 
around ; for his sake, sharing the decent refinements of the 
world, without being fond of them; placing all her joy, all 
her happiness, in the merited approbation of the man she 
loves. As a mother, we find her the affectionate, the ardent 
instructress of the children she has reared from infancy, and 
trained them up to thought and virtue, to meditation and be¬ 
nevolence ; addressing them as rational beings, and preparing 
them to become men and women in their turn. 

“ Could there be happiness or comfort in such dwellings 
and such a state of society ? To those who are accustomed 
to modern refinements, the truth appears like fable. The early 
occupants of log-cabins were among the most happy of man¬ 
kind. Exercise and excitement gave them health; they 
were practically equal; common danger made them mutually 
dependent; brilliant hopes of future wealth and distinction 
led them on; and as there was ample room for all, and as 
each new-comer increased individual and general security, 
there was little room for that envy, jealousy and hatred, 
which constitute a large portion of human misery in older 
societies. Never were the story, the joke, the song and the 
laugh, better enjoyed than upon the hewed blocks, or punch¬ 
eon stools, around the roaring log fire of the early Western 
settler. The lyre of Apollo was not hailed with more delight 
in primitive Greece, than the advent of the first fiddler among 
the dwellers of the wilderness ; and the polished daughters 
of the East never enjoyed themselves half so well, moving to 


718 


GREAT ADAPTATION OF THE SOIL 


the music of a full band, upon the elastic floor of their or¬ 
namented ball-room, as did the daughters of the emigrants, 
keeping time to a self-taught fiddler, on the bare earth or 
puncheon floor of the primitive log cabin. The smile of the 
polished beauty, is the wave of the lake, where the wave plays 
gently over it, and her movement, is the gentle stream which 
drains it; but the laugh of the log cabin, is the gush of na¬ 
ture’s fountain, audits movement, its leaping waters.”* 

On the frontier the diet was necessarily plain and homely, 
but exceedingly abundant and nutritive. The Goshen of Ame- 
ricaj* furnished the richest milk, the finest butter, and the 
most savoury and delicious meats. In their rude cabins, with 
their scanty and inartificial furniture, no people ever en¬ 
joyed in wholesome food a greater variety, or a superior 
quality of the necessaries of life. For bread, the Indian corn 
was exclusively used. It was not till 1790, that the settlers 
on the rich bottoms of Cumberland and Nollichucky, disco¬ 
vered the remarkable adaptation of the soil and climate of 
Tennessee to the production of this grain. Emigrants from 
James River, the Catawba and the Santee, were surprised at 
the amount and quality of the corn crops, surpassing greatly 
the best results of agricultural labour and care in the Atlan¬ 
tic States. This superiority still exists, and Tennessee, by 
the census of 1840, was the corn State. Of all the farina- 
cea, corn is best adapted to the condition of a pioneer peo¬ 
ple ; and if idolatry is at all justifiable, Ceres, or certainly 
the Goddess of Indian corn, should have had a temple and 
a worshipper among the pioneers of Tennessee. Without 
that grain, the frontier settlements could not have been formed 
and maintained. It is the most certain crop—requires the 
least preparation of the ground—is most congenial to a 
virgin soil—needs not only the least amount of labour in 
its culture, but comes to maturity in the shortest time. The 
pith of the matured stalk of the corn is esculent and nutri¬ 
tious, and the stalk itself compressed between rollers, fur¬ 
nishes what is known as corn-stalk molasses. 

This grain requires, also, the least care and trouble in 
preserving it. It may safely stand all winter, upon the stalk, 

* Kendall. \ Butler. 


TO THE PRODUCTION OF CORN. 


719 


without injury from the weather or apprehension of damage 
by disease, or the accidents to which other grains are subject. 
Neither smut nor rust, nor weavil nor snow storm, will hurt 
it. After its maturity, it is also prepared for use or the 
granary, with little labour. The husking is a short process, 
and is even advantageously delayed till the moment arrives for 
using the corn. The machinery for converting it into food 
is also exceedingly simple and cheap. As soon as the ear 
is fully formed, it may be roasted or boiled, and forms, thus, 
an excellent and nourishing diet. At a later period it may 
be grated, and furnishes, in this form, the sweetest bread. 
The grains boiled in a variety of modes, either whole or 
broken in a mortar, or roasted in the ashes, or popped in an 
oven, are well relished. If the grain is to be converted into 
meal, a simple tub-mill answers the purpose best, as the 
meal least perfectly ground is always preferred. A bolting 
cloth is not needed, as it diminishes the sweetness and value 
of the flour. The catalogue of the advantages of this meal 
might be extended further. Boiled in water, it forms the 
frontier dish called j?msh, which was eaten with milk, with 
honey, molasses, butter or gravy. Mixed with cold water, 
it is, at once, ready for the cook—covered with hot ashes, 
the preparation is called the ash-cake ; placed upon a piece 
of clapboard, and set near the coals, it forms the jour¬ 
ney-cake ; or managed in the same way, upon a helveless 
hoe, it forms the hoe-cake ; put in an oven, and covered over 
with a heated lid, it is called, if in a large mass, a pone or loaf, 
if in smaller quantities, dodgers. It has the further advan¬ 
tage, over all other flour, that it requires in its preparation 
few culinary utensils, and neither sugar, yeast, eggs, spices, 
soda, pot-ash or other et ceteras to qualify or perfect the 
bread. To all this, it may be added, that it is not only cheap 
and well tasted but it is, unquestionably the most wholesome 
and nutritive food. The largest and healthiest people in 
the world, have lived upon it exclusively. It formed the 
principal bread of that robust race of men—giants in minia¬ 
ture—which, half a century since, was seen on the frontier 
The dignity of history is not lowered by this enumeration 
of the pre-eminent qualities of Indian corn. The rifle and the 


720 


SPORTS OF THE FRONTIER PEOPLE. 


axe have had their influence in subduing the wilderness to 
the purposes of civilization, and they deserve their eulogists 
and trumpeters. Let paeans be sung all over the mighty 
West, to Indian corn—without it, the West would have still 
been a wilderness. Was the frontier suddenly invaded? 
Without commissary or quartermaster, or other sources of 
supply, each soldier parched a peck of corn ; a portion of 
it was put into his pockets, the remainder in his wallet, and, 
throwing it upon his saddle, with his rifle on his shoulder, 
he was ready, in half an hour, for the campaig i. Did a 
flood of emigration inundate the frontier, with an amount of 
consumers disproportioned to the supply of grain ? The 
facility of raising the Indian corn, and its early maturity, 
gave promise and guaranty that the scarcity would be tem¬ 
porary and tolerable. Did the safety of the frontier demand 
the services of every adult militiaman ? The boys and wo¬ 
men could, themselves, raise corn and furnish ample supplies 
of bread. The crop could be gathered next year. Did an 
autumnal intermittent confine the whole family or the entire 
population, to the sick bed? This certain concomitant of 
the clearing, and cultivating the new soil, mercifully with¬ 
holds its paroxysms, till the crop of corn is made. It re¬ 
quires no further labour or care afterwards. Paeans, say 
we, and a temple and worshippers, to the Creator of Indian 
corn. The frontier man could gratefully say: “ He maketh 
me to lie down in green pastures. He leadeth me beside 
the still waters. Thou preparest a table before me in pre¬ 
sence of mine enemies .” 

The sports of the frontier men were manly, athletic or 
warlike—the chase, the bear hunt, the deer drive, shooting 
at the target, throwing the tomahawk, jumping, boxing and 
wrestling, foot and horse racing. Playing marbles and pitch¬ 
ing dollars—cards and backgammon—were little known, and 
were considered base or effeminate. The bugle, the violin, 
the fife and drum, furnished all the musical entertainments. 
These were much used and passionately admired. Weddings, 
military trainings, house-raisings, chopping frolics, were often 
followed with the fiddle, and dancing, and rural sports. 

Another custom prevailed extensively on the frontier. An 


A FRONTIER CUSTOM. 


721 


account of it furnished many years since to “ The Knoxville 
Argus,” is here copied. Its style is scarcely in consonance with 
the gravity of history, but descriptive as it is of a usage not yet 
wholly unknown, and once general in Tennessee, it is deemed 
not unworthy of an insertion here. It was written late in 
December. 

Mr. Editor —Christmas is just upon us again, and its re¬ 
turn will awaken in the recollection of many an old settler 
a melancholy reminiscence, of the way it was kept in auld 
lang syne. What would you give, Mr. Editor, to see a real 
old-fashioned backwoods Christmas frolic ? ora Christmas 
country dance ? or a Christmas quilting ? or best of all, a 
genuine Christmas wedding ? I mistake you much, if, with 
all your known appreciation of modern improvement, the 
bare mention of it has not excited your enthusiasm : and he 
must have little veneration, indeed, who can think of it 
without emotion. Why, your town parties, and balls, and 
soirees , and all that, are nothing in comparison. There is 
no heart about them—there is still less of nature. But the 
contrast makes me sad, and I leave it. Who, in these times 
of modern degeneracy, ever hears of school-boys barring out 
the master ? That in my early days, on the frontier, was 
one of the regular observances of the Christmas holiday. 
Perhaps you don’t understand even this custom of early 
times in Tennessee, and need to have it described. Well, 
then if either you or your readers have so far wandered from 
the old paths trodden by our venerated fathers, as to require 
it to be explained, let me do so by first saying, that in the 
nomenclature of early times out here, school-boy was synony¬ 
mous with your present pupil, scholar, student, academian, 
or collegian. The different grades of freshman, sophomore, 
junior, senior, graduate and under graduate, bachelor and 
master of arts, were as little known as the secrets of as¬ 
trology or the Metamorphoses of Ovid. A country school 
had but two classes in it, viz : the big boys and the little 
boys, and sometimes a third—the girls. Again, in the back- 
woods vocabulary, master was a synonyme with your present 
teacher, preceptor, tutor, professor, principal, superintendent, 

rector or president. Academy, Institute, College and Uni- 
46 


722 


A COUNTRY SCHOOL-MASTER 


versity, were words not adapted to these parallels of lati¬ 
tude at all : and if you had spoken of a matriculation ticket, 
the employers and employees, parents, master and boys, would 
all have been astounded. They expressed the same idea by a 
simpler form : “ John Smith has signed the school article, 
and Jim will be here to-morrow.” The school-house was, in 
that day, a genuine bona fide log cabin, built of unhewn logs, 
cut from the forest in which it stood, near a spring, and was 
erected by the joint assistance of the “neighbours.” The 
building was sexangular, the extreme points of the longest 
diameter, subserving the double purpose of ends to the house 
and convenient appendages for commodious fire-places , as 
chimneys were most significantly and appropriately called 
in those days of simple convenience and comfort in architec¬ 
ture. What did it matter if appertures at each end, as large 
as a barn door, did allow a rather free ingress to Boreas and 
the snows of winter ? A neighbouring wood furnished sup¬ 
plies of fuel without stint. Oh ! who can forget the luxury 
of one of those old-fashioned school-house fires ! I shiver this 
cold night to think I shall not again sit by and enjoy them. 

But barring out the master was effected thus : A school is 
a larger community in miniature, and a schoolmaster a mo¬ 
narch upon a small scale. Boys sometimes claim the right 
of self-government as inherent and divine, and, like older 
politicians, declare themselves, and, especially, about Christ¬ 
mas, to be free and equal; and if that declaration is not sanc¬ 
tioned by others, they claim the right of maintaining it even 
by revolution. The master, on the other hand, is as tena¬ 
cious of his short-lived authority, as the Autocrat of Russia, 
or any European legitimist; and resists, at its inception, the 
first invasion of his prerogative. A short time before the 
usual outbreak, a spirit of insubordination and greater fa¬ 
miliarity is manifested in the school. To repress this in the 
bud, the master assumes a sterner demeanour, becomes cap¬ 
tious, arbitrary and tyrannical. His subjects become, of 
course, less patient of restraint, and call a convention. 
Some one “ born to command,” proposes the bold measure of 
rebellion, and the dethronement of the despot. The propo¬ 
sition meets the general concurrence of the school, and Fri- 


BARRED OUT OF THE SCHOOL-HOUSE. 


723 


day morning precediug Christmas, is appointed as the time 
for carrying the purpose into execution. The plan is com¬ 
municated to some congenial spirits in the neighbourhood, 
who, sympathizing with the feelings of the youthful confede¬ 
rates, become their allies. At an early hour, they take pos¬ 
session of the school-house, kindle large fires in the chim¬ 
neys, barricade the door; and wait, with shouts of defiance, 
for the approach of the master, lie arrives, and is denied en¬ 
trance. He commands submission, asserts his authority, at¬ 
tempts to enter by force, but is repulsed. Sometimes he calls 
others to assist in re-establishing his authority; but the be¬ 
sieged refuse to surrender, unless upon terms of honourable 
capitulation—a treat and a week of holidays. Conferrees 
of both parties are appointed, to negotiate the treaty ; the 
terms are arranged, and the belligerents are at peace. If 
the terms are not assented to by the master, negotiation is 
at an end, and the ultima ratio regum decides the contest. 
The benches are removed from the barricaded door; the 
besieged party sallies forth, and captures the unaccommoda¬ 
ting master. A prisoner in their hands, if he still continues 
obstinate, a gentle kind of violence is threatened. His cap- 
tors, though unacquainted with the laws of nations, feel that 
inter arma silent leges , take their prisoner to the nearest wa¬ 
ter, and plunge him under it. The argument of the cold 
bath in December succeeds ; he yields to their demands; a 
messenger is started off for apples and cider, and, sometimes^ 
for refreshments of a more stimulating kind. A general 
merriment and exhilaration follow, in which the victors and 
the vanquished unite in reciting with cordial glee, both the tra¬ 
gic and comic of the siege. The holidays are spent in rural 
sports and manly amusements. The good wishes of the 
season obliterate all recollection of past differences between 
master and boys ; and when, on the next Monday, “books” is 
called, each one quietly and cheerfully resumes his proper 
position in the school-house. The master’s authority is re¬ 
cognized as legitimate—his instructions duly valued ; the 
boys, late successful insurgents, have voluntarily returned to 
their allegiance, and after a pleasant relaxation from their 
studies, are again prosecuting them with profit and diligence. 


724 


OTHER CHARACTERISTICS 


They continue studious and obedient until the approach of 
the next Christmas.” 

The new-comer, on his arrival in the settlements, was 
everywhere, and at all times, greeted with a cordial wel¬ 
come. Was he without a family? he was at once taken in 
as a cropper or a farming hand, and found a home in the 
kind family of some settler. Had he a wife and children ? 
they were all asked, in backwoods phrase, “ to camp with 
us till the neighbours can put up a cabin for you.” The 
invitation accepted, the family where he stops is duplicated, 
but this inconvenience is of short duration. The host goes 
around the neighbourhood, mentions the arrival of the stran¬ 
gers, appoints a day, close at hand, for the neighbours to 
meet and provide them a home. 

After the cabin is raised, and the new-comers are in it, 
every family, near at hand, bring in something to give them 
a start. A pair of pigs, a cow and calf, a pair of all the 
domestic fowls—any supplies of the necessaries of life which 
they have—all are brought and presented to the beginners. If 
they have come into the settlement in the spring, the neigh¬ 
bours make another frolic, and clear and fence a field for them. 

All these acts of kindness and beneficence are not only 
gratuitous, but are performed without ostentation, and cor* 
dially. The strangers so appreciate them, and the first oc¬ 
casion that presents, they are ready, with a like spirit, to 
extend similar kind offices to emigrants who come next. 
The performance of them thus becomes a usage and a char¬ 
acteristic of the frontier stage of society. 

Of other stamina in the character of the Tennessee pio¬ 
neer, a stern independence in thought, feeling and action, 
attracts the notice and secures the respect of all who are 
pleased with simplicity, truth and nature. To these may be 
added frankness, candour, sincerity, cordiality, and the invi¬ 
olability of a private friendship. He that could be false or 
faithless to a friend, was frowned out of backwoods society, 
and could never again enter it. No perfidy was considered 
so base, so belittling, and was so seldom excused or forgiven, 
as the desertion of a friend or ingratitude to a benefactor. 

‘ ‘ Insjratum me si dixeris omnia dixeris.” 


OF FRONTIER SOCIETY. 


725 


To say of an individual that he was not true , carried with 
it a stigma which, on the frontier, could never be wiped out. 
On the contrary, to say his heart was in its right place , se¬ 
cured to him fraternal regard and public confidence. 

Being in the simplest stage of society, wealth, station, 
office, family, were, of course, not essential to distinction or 
esteem. His own personal merits, in which the physique 
had its weight—his good feelings, his capacity to amuse and 
instruct, and his innate civility, gave the possessor a pass¬ 
port to the consideration and regard of the frontier man and 
his family. Indeed, without them, an emigrant was friend¬ 
less and a stranger. To have it said of one: He cares for 
nobody , was, itself, to exclude and drive him off. # 

To say of one —he has no neighbours , was sufficient, in 
those times of mutual wants and mutual benefactions, to 
make the churl infamous and execrable. A failure to ask a 
neighbour to a raising, a clearing, a chopping frolic, or his fa¬ 
mily to a quilting, was considered a high indignity; such an 
one, too, as required to be explained or atoned for at the next 
muster or county court. Each settler was not only willing, 
but desirous to contribute his share to the general comfort 
and public improvement, and felt aggrieved and insulted if 
the opportunity to do so were withheld. “ It is a poor dog 
that is not worth whistling for,” replied the indignant neigh¬ 
bour who was allowed to remain at home, at his own work, 
while a house raising was going on in the neighbourhood. 
“What injury have I done that I am slighted so?” 

This beneficent and unselfish feeling is the charm of a 
new community, and has not yet forsaken the more rural 
districts of Tennessee. Long may it be retained and vene¬ 
rated amongst the descendants of the pioneers ! 

At the termination of the Territorial Government, the 
tocsin of war had ceased, and on the long line of the Ten¬ 
nessee frontier a general peace prevailed—“the sword was 
beaten into a ploughshare and the spear into a pruning 
hook.” The soldier rested from his martial toils, and no 
longer thought of the campaign, the rendezvous, the march, 
the bivouac, the night assault, the desperate charge, the 

* Butler. 


726 


DEARTH OF THE MEANS OF 


deadly conflict in arms, the deathful carnage, the fierce pur¬ 
suit, nor the triumphs of victory. The conquest achieved, 
the enemy driven out, the country settled, after a struggle 
of twenty years the soldier reposed upon his laurels, doffed 
the warrior, and in the quiet repose of domestic life, devoted 
himself to the calmer pursuits of the citizen and the patriot 
at home. Order and law had taken the place of discontent 
and turbulence. Civil government was firmly established, 
and each citizen became still prouder of his country, and 
more interested in its prosperity and improvement. 

From the existing peace, sprang up new and important du¬ 
ties. The war which had occupied the pioneers of Tennes¬ 
see so long and so constantly, had forced upon them the un¬ 
welcome necessity of neglecting, in some degree, the intel¬ 
lectual and moral training of the young. While physical 
education had absorbed fully the attention of the first set¬ 
tlers, surrounding circumstances had not permitted them to 
give suitable culture to the minds and hearts of their child¬ 
ren. In some of the forts and stations, some one in them 
best qualified for the duty, was selected to teach the children 
to read and write. Books were scarce on the frontier, and 
those suited to the age and capacity of the young, were not 
to be had. Paper, ink, slates and pencils, were of difficult 
procurement. An important letter, or despatch, was often 
written with ink, made of gunpowder, upon the blank leaf 
of a Bible, or other book—was sealed with rosin and for¬ 
warded by a runner to another post. School-houses on the 
border settlements were unknown—teacher and pupils would 
alike have there become victims of Indian cruelty and re¬ 
venge. In the older neighbourhoods the children were bet¬ 
ter instructed. 

Moral culture was, for like reasons, seldom afforded to the 
first inhabitants. Here and there was forted, with the rest of 
the settlers, the minister of truth, who conducted public 
worship, and expounded the word, and administered the sa¬ 
craments. In the absence of such a functionary, a part of 
these services was performed by some pious layman, who in 
the older country had known the Sabbath and appreciated 
its sacredness—had hallowed the sanctuary and valued its 


MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL EDUCATION. 


727 


privileges—had bowed in prayer and felt its power—had 
heard the preached word and was impressed with its influ¬ 
ences—had listened to the songs of the people of God, and 
had his heart melted by the inspirations of sacred music. 
Such an one, with no license but the consent of his hearers 
no authority but the law of necessity, no order but the com¬ 
mand of conscience and duty, became the leader of public 
worship in a fort, perhaps an exhorter and a minister. It 
cannot be doubted that this assumption of the sacerdotal of¬ 
fice was, for the time being, productive of great good, and 
exerted a happy moral influence in restraining vice and pro¬ 
moting virtue upon the frontier. 

Now, however, when peace was restored, the fort disman¬ 
tled, and everv inhabitant could set under his own vine and 
fig tree, “ with none to molest or make him afraid,” school- 
houses and churches became the first care of the inhabitants- 
A minister and a school-master was sought for in every 
neighbourhood. Many of the inhabitants had themselves 
enjoyed in the Fatherland the advantages of learning and of 
religious training. Yielding to the promptings of a spirit of 
enterprise and adventure, they forsook the altar and the fire¬ 
side, where parental care and vigilance had furnished the 
means of moral and intellectual culture. Thrown suddenly 
upon a distant frontier, surrounded by thoughtless, if not pro¬ 
fligate and vicious associates, they may at first have ceased 
to be shocked at the habitual desecration of the Sabbath, or 
the use of profane language. “ Evil communications” may 
have corrupted their purity, and led them to deride the in¬ 
junctions impressed upon the youthful conscience by mater¬ 
nal solicitude. Engaged in business, they become identified 
with all the interests of the society of which they now form 
a part, the heads of a family and the principal citizens of 
their neighbourhood. Their children are growing up, it may 
be, in carelessness and ignorance, untutored and vicious. 
It is now that the lessons of their youth, in all their force and 
freshness, come home to their heart and conscience, reminding 
them that their Father’s house was a house of prayer. They 
recollect the sacred quiet of the day of rest, the catechism 
and the school-house. They think of their old minister and 


728 NASHVILLE, THE GREAT SOURCE 

the school-master. A teacher arrives in the neighbourhood, 
or a pioneer herald of the cross passes through the country. 
They are sought after. The one is invited to preach, a nu¬ 
cleus of a Christian congregation is formed, and the regular 
ordinances of a Christian church are established. The other 
is employed to teach ; the school-house is erected ; instruction, 
cheap, solid and useful, is imparted to the young. The whole 
face of society undergoes a perceptible amelioration. Good 
morals, thrift, taste, progress and improvement succeed. 

Besides these sources of improvement, there were others 
worthy of notice. Roads and other channels of communi¬ 
cation were now opened up to the several parts of the fron¬ 
tier, which admitted to them emigrants from older commu¬ 
nities, who brought with them wealth, comfort, books, fash¬ 
ion and refinement. Commerce began to exert its wonted 
influence in modifying and refining society. Philadelphia 
and Baltimore merchants furnished capable young men of 
the West with a small stock of goods ; and though subjected 
to the delay and expense of a long and tedious land trans¬ 
portation of seven or eight hundred miles, over bad roads, 
from these cities to Holston and Cumberland, the traffic 
became mutually advantageous to buyer and seller. Heavy 
articles of export reached the foreign markets by the flat- 
bottomed boats of the country, down the Mississippi. A few 
goods and groceries, from the West Indies, were received in 
keel boats, by the same channek Money became more 
abundant. More attention was given by the inhabitants to 
the style and convenience of their buildings, the neatness 
and taste of their costume, and the embellishment and im¬ 
provement of their farms and villages. Knoxville had begun 
to wear the aspect of a town, and Nashville gave, even then, 
certain indications of her future importance, wealth and 
commerce. The streets were extended; stores were multi¬ 
plied and workshops were established. The future proud 
Metropolis of Tennessee—now adorned with the most mag¬ 
nificent Capitol in the Union—began to be visited by stran¬ 
gers in search of a theatre for the exercise of commercial 
enterprise and skill. No city has been more fortunate in 
having, as the artificers of its fortunes, skilful, enlightened, 


OF IMPROVEMENT TO THE COUNTRY. 


729 


liberal and public spirited merchants. Nashville may well 
be proud of the soldiers who have gone out from her midst, 
and the Commanders she has furnished, in every period of her 
history, when the condition of the State or the Union made 
a call upon her chivalry, her patriotism, or her devotion to 
liberty. She may be proud of the fame of her civilians and 
statesmen, whose remains repose in her precincts, or of those 
who, in after times, adorned, dignified and still serve her 
at home or in the national councils. She may boast of her 
science, her arts and her learning ; but, earlier in her his¬ 
tory, it was the spirit of the Nashville merchants, that made 
her what she is destined to be—and, indeed, already is—the 
great focus of wealth, of commerce and manufactures. At 
the end of the last century, radiating from that centre, went 
forth, to the surrounding settlements, industry, thrift, improve¬ 
ment and taste. Here and there, at irregular intervals, ap¬ 
peared the well-cultivated farm, in the woods of Cumber¬ 
land, and the stately mansion in the place of the frontier 
cabin. 

In those purer days of the republic, patriotism was not an 
echo merely. With the pioneers of Tennessee, it was a 
principle, deep, strong, active, full of vitality and vigour. 
“ Their glowing love of country, their lofty independence, 
their devoted courage, their high religious trust, their zeal 
for education, as the consequence of their deep regard for 
the welfare of their descendants, all challenge our applause ; 
all demand our emulation. In those days, professions of 
esteem, pro bono publico, were sealed with active efforts, not 
suffered to evaporate in air.”* 

The principles held by the men of that day were their 
convictions , the convictions of a deliberate judgment and of a 
pure and unselfish patriotism. In these, they were persis¬ 
tent and conscientious. An ebullition of disappointment, a 
factious paroxysm, an unhealthy ambition, a newspaper 
paragraph, were powerless in degrading a faithful public 
officer, or in elevating an incompetent or an unworthy aspi¬ 
rant. The tactics of the partizan and the factionist were 


* Mr. Hume’s Address. 


730 


GREAT REVIVAL OF RELIGION. 


unknown, and the manufactories of public sentiment, were 
confined to the good common sense of the people themselves, 
rather than their passions, their interests and their preju¬ 
dices. In the selection of public officers, the inquiry was 
not—does the office suit the candidate ? but, is he qualified 
for the office ? Identity of interest with the constituency, a 
public service, and an honest, if not enlightened love of 
country, secured the confidence, and with it the patronage 
and suffrages of the masses. 

This account of the' progress and improvement attained 
by Tennessee, would be incomplete, without a notice of the 
Great Religious Revival, which occurred about the end of 
the last century. Their frequent conflict with the Indians, 
the war of the Revolution, and the exciting scenes through 
which the pioneers of Tennessee had passed, during the for¬ 
mation at several periods of their civil Government, had been 
accompanied with a necessary relaxation of morals. Re¬ 
ligious instruction and worship, were necessarily neglected* 
and the forms even of religion were most imperfectly main¬ 
tained. The march of armies, and the excitement of a sol¬ 
dier’s life, are little favourable to the culture of the moral 
sense. Vice and immorality follow in their train. The 
same may be said of the clamour and tumult attending upon 
political antagonism and faction. They have little tendency 
to make men better. The standard of morality is lowered, and 
the sacred fire of conscience burns less purely, both in the 
congregation and the family. Scenes of bloodshed and par- 
tizan animosity, steel the heart against the commands of God. 

But now, war and its influences had ceased, and the quiet of 
a stable government had given repose to the excited masses. 
•This condition was favourable to the needed reformation, 
and happily the instruments by whom it was to be effected* 
were at hand. “ Men of burning zeal, inspired by the lofty 
theme, and imbued with the power of a boisterous but natural 
eloquence, came amongst the people, and declared their 
mission. To most of them it was novel, and, therefore, at¬ 
tractive. Large audiences of sensitive and enthusiastic 
hearers, were assembled, the fame of the preachers is ex- 


FIRST CAMP-MEETINGS. 731 

tended to distant neighbourhoods, other appointments are 
made, at which thousands will have congregated, some of 
them having come more than fifty miles.”* This created the 
necessity of what has since been known as “ a Camp¬ 
meeting.” 

“ The first important Camp-meeting on record, was held at 
Cane Ridge, in Tennessee, in the summer of 1799. The re¬ 
vivals and protracted meetings, which had preceded it, 
caused the attendance of a vast concourse of people, en¬ 
camped in the dense forest, where the religious exercises 
were continued day and night. This novel mode of worship¬ 
ping God, excited great attention, and people flocked to it 
from a distance of fifty or sixty miles ; many came from 
Lexington, Kentucky, a distance of one hundred and eighty 
miles. At night the grove was illuminated with lighted 
candles, lamps and torches. The stillness of the night, the 
serenity of the heavens, the vast concourse of attentive wor¬ 
shippers, wrapped in the deep solemnity which covered every 
countenance, the pointed and earnest manner in which the 
preachers, in different portions of the vast concourse, ex¬ 
horted the people to repentance, faith and prayer, denounc¬ 
ing the terrors of the law upon the impenitent, produced the 
most awfully solemn sensations in the minds of all. Twenty 
thousand persons were estimated to be present.f 

The next important Camp-meeting was on Desha’s Creek, 
near Cumberland River. It was also attended by many 
thousands of people, and the same scenes were witnessed in 
a still more remarkable manner.J In other parts of Ten¬ 
nessee and Kentucky, these assemblages of the people were 
also general, and were accompanied with similar influences. 

The Ministers, who led the way in these exciting revivals, 
were William and John McGhee, Rev. James McGready, 
Hoge and Rankin, of the Presbyterian church ; and William 
McKendree, William Burke, John Sale and Benjamin Lakin, 
of the Methodist church.§ 

* Monette. f Bang. \ Monette. § Ibid. 


732 


FRONTIER EDUCATION. 


FRONTIER EDUCATION. 

The means of both moral and intellectual culture are ne¬ 
cessarily meagre and inadequate, in all new and frontier 
settlements. It was so in early times in Tennessee. For 
many years there were few clergymen, and few competent 
teachers. There were no libraries and few books. Occa¬ 
sionally a minister of the gospel, well educated and capable 
of imparting instruction, would open a classical school, and 
furnish thus to the young men of the country, the facilities of 
acquiring useful and solid learning; but such a school was 
at first rare. The common schools of the country were, in 
like manner, scarce^and infrequent, and where they were had, 
the teachers were often incompetent. 

In this dearth of the opportunities of moral and mental 
training* it might be supposed that the inhabitants would 
become necessarily vicious and ignorant. To some consid¬ 
erable extent, it was so. But he is greatly mistaken, who 
supposes that an illiterate is necessarily an ignorant popu¬ 
lation. Far otherwise. Fortunately for the new commu¬ 
nities, upon a remote frontier, other instrumentalities than 
the pulpit and school-house—invaluable and inappreciable 
as they are admitted to be—are found for the improvement 
of the mind and heart. 

Education, in its broadest sense, regards the body, the 
mind and the heart. When thus subdivided, it is physical, 
intellectual and moral. Physical education is no where more 
perfectly attained, than upon the frontier, in a salubrious 
climate. The first emigrants to the solitudes of the West 
were remarkable for their enterprise, hardihood, vigour, 
powers of endurance, health and manhood. These were 
not only generally inherited by their children, but increased 
and augmented by the circumstances around them. Their 
pursuits cultivated and enlarged them. Their mode and 
style of living had the same tendency. There was no luxu¬ 
ry to enervate, no excess of labour to depress, no idleness to 
enfeeble them. Every one was employed; there was no idler— 
no voluptuary—no drone in society. Each one felt him¬ 
self stimulated by his position, in a career of active or use- 


GENERAL INTELLIGENCE ON THE FRONTIER. 


733 


lul employment. The chase, the campaign, the building of 
cabins and forts, the felling the forest, the subduing the wil¬ 
derness, all demanded active and manly exertion, and, in¬ 
spiring hope and promise for the future, assisted in develop¬ 
ing in the highest degree the physical man. Nowhere else has 
the race attained a fuller development or a higher perfec¬ 
tion, than upon the Tennessee frontier. 

Intellectual education, if it did not advance equo pede, was 
still not without its own peculiar adjuvants and stimulants. 
The frontier mind had its culture, though the sources of it, 
and its channels, were not the same as in older communities. 
It has been already stated that there were few professional 
instructors, and few books, and no libraries. This deficit, 
however to be deplored, was not accompanied with ignorance, 
as would now, by many, be supposed. A frontier people, 
though generally illiterate, is usually remarkable for great 
good sense and general intelligence. Of these there are, 
fortunately, other sources than libraries and institutions of 
learning. Nowhere, more than upon the frontier, are these 
brought into requisition. The ambition of superiority is 
nowhere more active and all-pervading. There, above all 
others, the race for distinction is open to all; the start is 
even; each one enters with an honourable competition to come 
out foremost. General intelligence, useful information, good 
common sense—these, and not scholastic attainment, be¬ 
come the standard, the object, purpose and aim of the fron¬ 
tier citizen. With these in his view, he is stimulated to 
teach himself. He has the intellect and the ambition to 
learn ; he has the leisure to inquire, to think and to investi¬ 
gate for himself. Oral communication becomes thus, upon 
the frontier, the great source of instruction. Information 
thus acquired, though less minute and extensive, is not less 
solid or profound, nor less accurate and reliable, than that 
obtained bv the infant mind from books. Hence, there is 
less fanaticism, fewer errorists, fewer ultraists, in an unlet¬ 
tered population on the frontier, than in an older community 
with greater literary advantages—every moment of its time 
absorbed by and devoted to business, with no leisure, and 
less inclination, to think for themselves. The thoughts of 


734 


POWER OF VIGOROUS THOUGHT 


the latter run in one channel, are directed to one subject, 
and often exhaust and master it — while the other com¬ 
prehend a wider range, and cover a greater area. The 
frontier mind grasps the public good, the institutions of 
the country, government, laws, theology, politics, medi¬ 
cine, every thing. This may create—it sometimes did 
create, an unamiable self-sufficiency ; a trait of charac¬ 
ter more excusable, however, than a blind subserviency to 
the dogmas of the schools or a fashionable public opinion. 
No one is the Magnus Apollo to the frontier man. He is 
the Magnus Apollo to himself. Nullius addictus jurare in 
verba magistri , is his motto. Free investigation, and inde¬ 
pendent thinking, were prominent characteristics of the bor¬ 
der settlements in Tennessee. There were men in the Con¬ 
ventions and Legislatures of Franklin, of the Territorial 
Government, and of Tennessee, who could not read ; and yet 
most, if not all of them, were men of strong mental pow¬ 
ers, great good sense, extensive, if not profound knowl¬ 
edge, and remarkable for their shrewdness and sagacity. 
Intellects not disciplined by books, routine instructions and 
scholastic rules ; but trained by the least imperfect teacher— 
a constant intercourse with man, and an examination into 
the relations arising from the condition of society. Go¬ 
vernor Blount, whose position and attainments gave him 
the most ample opportunity to form accurate opinions on 
this subject, felt no unwillingness to consult the least learned 
of the Territorial Assembly, as to the policy of his adminis¬ 
tration. “ That old man,” said he, “ is strong-minded, wise, 
and well-informed, if he can not read.” Another has said, 
speaking of the frontier man : “ He is silent in manner, em¬ 
barrassingly so at first, extremely accurate in his observa¬ 
tion of human nature, and any man that cannot bear to be 
scrutinized had better not come here. He judges much by 
the eye, and has a most enviable power of estimation ; your 
temperament, looks, speech and acts, are all taken in by 
him ; and if you can get a tablet of his judgment, you will 
find a remarkable daguerreotype of your exact worth writ¬ 
ten. They are phrenologists and physiognomists, not merely 
as philosophers, but as practical appliers of those inductive 


BY FRONTIER PEOPLE. 


735 


sciences ; and beneath a show of positive laziness or languor, 
there is an amount of energy and action, mental and physi¬ 
cal, perfectly surprising,” 

Oral instruction, as alluded to above, we do not coniine to 
one only, of its manifestations. Besides that, in the family or 
in the neighbourhood, was the Debating Club, the Forum, the 
Tribune, the Legislative Hall, and the Hustings. As all had 
the leisure, so no one lacked the disposition to avail himself 
of each of these agencies, to acquire information. Returning 
from them to his quiet cabin, the theme was there introduced, 
and the argument resumed by the frontier man and his sons. A 
searching analysis was there made of every position taken, 
and every argument offered ; and with unlettered logic, 
and with an original ratiocination, a judgment was attained 
upon the subject examined. Men educated in the schools, 
were then, as they still are, surprised at the amount of infor¬ 
mation, and the reasoning powers exhibited, in the humble 
dwellings of the obscurest neighbourhoods, upon subjects 
supposed to be beyond their reach. 

Moral education upon the frontier w r as conducted with lit¬ 
tle of the advantages which result from the institutions of 
religion and piety. The pulpit and the congregational orga¬ 
nizations which accompanied it, were wanting. This great 
deficit was, upon that account, supplied the more earnestly, 
by other instrumentalities. It created the necessity, more 
especially for the conscientious parent, to exercise the great 
moral power of the parental office, of the family and the 
family altar, the home and home influence; these were all 
brought to bear upon infancy and childhood, in their plastic 
forming state. As has been well remarked by another 
“ there is not a more gigantic moral* power committed to 
creatures upon earth, perhaps not in the Universe, than the 
power of the parent over the child, because it lies back of 
all other sources of influence. To the parents are committed 
the fresh materials, untouched by any human hand, out of 
which the whole physical, moral and intellectual character 
of the nation, is to be manufactured for good or for evil. 
Every parent, every home, is an educator for the country. 

* Rer. L. J. Halsej. 


736 


MORAL TRAINING AT THE FIRESIDE. 


Through his child, the parent has a channel of influence, an 
open door of communication with the world and with pos¬ 
terity, through which he is forming the character and shaping 
the destiny of his country.” This great duty became doubly 
imperative in the new settlements. The pulpit, the school- 
house, the press, were not there to divide with the parent, the 
fearful responsibility of. the moral training of the a young. He 
was the priest of his own household. The duty could not be 
transferred to another. The great lessons of truth, honour, 
probity, virtue, honesty, public spirit and self-reliance, were 
taught and inculcated at the fireside, with all the freshness 
of a personal interest, and with all the sanction, authority 
and affection of the parental relation. None could have as¬ 
sumed this duty with a higher propriety. They could be 
discharged by no others with greater fidelity or success. 

The enumeration of the traits of character which belonged 
to frontier life might be much enlarged. We should like to 
dwell here a little upon the enthusiasm, vivacity, shrewd¬ 
ness and self-respect of the Tennessee frontier man, but we 
can only mention two others. An unostentatious hospitality 
characterizes the backwoodsmen. It begins in the wilderness 
where a fellow huntsman has lost a butcher knife. His less 
unfortunate comrade breaks his own in two, and gives the 
one half to the other. Has one lost his ammunition? the 
other cuts his bar of lead, and divides it and his remaining 
powder, with his companion, before they separate. Emi¬ 
grant families, on their way through the wilderness, intro¬ 
duced and practised this considerate regard for the conve¬ 
nience of others. The last duty, at breaking up camp, when 
setting out on a day’s journey, was carefully to cover over 
the coals and chumps of burning wood, remaining of their 
camp fire, that those succeeding them the following eve¬ 
ning, at the same spring or water course, might have the 
facility of starting a fire, without delay, on their arrival at 
it. In inclement weather, this was a kindness which none 
but emigrants can duly appreciate. Does the settler de¬ 
scry from his cabin door a stranger riding near it ? He 
goes to meet him, asks him to come in and spend a night. 
The family makes him welcome, attends to all his wants, an- 


CHARACTER AND STATE PRIDE OF TIIE TENNESSEAN. 


737 


ticipates what may add to his comfort, and never allows him 
to depart without exacting a promise that he will come again 
and stay a week* on his return. Does a neighbour casually 
approach his door ? lie is not allowed to go further till he 
alights, partakes of some refreshments, and becomes ac¬ 
quainted with the inmates of the humble household. Is a 
neighbour sick—are his fields in consequence unworked, and 
likely to furnish no crop ? A day is set, the neighbours as¬ 
semble, distribute the work amongst themselves, plough and 
hoe the corn, gather his harvest, haul his wood, send a mes¬ 
senger for the physician, and day and night administer to his 
necessities, and soothe his sufferings and watch around his 
sick couch. Oh, such sympathy and kindness is itself cura¬ 
tive and remedial and makes us think better of ourselves 
and of unsophisticated and artless human nature ! It is an 
Oasis in the desert, a green spot in the contemplation of early 
times in Tennessee, which it is delightful to witness and re¬ 
member. Growth, and progress, and art, have, in some places, 
obliterated these beautiful and amiable features of our earlier 
society ; enough still remains, to excite a regret that they are 
less general, and less appreciated than in the infancy of the 
country. 

Another trait, and the last we can mention in the charac¬ 
ter of the frontier man, is his lofty State pride. This is not 
a sentiment only; with him it became a passion. The Ten¬ 
nessee pioneer can be exceeded by none in fondness for and 
admiration of his own country. His valour acquired—his 
enterprise subdued it. It has become the idol of his heart, 
the home of plenty, of quiet and security. Its greatness 
excites his admiration, its beauty his pride, its character his 
enthusiasm; its unstained escutcheon is the theme of his 
boast and glory. If he leaves the hills and plains, the moun¬ 
tains and valleys, and rivers of his own country, like the 
Swiss, he remembers them with affection and a melancholy 
pleasure. In all his wanderings, in success and in triumph 
alike, as in solitude and disaster, his thoughts are turned 
con upon Tennessee and his early home—he invokes 

a fc upon the Fatherland, and heaves the sigh of re- 

gre ie left it, and cannot be interred beneath its soil. 

47 





APPENDIX. 


e 



Names and date of erection of the Counties in the State of Tennessee , 


and by what authority erected, and remarks. 


NAMES. 

DATE. 

BY WHAT AUTHORITY. 

REMARKS. 

Washington, 

Nov., 

1777. 

North-Carolina. 

Taken off Wilkes and Burke 

Sullivan, 

October, 1779. 

«c it 

counties, N. C. 

Off Washington. 

Greene, 

April, 

1783. 

it 44 

Off Washington.- 

Davidson, 

April, 

1783. 

14 « 

Off Greene ; or, rather, off' 

Sumner, 

Nov., 

1786. 

it it 

part of Greene. 

Off East end of Davidson— 

Hawkins, 

Nov., 

1786. 

44 44 

that is E. of Stone’s river. 
Off Sullivan. 

Tennessee, 

Nov., 

1788. 

n a 

Off Davidson : this county, 

Jefferson, 

June 11, 1792. 

By Ordinance of ) 

when the State of Tennes¬ 
see was named, gave up 
its name. These seven 
counties were erected prior 
to the cession, in 1789, by 
N. Carolina, of her western 
territory. 

Off Greene and Hawkins. 

Knox, 

June 11, 1792. 

the Governor. ) 

Off Greene and Hawkins. 

Knox, extended, 
Sevier, 

1798. 
Sept. 27,1794. 

By Tenn. Assembly. 
Territorial Assembly. 

Taken off Jefferson. 

Blount, 

July, 

1795. 

it ii 

Off Knox—these were the 

Carter, 

April, 

1796. 

Tennessee Assembly. 

only two counties erected 
by the Territorial Assem¬ 
bly, the several other coun¬ 
ties of the State were 
erected by the Legislature 
of Tennessee. 

Taken oft'Washington. 

Grainger, 

April, 

1796. 

n a 

Off Hawkins and Knox. 

Montgomery, 

April, 

1796. 

«< « 

Formed out of part of Ten- 

Robertson, 

April, 

1796. 

it 44 

nessee county. 

ti (C ft 

Cocke, 

October, 1797. 

44 it 

Taken off Jefferson. 

Smith, 

October, 1799. 

it it 

Off Sumner. 

Wilson, 

October, 1799. 

a » 

Off Sumner. 

Williamson, 

October, 1799. 

it it 

Off Davidson. 














740 


APPENDIX. 


BOUNDARIES OF COUNTIES. 

Washington County was laid off Nov., 1777, with the following 
boundaries: Beginning at the north-westwardly point of the County 
of Wilkes, in the Virginia line; thence, with the line of Wilkes County, 
to a point twenty-six miles south of the Virginia line; thence, due west 
to the ridge of the Great Iron Mountain, which, heretofore, divided the 
hunting-grounds of the Overhill Cherokees, from those of the Middle 
Settlements and Vallies; thence, running a southwardly course along 
the said ridge, to the Uneca Mountain, where the trading-path crosses 
the same, from the Valley to the Overhills; thence, south, with the 
line of this State adjoining the State of South-Carolina; thence, due 
west to the great River Mississippi; thence, up the same river to a 
point due west from the beginning. 

Sullivan County is made to begin on the Steep Rock; thence, along 
the dividing ridge that separates the waters of the Great Kenhawa and 
Tennessee (?) to the head of Indian Creek; thence, along the ridge that 
divides the waters of Holston and Watauga; thence, a direct line to the 
highest part of the Chimney-Top Mountain, at the Indian boundary. 
Sullivan County is that part of Washington, which lately was north 
of this line. 

The line dividing Washington from Greene, began at William Wil¬ 
liams’s, in the fork of Horse Creek, at the foot of the Iron Mountain; 
thence, a direct course to George Gillespie’s house, at or near the 
mouth of Big Limestone; thence, a north course to the line which 
divides the Counties of Washington and Sullivan; thence, with the 
said line to the Chimney-Top Mountain ; thence, a direct course to the 
mouth of Cloud’s Creek, on Holston River. That part of Washington 
which lay to the west of this line, was, thenceforward, to be the County 
of Greene. 

Davidson County. —The boundaries of Davidson county were as fol¬ 
low: Beginning on the top of Cumberland Mountain, where the 
Virginia line crosses it; extending westwardly along said line to the 
Tennessee River; thence, up said river to the mouth of Duck River; 
thence, up Duck River, to where the line of marked trees run by the 
Commissioners for laying off the land granted to the Continental line of 
North-Carolina intersects said river, which said line is supposed to be 
in thirty-five degrees, fifty minutes, north latitude; thence, east, along 
said line to the top of Cumberland Mountain; thence, northwardly, 
along said line to the beginning. 

Sumner County. —The line of division began where the county line 
crosses the west fork of Stone’s River ; thence, a direct line to the mouth 
of Drake’s Lick Creek; thence, down Cumberland River to the mouth 
'■'f Kasper’s Creek ; thence, up said creek to the head of the War Trace 
~ork: thence, a northwardly course to the Virginia line, at a point 
that will leave Red River Old Station one mile to the east. That part 
of Davidson County that lay east of this line, was to belong to Sum¬ 
ner County. 


APPENDIX. 


741 


V 


Hawkins County was formed by dividing Sullivan. The divisional 
line began where the boundary line between Virginia and North-Caro- 
lina crosses the North Fork of Holston ; thence, down said fork to its 
junction with the main Holston; thence, across said river, due south, 
to the top of Bay’s Mountain; thence, along the top of said mountain 
to the top of the dividing ridge between the waters of the Holston 
and French Broad, to its junction with Holston River; thence, down 
the said River Holston to its junction with the Tennessee ; thence, down 
the same to the Suck, where said river runs through the Cumberland 
Mountain ; thence, along the top of said mountain to the aforesaid 
boundary line, and thence along said line to the beginning. All that 
part of the territory lying west of the north fork of Holston, was erected 
into the county of Hawkins. 

Tennessee County .—Beginning on the Virginia line ; thence, south, 
along Sumner County to the dividing ridge between Cumberland River 
and Red River; thence, westwardly, along said ridge to the head of 
the main south branch of Sycamore Creek ; thence, down the said 
branch to the mouth thereof; thence, due south across Cumberland' 
River to Davidson County line. All that part of Davidson County, 
west of this line, was erected into a county called Tennessee. 

Jefferson County. —The line follows. Beginning on Nollichucky 
River at the place where the ridge, which divides the waters of Bent 
and Lick Creek, strikes it; thence, with that ridge to Bull’s Gap of 
Bay’s Mountain; thence, a direct line to the place where the road 
that leads from Dodson’s Ford to Perkin’s Iron Works, crosses the 
watery fork of Bent Creek; thence, down that road to the head of 
Panther Creek ; down the meanders of that creek to the River Hol¬ 
ston : thence, a north-west course to the River Clinch. Again : from 
Nollichucky River, where the ridge that divides the waters of Bent and 
Lick Creek strikes it, a direct course to Peter Fine’s Ferry, on French 
Broad; thence, south, to the ridge that divides the waters of French 
Broad and Big Pigeon, and, with said ridge, to the eastern boundary of 
the territory. Southward and westward of the line thus described, 
two new counties were to be established. The one, Jefferson County, 
to be butted and bounded by the above line, from the eastern boundary 
of the territory, to the River Holston, and down that stream to the 
. mouth of Creswell’s Mill Creek ; thence, a direct line to the mouth of 
Dumplin Creek, on French Broad ; thence, up the meanders of French 
Broad, to the mouth of Boyd’s Creek ; thence, south, twenty-five de¬ 
grees east, to the ridge which divides the waters of Little Pigeon and 
Boyd’s Creek ; and, with the said ridge, to the Indian boundary, or the 
eastern bounding of the territory, as the case may be, and by the east¬ 
ern boundary. 

Knox County. —The other county, Knox, to be butted and bound¬ 
ed by the lines of Jefferson county, from the mouth of Creswell’s 
Mill Creek, to the eastern boundary of the territory, or the Indian boun a 
dary, as the case may be. Again : from the mouth of the said Creeky 
up the meanders of the River Holston, to the mouth of Panther Creek ; 
thence, north-west, to the River Clinch ; thence, by the River Clinch 
to the place where the line that shall cross Holston at tfie ridge that 


742 


APPENDIX. 


divides the waters of Little River and Tennessee, according to the treaty 
of Holston, shall strike it, and by that line. 

Extension of Limits of Knox County. —In consequence of the ces¬ 
sion of Cherokee lands at the Tellico Treaty, the Knox county line was 
extended from the end of Clinch Mountain “a north-west course to 
Clinch River ; down that river, opposite the end of the Cross Moun¬ 
tain ; thence, with said mountain, to the Indian boundary at Cumber¬ 
land Mountain, and with the Cumberland Mountain, agreeable to the 
Treaty of Tellico, to Emery’s River; thence, down its meanders to the 
River Clinch, and down the same to the point where the line of the 
said treaty strikes it, and with that line to the Tennessee ; thence, up 
the meanders of the same to the point formed by the junction of the 
Holston therewith; thence, up the meanders of the Holston, on the 
south side, to the mouth of Little River. 

Sevier County. —Beginning on the eastern boundary of this terri¬ 
tory ; from thence, a direct line to the ridge that divides the waters 
of Little from the -waters of Big Pigeon; thence, along the same to 
the head of Muddy Creek ; thence, a direct line to the lower end of an 
island in French Broad River, formerly known by the name of Hub- 
bert’s Island ; thence, a direct line to the mouth of Creswell’s Mill 
Creek ; thence, with the Knox County line to the top of Bay’s Moun¬ 
tain ; thence, along the said mountain, to where the French Broad runs 
through the same; thence, along the said mountain, and with the ex¬ 
treme height thereof, to the place where the ridge dividing the waters 
of French Broad from those of Little River, intersects the same ; thence, 
with said ridge to the Pigeon Mountain ; thence, along said mountain 
to the Indian boundary, and with the same to the eastom boundary of 
the territory; thence, to the beginning. 

Blount County. —The line began on the south side of the River 
Holston, at the mouth of Little River; thence, up its meanders, on the 
south side, to the mouth of Stock Creek ; thence, up its meanders, on 
the south side, to the head of Nicholas Bartlett’s mill-pond, at high water; 
thence, a direct line to the top of Bay’s Mountain, leaving the house of 
James Willis to the right, within forty rods of the same line ; thence, 
along Bay’s Mountain, to the line of Sevier County ; thence, with that 
line, to the eastern boundary of the territory; thence, southwardly, to 
the line of the Indian boundary, according to the Treaty of Holston, . 
and with that line, to the River Holston, and up its meanders, on the 
south side, to the beginning. 

Carter County. —Beginning on the North-Carolina line, at a point 
from which a line, to be drawn due north, will strike the house of 
George Haines; thence, the nearest direction to the top of Buffalo 
Mountain; thence, along the heights of the said mountain, to the high 
knob on the same, near the north end thereof; thence, a direct line to 
the house where Jonathan Tipton, Jr., now lives, leaving said house in 
Washington County ; thence, a direct line, to the south bank of AVa- 
tauga River, at Jeremiah Dugan’s Ford ; thence, due north, to the Sulli¬ 
van line. All the territory, east of this boundary, was established as 
Carter County. 

Grainger County. —Beginning on the Main Road, leading from Bull’s 


APPENDIX. 


743 


Gap to Haine’s iron works, on Mossy Creek, at the house of Felps 
Read ; running a direct course to the Kentucky road, on the north side 
of Holston River: thence, north, fifty degrees west, to the Virginia 
line ; thence, west, with said line, to a point north-west of the end of 
Clinch Mountain ; thence, a direct course, to the end of Clinch Moun¬ 
tain ; thence, with the ridge that divides the waters of Richland and 
Flat Creek, to Holston River, at the upper end of the first bluff above 
Boyle’s old place ; thence, up the meanders of the river to the mouth 
of Panther Creek ; thence, up said creek to the head spring thereof, 
near the house of John Evans; thence, along the main wagon road, to 
the beginning. 

Montgomery and Robertson Counties were formed out of Tennessee 
County, by a line beginning at the upper end of the first bluff, above 
James McFarlin’s, on Red River, near Allen’s cabins; running from 
thence, a direct course to the Sulphur Fork, a quarter of a mile below 
Elias’s Forts; thence, up the creek, as it meanders to the mouth of 
Brush Creek ; thence, up the same, as it meanders to the head ; thence, 
a direct course to the Davidson County line, at the mouth of Sycamore 
Creek ; thence, with the Davidson line, up said creek, to the Sumner 
County line; thence, with the extreme height of the dividing ridge, 
eastwardly, to the Kentucky road, leading from Nashville ; thence, 
northwardly, with said road, to the Kentucky State line ; thence, west, 
with said line, to such place as a south-east course, leaving Joseph 
French in the lower county, will strike the beginning. Within this 
boundary was established the new County of Robertson. The remain¬ 
ing part of Tennessee County was to become a separate county, by the 
name of Montgomery. 

Cocke County. —Beginning on the North-Carolina boundary, on the 
south side of French Broad River, one mile from said river; thence, 
down the river, one mile, to where it intersects the line of Greene 
County ; thence, with that line, to Nollichucky River, a small distance 
below Captain William White’s house; thence, down the said river, to 
French Broad, leaving all the islands to Jefferson County ; thence, down 
French Broad, in the same manner, to the bent of said river, opposite 
Colonel Parmenas Taylor’s ; and, from thence, a direct line, to the top 
of English’s Mountain, within one mile of Sevier County line ; thence, 
parallel with that line, to the uppermost house on Cozby’s Creek; and, 
from thence, an easterly line, to a point on the boundary line of North- 
Carolina, as to leave six hundred and twenty-five square miles in Jeffer¬ 
son County ; and, from thence, with the North-Carolina line, to the 
beginning. 

Smith County. —Beginning upon the south bank of Cumberland 
River, at the south end of the eastern boundary of Sumner County ; 
thence, north, with the said eastern boundary, to the northern boun¬ 
dary of the State; and, with the said boundary, east, to where it is 
intersected by the Cherokee boundary ; thence, with that boundary, to 
the Cany Fork of Cumberland River; thence, with said fork, according 
to its meanders, to the mouth thereof; thence, down the south bank of 
Cumberland River, according to its meanders, to the beginning. 

Wilson County. —Beginning upon the south bank of the River 


t 


/ 


744 


APPENDIX. 


Cumberland, at low water mark, at the mouth of Drake’s Lick Branch, 
the north-eastern corner of Davidson County; thence, with the line of 
Davidson County, to the Cherokee boundary, and, with said boundary, 
to the Cany Fork ; and, down the Cany Fork, according to its mean¬ 
ders, to the mouth thereof; thence, down the*meauders of Cumberland 
River, by the south bank, to the beginning, 

Williamson County .—Beginning at a point forty poles due north of 
the dwelling-house of Thomas McCrory, on the waters of Little Har- 
peth ; running, thence, east, two miles and one hundred and four poles; 
thence, south, seventy degrees, east, sixteen miles and two hundred and 
seventy poles ; thence, due east sixteen miles and two hundred and 
seventy poles ; thence, due south to the Indian boundary ; thence, with 
said line, westwardly, to the Robertson County line; thence, with that 
line, north, to a point due west from the mouth of Little Harpeth; 
thence, a direct line to a point on South Harpeth, south-west from the 
mouth of said Little Harpeth; thence, north-east, to the mouth of said 
little Harpeth; thence, a direct line to the beginning. 














LIBRARY OF 


CONGRESS 









































